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Church to defend herself, and the parish school is sacrificed for ever.
Whatever we do let us avoid two things: first, the making a show of what is called "liberality" in these "last days" which we have no expectation will produce any draughts upon us; and second, the compromising principles, which we are sworn to keep intact by any act of ours, for what is called expediency in these "last days." Now, expediency belongs to things indifferent in both ways. These may be either expedient or inexpedient. But to principles it belongs only in one way: these are always expedient, never inexpedient.
There is one state of things, and one only, which would have in some sort justified the Civil Power—or those who are supposed to represent it in the matter—in inflicting a "Conscience Clause" upon Parish Schools. But this state of things has had no existence, has no existence, and will have no existence. What I mean is this. If the Church had demurred in a country like ours to the making of grants to the Sects in aid of their Schools, there would have been some ground for saying—If you won't hear of our helping other Schools than your own, you cannot be surprised if we decline to help you except on condition of your admitting into your Schools the children of the Sects.
But not only has the Church never so demurred nor ever will demur, not only has she never made any complaint about grants to the Sects, but she has been and is willing and active in doing her missionary office in educating the children of the Sects, in such manner as is compatible with her own principles and her Divine trust.
I will never believe, till I see it done, that this House, knowing what is at stake; knowing that the real question at issue is, not at all what some strive to make it, but the question between Religious and Secular education in the Parish Schools of the Church of England;—I will never believe that the House will so much as hesitate to declare its unqualified condemnation of the "Conscience Clause."
