by local legislation was not an exclusion of the south more than the north, as a slaveholder and a non-slaveholder could go into such territory on equal terms; and he denied the charge of the south, that congress, by admitting a state whose constitution interdicts slavery, is responsible for that act.
In relation to the power of congress over the territories, he contended that the power granted by the constitution to regulate and "dispose of the territory and other property of the United States," meant simply the power to dispose of the public lauds, as property, and did not include the power of life and death over the inhabitants.
The bill was further discussed until March 2d, when the vote was taken on Mr. Chase's amendment, to allow the people of the territory, through their representatives, to prohibit slavery, which was rejected by a vote of 36 to 10. Mr. Badger's amendment, "that nothing herein contained shall be construed to revive or put in force any law or regulation which may have existed prior to the act of March 6th, 1820, either protecting, establishing, prohibiting or abolishing slavery," was carried, yeas, 35; nays, 6.
On the 3d of March, the bill was put upon its final passage, when a long and earnest debate ensued. Mr. Seward addressed the senate at a late hour, as follows:
Mr. President: — I rise with no purpose of further resisting or even delaying the passage of this bill. Let its advocates have only a little patience, and they will soon reach the object for which they have struggled so earnestly and so long. The sun has set for the last time upon the guaranteed and certain liberties of all the unsettled and unorganized portions of the American continent that lie within the jurisdiction of the United States. To-morrow's sun will rise in dim eclipse over them. How long that obscuration shall last, is known only to the Power that directs and controls all human events. For myself, I know only this — that now no human power will prevent its coming on, and that its passing off will be hastened and secured by others than those now here, and perhaps by only those belonging to future generations.
Sir, it would be almost factious to offer further resistance to this measure here. Indeed, successful resistance was never expected to be made in this hall. The senate floor is an old battle ground, on which have been fought many contests, and always, at least since 1820, with fortune adverse to the cause of equal and universal freedom. We were only a few here who engaged in that cause in the beginning of this contest. All that we could hope to do — all that we did hope to do — was to organize and to prepare the issue for the house of representatives, to which the country would look for its decision as authoritative, and to awaken the country that it might be ready for the appeal which would be made, whatever the decision of congress might be. We are no stronger now. Only fourteen at the first, it will be fortunate if, among the ills and accidents which surround us, we shall maintain that number to the end.
We are now on the eve of the consummation of a great national transaction — a transaction which will close a cycle in the history of our country — and
