may be divided into two parts: one part, which consists almost entirely of Prussians, stands for war, the warlike spirit and warlike achievement. Except for results incident to warlike operations, Prussia has no history whatever. It is, and always has been, simply and solely a war State. The other part of Germany is very different. It has, generally speaking, a history of past and present achievement which takes a place in the highest rank in the world's efforts. Science, art, philosophy, religion, industry, and commerce, all these have been subjects of her efforts. War has generally taken, and even now takes, a secondary position in her aims and ambitions. Politics, too, occupy a secondary place. This part of the empire would seem to be almost non-political in spirit and genius. The result is that we find an explanation and a reason for the preponderating influence of Prussia in the empire. Politics and war must be left to Prussia, and then by the force of the constitution they are ultimately left to the Kaiser himself.
The House of Hohenzollern, of which the Kaiser is the head, has been, throughout its history, a characteristic family of despotic and absolute rulers. But considered as the rulers of a Great Power—compared to the Hapsburgs, for instance—the Hohenzollerns are mere parvenus and upstarts. Until the eighteenth century their head was content to be but the mere Margrave of provincial Brandenburg. Since then, by gradual ascent, but originally only by favour of the Hapsburgs, its head has become the Emperor of one of the greatest and most powerful European States.
The Kaiser has never lost an opportunity of boldly expressing in public Iris views of the character of the office he holds. If one were to search through the very many thousands of public speeches he has made, one would discover at least just as many thousands of his views as to his position. First, then, and fore- most, he seriously regards himself and insists upon being so regarded by his subject princes and all the individual units in his empire, as ruling the empire by divine right, and when he lays claim to rulership by divine right, he lets it clearly be under- stood that he means that expression to be appreciated in its fullest and most mediaeval significance. Charles the First of England himself never ventured to claim this right so definitely and emphatically as does the Kaiser. He asserts this right and puts it into practice—to say and do what he will in regard to the international and national affairs of the empire. As the Lord's Anointed—an expression he loves—the Kaiser permits no opposition to his ideas and intentions, and permits no criticism Noticing this fact, one cannot help remembering that his truly
