were all pressing for early attention, and had all been laid aside as of no account, had all been made to yield to this report. And yet no bill was brought forward to be enacted into a law; nothing but a string of propositions in exposition of different articles of the constitution, but which, in fact, concluded nothing.
"Another reason fir pawning this business no further was the influence it manifestly had on the temper of the members. For several days the house had been in a constant storm. This subject contained materials of the most combustible character; it had always been among the most contentious in the government of the country. In different parts of the Union there was a well known clashing of feelings and interests on this subject. It was long a doubt whether it would not form an insuperable bar to our union as one people, under one government. In the constitution that difficulty had been surmounted, and, so far as he had been informed, almost to universal satisfaction. The strength and violence of majority had been expected on this subject; and as it was not unknown on which side the majority was, security against it was settled deep among the pillars of the government. He had not felt the least alarm that the rights of his constituents would be disturbed. The house, from its constitution, would be in some respects a mirror to reflect all the passions of the people. It was wise that the feelings of the people should have an opportunity to bear a part in legislation; and, though sometimes inconvenient, it would not be dangerous, since there was another branch of the legislature whose concurrence was necessary in all public measures. From the manner in which that body was constituted, and from the experience already had, he doubted not the senate would give to our government that wisdom and firmness which otherwise it would not possess. Acts of congress must also have the approbation of the man whom the people, in the remotest regions of the country, regard as their father. After all, should there be any doubt of the constitutionality of the measures of congress, they cannot be carried into effect without the approval of the supreme court of the United States, composed of six of our most venerable sages, forming one of the most respectable courts upon earth, possessing our confidence as well from the independence of their position as from the long experience we have had of their wisdom. On this, as on all other occasions, he should see the effects of majority and of public passion on this subject totally unconcerned. The uproar of contending waves was not pleasant, but they were dashing against a rock."
This speech of Baldwin's was on a motion of Benson's, which Baldwin had seconded, to recommit the report, with a view to give the whole matter the goby. But the majority were not thus to be driven from their purpose. The motion to recommit was voted down, and the report was then taken up article by article. The three first resolutions (those relating to the power of congress over slavery in the states) were adopted, the second and third being compressed into one, dropping the somewhat offensive details, but retaining the substance. Upon the fourth resolution — that relating to the ten dollar tax on slaves imported — the struggle was renewed. Tucker moved to strike it out, in
