562 PIUS (POPES) speedy overthrow of monarchy and ecclesias- ticism. In October Mazzini published at Paris a manifesto containing the detailed programme of the vehement and systematic agitation kept up thenceforward in all the cities of Italy, aim- ing at nothing short of a national constituent assembly and a united Italian republic without pope or state religion. Just then riots occurred in the Papal States in consequence of a scarce harvest, and republican risings and demon- strations on the Mazzinian plan took place. In December there was a calamitous inunda- tion of the Tiber and great suffering in Rome, especially among the Jewish population. These misfortunes were attributed by the clubs to the oppression or improvidence of priestly rule ; and Massimo d'Azeglio, representing the Piedmontese party, argued in the same way. The pope continued his reforms through 184V. On March 12 he published a law relaxing the censorship of the press and granting the right of assembling in public. At the same time he encouraged the establishment of the Contem- poraneo, a journal in the moderate liberal in- terest ; but with this sprang up a number of extreme and violent radical papers. Mean- while also the noisy demonstrations in favor of the pope became more frequent and formida- ble. The genuine enthusiasm of the Romans, following the publication of the amnesty, was now a mighty force held in control by the rev- olutionists. Pius IX. was heard to say that he resembled a child who, by repeating a magic formula learned from a necromancer, had evoked an evil spirit, but, having never learned the spell to lay the fiend, could no longer be rid of him. On April 19 he officially an- nounced that he granted a consulta or high council composed of deputies from each prov- ince, whose functions were to be simply advi- sory. With the obsequies performed at Rome in May in honor of O'Connell, and the public festivities proposed to be held in June and July to commemorate the pope's election and the amnesty, came turbulent demands for ad- ministrative and political changes. There were assassinations in the Romagna, and republican risings at Faenza and Cesena. Petitions also came pouring in for the organization of a civic guard, in consequence of the threatening atti- tude openly assumed toward the pope by Aus- tria. On July 6 Pius decreed the formation of a civic guard in Rome, despite the remon- strances of Cardinal Gizzi, who resigned and flatly accused him of irresolution and weak- ness. On the 10th he was succeeded by Car- dinal Ferretti, a man of liberal temper, very moderate ability, and no experience. A rumor suddenly arose that a conspiracy, favored by Austria, had been formed to carry off the pope and establish a reign of military repression in the Papal States. For two days and nights all Rome was filled by an armed mob, in whose presence the government was utterly paralyzed. On the 17th an Austrian force occupied Ferra- ra ; and while the entire population was arming, the pontifical government protested, and was supported by France and England. The pope, deeming this emergency a fit occasion for ma- king the first step toward a confederation of the Italian states, sent Monsignore Corboli- Bussi to the courts of Italy to propose a cus- toms union as a preliminary to a political league. This negotiation, favorably received in the courts of Naples and Florence, and much encouraged by Gioberti and other Piedmontese statesmen, found no favor with the king of Sardinia. It kept alive the hopes entertained by Pius IX. till the opening of the consulta, Nov. 15. His first regular ministry, composed exclusively of ecclesiastics, had been appointed in June. The consulta immediately demand- ed a secularized administration, the freedom of the press, the emancipation of the Jews, and the suppression of the Jesuits ; and these demands vere backed both by the liberal and the radical press, as well as by excited popular demonstrations. The popularity of the pope, in foreign countries at least, had suffered no decrease till then ; New York in December voted him an address of grateful sympathy and encouragement. But his gov- ernment was drifting, amid extreme and pow- erful adverse currents, toward a fatal gulf. Risings took place in the north and south of Italy toward the end of the year. Rome and the Papal States were all ablaze, and after the revolution in France in February, 1848, the ascendancy of the republican party became irresistible. No concession that the pope could possibly make would satisfy the clubs. Car- dinal Ferretti had resigned on Feb. V, and a responsible ministry was formed, partly com- posed of laymen, while the consulta demanded the exclusion from office of all but laymen. On March 6 the Roman municipality waited on the pope and obtained the promise of a liber- al constitution, with elective chambers vested with ordinary parliamentary powers. The promise scarcely allayed the excitement of the masses led by Sterbini and Galletti, for it was known that the commission appointed to draw up the constitution contained not one lay mem- ber. When it was promulgated, March 14, this charter or "fundamental statute" was seen by all acquainted with parliamentary in- stitutions to contain irreconcilable elements. First in order of dignity was the college of cardinals, which was irresponsible and delib- erated in secret consistory; next was a coun- cil of state appointed by the pope, whose province it was to frame laws and advise the sovereign on all weighty political questions. Then came the parliament proper, formed of two chambers: the upper chamber composed of members nominated for life by the sovereign, and the chamber of deputies composed of mem- bers elected on the basis of one deputy for every constituency of 30,000 souls. In legisla- tion the initiative belonged to the ministers, but a bill might be introduced by any deputy on the demand of ten of his colleagues. The
