that for the basest of purposes,—for the sake of money;
they wanted the name of it, the reputation of kidnapping
a man. They protected the kidnappers,—foreign and domestic; egged them on, feasted them. It has been said
that fifteen hundred men volunteered to escort their victim out of the State; that some of them are rich men. I think the majority of the middle class of men were in
favour of freedom; but, in Boston, what is a man without
money? and, if he has money, who cares how base his
character may be? You demand moral character only of
a clergyman. Some of the richest men were strongly in
favour of freedom; but, alas! not many, and for the most
part they were silent.
The city government of that period I do not like to speak of. It offers to a man, as cool as I am, a temptation to use language which a gentleman does not wish to apply to any descendant of the human race. But that government, encouraging its thousand and five hundred illegal groggeries, and pretending a zeal for law, was for kidnapping a man; so the police-force of the city was unlawfully put to that work; soldiers were called out; the money of the city flowed freely, and its rum. I do not suppose that the kidnapping was at all disagreeable to the "conscience" of the city government; they seemed to like it, and the consequences thereof.
The prominent clergy of Boston were on the same side. The dollar demanded that; and whither it went, thither went they. "Like people, like priest," was a proverb two thousand five hundred years ago, and is likely to hold its edge for a long time to come. Still there were some very noble men among the ministers of Boston: we found them in all denominations.
Then the courts of Massachusetts refused to issue the writ of Habeas Corpus. They did not afford the smallest protection to the poor victim of Southern tyranny. Not a sheriff could be got to serve a writ; the high sheriff refused, all his deputies held back. Who could expect them to do their duty when all else failed?
The Legislature was then in session. They sat from January till May. They knew that eight thousand nine hundred and seventy-five citizens of Massachusetts had no protection but public opinion, and in Boston that opinion
