were declared to be violated. On the other hand, Washington asserted as part of his prerogative, the exclusive power of the Ex ecutive and Senate to negotiate treaties with foreign nations. The question was new; there was nothing to go by but a general consider ation of the nature of the executive function. It was most interesting, for nothing could be more important than the method of inter course of the nation with foreign powers. The Virginia Senators had voted against ratification. A resolution was introduced in the Legislature, approving their action and assailing the administration with great vio lence. The debate was protracted and acri monious. Marshall opposed the resolution, but the tide was too strong, and he gave up hope of stemming it. With many misgivings he undertook an extreme measure. A public meeting was called in Richmond, of which in a letter to Hamilton, he says that it "was more numerous than I have ever seen at this place; and after a very ardent and zealous discussion which consumed a day, a decided majority declared in favor of a resolution that the welfare and honor of the nation re quired us to give full effect to the treaty ne gotiated with Great Britain." He addressed the meeting in one of the greatest speeches ever delivered in that beautiful capítol, where eloquence seemed to abide as once it had in Athens and in Rome. The question was then returned to the floor of the House, where he met the constitutional objections in a memorable oration of which those who heard it, said that "it was an admirable display of the finest powers of reasoning, accompanied by an exhibition of the fullest knowledge and comprehension of the history and scope of the Constitution and of the public interests affected by the treaty." The resolution ar raigning the Administration gave way to an other which did not "touch the constitutional or commercial objections to the treaty, but expressed the highest sense of the integrity, patriotism and wisdom of the President of the United States, and declared that in ap proving the votes of the Senators of that
State relative to the treaty, the assembly did in no wise mean to impugn the motives which influenced him to the ratification." * THE MISSION TO FRANCE. When war between France and Eng land was declared, the Directory demanded of our government a return of the good offices by aid of which we had gained our in dependence, and active sympathy in its behalf against England which it called a common enemy. Washington was deeply sensible of our debt, but was too self-poised to permit sentiment to overcome his judgment; and with calm and patriotic resolution he main tained that our true policy was strict neu trality and its safe part was to give into the hands of neither of the parties any influence in our domestic affairs. This touched our early friend to the quick. The Directory was betrayed into an act of great and inexplica ble indiscretion. In November, 1796, by or der of the Directory, its Minister announced to the Secretary of State the suspension of his functions, in a letter which concluded with an inflammatory appeal to the Ameri can people against their government; re minding them of its treaty of amity with the tyrant of the seas, and declaring that an ad ministration capable of such treachery was no longer deserving of the loyalty of a people whose independence had been cemented by the blood of Frenchmen. The Directory itself, in the same undiplomatic spirit, dis missed General Pinckney, our Minister to France, and in its address of dismissal to Mr. Monroe, repeated the same offensive state ments and the same appeal to the prejudices of the American people. This gross in dignity deeply stirred the popular emotion and sense of respect of our countrymen, and turned the tide of popular feeling against our early friends. In May, 1797, another mission composed of General Pinckney, Mr. Marshall and Mr. Gerry, was dispatched to Paris. In his message nominating these gentlemen to 'Honorable James M. Woolworth, of Omaha, Ne braska.
