lation, and to take the working of the Factory Acts as my illustration, as the most complete exhibition that could be desired of the vice of the principle of Meddling Legislation, and the social mischiefs caused by its injustice and impracticableness. I did not then even know of the existence of your Association: and I mention these facts to obviate all pretext for the charge that my article was in any way instigated by any factory occupiers. What instigation there was was supplied by Mr. Horner, whose views it appeared to me highly necessary to controvert, for the sake at once of employers and employed, and indeed of all who live under the laws of England.
I mentioned my desire to obtain the facts on both sides of the question to a member of your Association who visited me soon after; and it was from Mr. Horner's Report thus obtained that I first learned the origin, date, and circumstances of your Association. What I now send you is so far from being a brief held for the Association, that it was your adversary who first put it into my head to write the article; and it was his side of the question that I read before I looked at yours.
I proposed my article to the editor of the "Westminister Review," and the proposal was accepted. From the MS., however, he started back. In regard to the doctrine, he agrees with me, he declares, entirely; but he disapproves the manner in which I have treated the sayings and doings of Mr. Horner,
