and justice toward this distressed race; and that you will step to the very verge of the power vested in you for discouraging every species of traffic in the persons of our fellow-men."
Immediately after the reading of this petition, which could not have much tended to soothe the excitement of the day before, Hartley called up the Quaker memorial, and moved its commitment. In opposition to this motion, Tucker and Burke took the ground that the memorial contained an unconstitutional request, as congress had no power to meddle with the slave-trade for twenty years to come. Tucker pronounced it "a mischievous attempt, an improper interference, at the best, an act of imprudence." Burke was certain chat the commitment "would sound an alarm and blow the trumpet of sedition through the southern states."
"I cannot entertain a doubt," said Scott of Pa., in reply, "that the memorial is strictly agreeable to the constitution. It respects a part of the duty particularly assigned to us by that instrument. We can at present lay our hands on a small tax of ten dollars. I would take that; and if that is all we can do, we must be content. I am sorry the framers of the constitution did not go further, and enable us to interdict the slave-trade altogether, for I look upon it to be one of the most abominable things on earth; and if there were neither God nor devil, I should oppose it on principles of humanity and the law of nature. For my part, I cannot conceive how any person can be said to acquire a property in another. The petitioners view the subject in a religious light; but I stand not in need of religious motives to induce me to reprobate the traffic in human flesh. Perhaps, in our legislative capacity, we can go no further than to impose a duty of ten dollars; but I do not know how far I might go if I was one of the judges of the United States, and these people were to come before me and claim their emancipation. I am sure I would go as far as I could." Jackson maintained, in reply, "the qualified property of the master in his slaves;" he referred to the example of the republics of antiquity; and relied "on the whole current of the Bible, from Genesis to Revelations," as proving that religion was not against slavery.
Sherman "could see no difficulty in committing the memorial. It was probable the committee would understand their business, and perhaps they might bring in such a report as would be satisfactory to gentlemen on both sides of the House." Baldwin "was sorry that a subject of so delicate a nature, as respected some of the states, had been brought before congress. Such gentlemen as had been present at the formation of the constitution could not but recollect the pain and difficulty which this subject had then occasioned. So tender were the southern members on this point, that the convention had wellnigh broken up without coming to any determination. From extreme desire to preserve the Union and to establish an efficient government, mutual concessions had resulted, concessions which the constitution had jealously guarded. The moment we go to jostle on that ground, I fear we shall feel it tremble under our feet, The clause in the constitution, that no capitation or direct tax should be laid, except in proportion to the census, was intended to prevent
