the papers of Baltimore, which have given us positions as space writers. Other cities have done likewise, among them Lynchburg and Petersburg. But none of the large, influential Southern papers, such as The Constitution and The News and Courier, have as yet accepted us as contributors. It is true, that news items relating to some demonstration, such as a commencement, etc., are received occasionally.
It is for this reason, as much as any other, that the white man in the South does not really understand our true development. He does not read our race papers, and thus learn of our advancement, nor does he get the information from his own papers. He never goes into an Afro-American church or attends our literary entertainments, nor does he witness our home-life; therefore, he is left to conclude that all black people are like those he sees frequently arraigned before the magistrates and mayors of the town.
In many of the papers nothing is seen about the Afro-American, save his record in some court. Such is not the case in all cities, but it is in the majority of them. The Afro-American certainly knows more about his race than any one else, and for the more conservative Southern papers to give them recognition would go a long way in producing a just and fair opinion of us as a race.
After discussing the position of the white press, both as to section and its attitude toward the Afro-American press and people, it seems as though it must be very generally admitted that the greatness of America, and her continued development depend upon the unity of the press and the pulpit. In this fight, the cardinal points must certainly be unity of purpose and design. Our prejudiced friends should remember that the Afro-American is surely an important part of the nation, and that so long as the desire to keep him back gets the better of their desire for the country's progress, so long will the country, especially the South, be kept back. "In union
