foreign powers, and particularly the treaty of 1865 with your government, we have been drawn more closely together.
The constant policy of your government in regard to the affairs of the Far East has been one of conspicuous magnanimity and justice. This was amply manifested in the settlement of the difficulties of 1900 and throughout the negotiations with the powers in the following year. I recall with unspeakable pleasure the conduct of President McKinley at that time, through whose wisdom and forbearance my country was saved much humiliation. The policy which he marked out was followed by his successor, President Roosevelt, whose fairness and high sense of justice have been always evinced toward us. Nor can I fail to mention the friendship and protecting care of that eminent and lamented statesman, John Hay, Secretary of State. For these reasons the Chinese, as a government, are under a deep sense of gratitude, and, as a people, are naturally most friendly inclined toward the government and people of the United States. Hence it was that I experienced a feel- ing of no little satisfaction when I was honored with the mission to represent the country of my birth in the country of my education.
The subject about which doubtless you would be glad to hear from me — the commercial possibilities between the two countries — is one respecting which the members of the Commercial Club, with their long experience and keen judgment, are better judges than myself. But I cannot fail to see that, as China is brought more and more closely in contact with foreign countries, as the people come to learn the necessities, the conveniences, and the comforts enjoyed by the people of other lands, as by travel, by education, by long residence abroad, her demand for foreign commodities will be largely increased. China is not, to a great extent, a manuacturing country; nor is she likely to be in the near future. Her people are too easily satisfied with what they can readily purchase in the world's markets. Nor are her people, who have enjoyed art, culture, refinement for centuries, disinclined to modern luxuries and conveniences. The present foreign trade in that ancient empire is chiefly confined to the coast provinces. It is anticipated that the abolition of the likin tax, as provided in the recent commercial treaties, when fully carried out, will forever destroy that formidable barrier to internal commerce so long deplored by merchants, both foreign and native alike. When her immense natural re- sources shall have been developed, her purchasing power will indeed be greatly increased.
It is this commercial growth I long to see established between the two countries, and it has been my pleasure, as well as my duty, to smooth all differences which might threaten its complete realization. But there is one difference now engaging the serious attention of the two governments which I may be pardoned for bringing to your attention. The exclusion question and the administration of the exclusion laws are matters which seem to have engaged very little the consideration of the American people; but they are matters of vital importance to the Chinese directly concerned. While I wish it to be understood that it is not my intention to unduly criticise the laws or the administration of the laws, the mention of some facts may aid you in a proper consideration of this question, which has a direct connection with the improvement of our commercial relations.
When the American Commissioners went to Peking to negotiate the immigration treaty of 1880, in the first memorandum which they submitted to the Chinese plenipotentiaries in setting forth the object of their visit, they stated that the restriction they desired was "entirely of laborers." An examination of
