no state been admitted, formed of a part of the territory acquired by that treaty, the obligation of the government to do so would not be the less apparent to him. "The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated in the Union of the United States." The people were not left to the wayward discretion of this, or any other government, by saying that they way be incorporated in the Union. The language was different and imperative: "they shall be incorporated," Mr. Scott understood by the term incorporated, that they were to form a constituent part of this republic; that they were to become joint partners in the character and councils of the country, and in the national losses and national gains; as a territory, they were not an essential part of the government; they were a mere province, subject to the acts and regulations of the general government in all cases whatsoever. As a territory, they had not all the rights, advantages and immunities of citizens of the United States. Mr. Scott himself furnished an example, that, in their present condition, they had not all the rights of the other citizens of the Union. Had he a vote in this house? And yet these people were, during the war, subject to certain taxes imposed by congress. Had those people any voice to give in the imposition of taxes to which they were subject, or in the disposition of the funds of the nation, and particularly those arising from the sales of the public lands, to which they already had, and still would largely contribute? Had they a voice to give in selecting the officers of this government, or many of their own? In short, in what had they equal rights, advantages and immunities with the other citizens of the United States, but in the privilege to submit to a procrastination of their rights, and in the advantage to subscribe to your laws, your rules, your taxes, and your powers, even without a hearing? Those people were also "to be admitted into the Union as soon as possible." Mr. Scott would infer from this expression, that it was the understanding of the parties, that so soon as any portion of the territory, of sufficient extent to form a state, should contain the number of inhabitants required by law to entitle them to a representative on the floor of this house, that they then had the right to make the call for admission, and this admission, when made, was to be, not on conditions that gentlemen might deem expedient, not on conditions referable to future political views, not on conditions that the constitution the people should form should contain a clause that would particularly open the door for emigration from the north or from the south, not on condition that the future population of the state should come from a slaveholding or nonslaveholding state, "but according to the principles of the federal constitution," and none other. The people of Missouri were, by solemn treaty stipulation, when admitted, to enjoy all the rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the United States. Can any gentleman contend, that, laboring under the proposed restriction, the citizens of Missouri would have all the rights, advantages, and immunities of other citizens of the Union? Have not other new states, in their admission, and have not all the states in the Union, now, privileges and rights beyond what was contemplated to be allowed to the citizens of Missouri? Have not all other states in this government the right to
