quarter whence this motion came. Virginia, an old settled, state, had her complement of slaves, and the natural increase being sufficient for her purpose, she was careless of recruiting her numbers by importation. But gentlemen ought to let their neighbors get supplied before they imposed such a burden. He knew this business was viewed in an odious light at the eastward, because the people there were capable of doing their own work, and had no occasion for slaves. But gentlemen ought to have some feeling for others. Surely they do not mean to tax us for every comfort and enjoyment of life, and, at the same time, to take from us the means of procuring them! He was sure, from the unsuitableness of the motion to the businsss now before the house, and the want of time to consider it, the gentleman's candor would induce him to withdraw it. Should it ever be brought forward again, he hoped it would comprehend the white slaves as well as the black, imported from all the jails of Europe; wretches convicted of the most flagrant crimes, who were brought in and sold without any duty whatever. They ought to be taxed equally with Africans, and he had no doubt of the equal constitutionality and propriety of such a course."
In reply to the suggestions of Sherman, Jackson, and others, Parker declared "that, having introduced the motion on mature reflection, he did not like to withdraw it. The gentleman from Connecticut had said that human beings ought not to be enumerated with goods, wares, and merchandise. Yet he believed they were looked upon by African traders in that light. He hoped congress would do all in their power to restore to human nature its inherent privileges; to wipe off, if possible, the stigma under which America labored; to do away the inconsistency in our principles justly charged upon us; and to show, by our actions, the pure beneficence of the doctrine held out to the world in our Declaration of Independence."
Sherman still "thought the principles of the bill and the principles of the motion inconsistent. The principle of the bill was to raise revenue; it was the principle of the motion to correct a moral evil. Considering the proposed duty as having revenue for its object, it would be unjust, because two or three states would bear the burden. He should therefore vote against the present motion, though he had no objection to taking up the subject by itself on the principles of humanity and policy." Ames, of Massachusetts, "detested slavery from his soul; but he had some doubts whether imposing a duty on their importation would not have an appearance of countenancing the practice." "It is the fashion of the day," said Jackson, "to favor the liberty of slaves. He believed them better off as they were, and better off than they had been in Africa. Experience had shown that liberated slaves would not work for a living. Thrown upon the world without property or connections, they can not live but by pilfering. Will Virginia set her negroes free? When the practice comes to be tried there, the sound of liberty will lose those charms which make it grateful to the ravished ear."
Madison supported Parker's motion in an elaborate speech, in which he replied to all the various objections urged against it. "The confounding men
