other times and other men would succeed; a future congress might come, who, under the sanctified forms of constitutional power, would dictate to them odious conditions; nay, inflict on their internal independence a wound more deep and dreadful than even this to Missouri. The house had seen the force of precedent, in the mistaken application of the conditions imposed on the people of Louisiana anterior to their admission into the Union. And, whatever might be the ultimate determination of the house, Mr. S. considered this question big with the fate of Cæsar and of Rome.
Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, observed that he did not rise for the purpose of detaining the attention of the house for any length of time. He was too sensible of the importance of each moment which yet remained of the session, to obtrude many remarks upon their patience. But, upon a measure involving the important consequences that this did, he felt it to be an imperious duty to express his sentiments, and to enter his most solemn protest against the principle proposed for adoption by the amendment. Were gentlemen aware of what they were about to do? Did they foresee no evil consequence likely to result out of the measure if adopted? Could they suppose that the southern states would submit with patience to a measure, the effect of which would be to exclude them from all enjoyment of the vast region purchased by the United States beyond the Mississippi, and which belonged equally to them as to the northern states? He ventured to assure them that they would not. The people of the slaveholding states, as they are called, know their rights, and will insist upon the enjoyment of them. He should not now attempt to go over ground already occupied by others, with much more ability, and attempt to show that, by the treaty with France, the people of that territory were secured iu the enjoyment of the property which they held in their slaves. That the proposed amendment was an infraction of this treaty, had been most clearly shown. Nor would he attempt, to rescue from slander the character of the people of the southern states, in their conduct towards, and treatment of, their black population. That had also been done with a degree of force and eloquence, to which he could pretend no claim, by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Barbour), and the honorable speaker. He was, however, clearly of opinion that congress possessed no power under the constitution to adopt the principle proposed in the amendment. He called upon the advocates of it to point out, and lay their fingers upon that clause of the constitution of the United States, which gives to this body the right to legislate upon the subject. Could they show in what clause or section this right was expressly given, or from which it could be inferred? Unless this authority could be shown, congress would be assuming a power, if the amendment prevailed, not delegated to them, and most dangerous in its exercise. What is the end and tendency of the measure proposed? It is to impose on the state of Missouri conditions not imposed upon any other state. It is to deprive her of one branch of sovereignty not surrendered by any other state in the Union, not even those beyond the Ohio; for all of them had legislated upon this subject; all of them had decided for themselves whether slavery should be tolerated, at the time they
