prayer for the Queen and the estates of the realm, which omits any special petition for the individual lord such as we have reason to believe the protected players used.[1] The texts are much better than the later texts based upon acting copies. The stage-directions read like the work of authors rather than of book-keepers, notably in the use of 'out' rather than of 'in' to indicate exits, and in the occasional insertion both of hints for 'business' and of explanatory comments aimed at a reader rather than an actor.[2] It should be added that this type of play begins to disappear at the point when the growing Calvinist spirit led to a sharp breach between the ministry and the stage, and discredited even moral play-writing amongst divines. The latest morals, of which there are some even during the second period of play-publication, have much more the look of rather antiquated survivals from working repertories.[3] The 'May-game' of
- [Footnote: which has 'Eleauen may easily acte this comedie', and a division of parts
accordingly. There are pre-Elizabethan precedents, while Jack Juggler is 'for Chyldren to playe', the songs in Ralph Roister-Doister are for 'those which shall vse this Comedie or Enterlude', and The Four Elements has directions for reducing the time of playing at need from an hour and a half to three-quarters of an hour, and the note 'Also yf ye lyst ye may brynge in a dysgysynge'. Similarly Robin Hood is 'for to be played in Maye games'. That books were in fact bought to act from is shown by entries in the accounts of Holy Trinity, Bungay, for 1558 of 4d. for 'the interlude and game booke' and 2s. for 'writing the partes' (M. S. ii. 343). A book costing only 4d. must clearly have been a print.]*
- ↑ There are prayers in All for Money, Apius and Virginia, Common Conditions, Damon and Pythias, Disobedient Child (headed 'The Players . . . kneele downe'), King Darius, Like Will to Like, Longer Thou Livest, New Custom, Trial of Treasure (epilogue headed 'Praie for all estates'). Mary Magdalen and Tide Tarrieth for No Man substitute a mere expression of piety. I do not agree with Fleay, 57, that such prayers are evidence of Court performance. The reverence and epilogue to the Queen in the belated moral of Liberality and Prodigality (1602), 1314, is different in tone. The Pedlar's Prophecy, also belated as regards date of print, adds to the usual prayer for Queen and council 'And that honorable T. N. &c. of N. chiefly: Whom as our good Lord and maister, found we haue'. No doubt any strolling company purchasing the play would fill up the blanks to meet their own case. Probably both the Queen and estates and the 'lord' of a company were prayed for, whether present or absent, so long as the custom lasted; cf. ch. x, p. 311; ch. xviii, p. 550.
- ↑ Cf. e. g. Mary Magdalen (which refers on the title-page to those who 'heare or read the same'), 56, 1479, 1743; Like Will to Like, sig. C, 'He . . . speaketh the rest as stammering as may be', C ij, 'Haunce sitteth in the chaire, and snorteth as though he were fast a sleep', E ij^v, 'Nichol Newfangle lieth on the ground groning', &c., &c.
- ↑ Three Ladies of London (1584), Three Lords and Three Ladies of London (1590), Pedlar's Prophecy (1595), Contention of Liberality and Prodigality (1602). Lingua (1607) is a piece of academic archaism. I cannot believe that the manuscript fragment of Love Feigned and Unfeigned belongs to
