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pp. 5—9, 15—18, vol. i. Minutes, we find no trace of any question of the kind. It could not have been ventured upon then, and there is no reason why it should be ventured upon now but the want of ordinary moral courage, and care for principles and knowledge of what is at stake on the part of Churchmen, which are so marked features of our times.
The "Conscience Clause" question is not then a money question, except accidentally, but a great question of principle. It saves money it is true; but that is not the main point, though it supplied the opportunity. It introduces the secular system into the parish schools of the Church of England.
There is another thing naturally to be asked. What on earth is Church or State to gain by it? I say nothing, except a loss. Things must be measured by what they cost. Now a "Conscience Clause" school gets some money, in exchange for Church principles. The price, I submit, is too high. It gets a greater number of children perhaps, though I don't believe that this would often be the case, in exchange for its duty in teaching, and its power to teach. The price is again, I submit, too high. What is a Dissenter to gain by it? "Secular Education" for his child In a Church school.
What is lost by "Conscience Clause?" A man accepting it brings himself under the permanent control of a body who have shown that they will not allow contracts and compacts and vested interests and Church principles to stand in the way of pushing onward their darling project—a body which has managed to break up the co-operation between Church and State in respect of school teaching. Here then are two things lost—the confidence which is begotten of, and begets, security, and the cordial co-operation of Church and State. There is another thing lost by it—the general building of schools is much impeded by it; poor localities especially are in all ways the sufferers by it.
There is yet another question. Who is pleased with "Conscience Clause?" The pleasure, such as it is, is confined to two
