Page:The Bohemian Review, vol2, 1918.djvu/77

From Wikisource
Jump to navigation Jump to search
This page has been validated.
THE BOHEMIAN REVIEW
67

There is no doubt that all the Slavs in America will join the Bohemians and Slovaks in honoring Thomas G. Masaryk. We believe that all in the United States, the people and the government will do likewise. For Masaryk is undoubtedly one of the greatest men of these great days. He has rendered extremely valuable services to the cause of democracy by his unparalleled knowledge of the Austrian and German political, social and economic situation; and now, after a year's sojourn in Russia there is no man more competent to advise the Allies how to handle the difficult Russian situation.

Welcome to the chief of the Bohemian Revolution.

Austria’s Desperate Situation.

No one need envy Emperor Charles his exalted position. Uneasy lies the head that wears the crown, especially when the crown shows an inclination to roll off. The simple fact is that poor Charles is between the devil and the deep sea. Unless he can manage to pull out of the war very shortly, his increasingly desperate subjects will overturn his throne and treat him, as the Russians treated the Czar. But when he tries to satisfy them, he gets at once into trouble with his great and good friend William who, as everybody knows, will stand for no nonsense. Poor Charles had to expel his Bourbon mother-in-law; he may soon be ordered to send away his wife.

Internal dissatisfaction and external dangers increase every day. Among the rebellious peoples of Austria-Hungary the Czechs according to their wont still play the principal part. The Vienna Reichstrat was prorogued early in March, as soon as Von Seidler got his budget approved. With the help of most of the Poles and of the German social democrats the premier succeeded in getting his money grants. But it was a sorry victory. The budget was approved by a vote which was 18 short of the majority of the full parliament, and the new loan squeezed through by a vote which was 55 short of a full majority. With the adjournment of the parliament the political struggle was transferred to the provinces.

March 10 a convention was held in Prague of all the Slav races of Austria. There were present, besides the Czechs, representatives of student organizations of Slovenes, Croatians and Poles. There was even a delegate for Polish students from the former Russian Poland. The Czech Deputies’ Club was officially represented. Resolutions were adopted amid stormy applause for Czechoslovak, Jugoslav and Polish independence and for a united campaign on behalf of all three branches of Western Slavs. About the same time the City Council of Prague approved the Declaration of the Prague Constituent Assembly of January 6, and other cities of Bohemia and Moravia, as well as district councils and meetings of village mayors endorsed the bold stand of Czech deputies for full right of self-determination.

The weakness of the Austrian government under these “treasonable” attacks has been almost incredible. Whereas during the first two years of the war whole sale executions were the order of the day and newspapers could print only what the censor was pleased to approve, in 1918 the ministers of Emperor Charles dared not go further than threats. Premier Seidler warned the Czechs most solemnly in January that the government would repress sternly their treason, but nothing happened. Then Count Czernin shortly before his fall made an inflammatory speech to the City Council of Vienna in which he placed the failure of his attempts to bring peace to the hungry peoples of the monarchy on the Czech rebels, especially Professor Masaryk. As a reply to Czernin a second general convention of all Czech deputies met in Prague on April 13. Deputy Staněk presided, and Alois Jirásek, the greatest living Bohemian novelist, was the principal orator. The convention repudiated the charge that the Czechs were responsible for the continuation of the war and laid the blame on the Germans and Magyars who would not concede to the Slav subjects of the Hapsburgs the right to determine their allegiance. For the Jugoslavs, Deputy Tresich Pavicich declared their absolute solidarity with Czechoslovaks in the fight for independence. Upon that occasion the people of Prague paraded the streets denouncing the Germans and cheering openly for