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but in England and in other countries also some socialists, even during the war, recommended similarly national autonomy.)[1]
National autonomy honestly carried out, recognition of language rights in schools, public offices and parliament, may be sufficient in certain cases, especially for national minorities, but it is not sufficient for national majorities and nations, such as the Czecho-Slovaks, Poles, and others, who, by sheer violence, were deprived of their independence and are striving to regain it.
11. Radical Reconstruction of Europe on the Foundation of Nationality.—National Minorities.
21. Europe has been organized by states and churches and has been organized in days when the principle of nationality was not accorded the recognition that it obtains in modern times, and for that reason, as was already pointed out, nearly all the states are nationally mixed, and are now disturbed by the problem of nationality.
Many statesmen of a conservative turn of mind, while admitting the justice of the principle of nationality, advocate a non-radical solution of national problems; and they agree to the formation of certain new national states, but they favour the maintenance, as far as possible, of the political status quo by proposing to solve the national problems to the largest possible extent by national and language autonomy.
Much has already been said of autonomy. It is true that some nations, smaller and less highly developed, would be satisfied with autonomy, at least for the time being; it is true that there are several nations that have no national and political aspirations at all. So, for instance, the Flemings declared during this war that they do not want to be separated from their Walloon fellow-citizens. But it is not a question of nations like these, but rather of nations who will not be satisfied with autonomy in a foreign state and who demand political independence.
If Europe is to be truly democratic, and if we are to have a permanent peace, a more radical solution of national problems is necessary. Nevertheless, as things are, it is to be expected that even in the reconstructed Europe there will be national minorities, and therefore mixed states. The problem is to make these minorities as small as possible. But when two nations (Belgium) or three (Switzerland), themselves decide to maintain their mixed state, the will of such national parts will surely be respected.
National difficulties and struggles are to a large extent questions of national minorities. For instance, the Poles in Prussia form a minority of all Prussia; but in the Polish territory of Prussia there are again German minorities, and similar conditions exist elsewhere. Very important is the problem of minorities scattered here and there on territory of another nation, as in cities or industrial centres. Such minorities will remain even in the reconstructed states. The rule for reconstruction must be to have the minorities as small as practicable, and to have them protected in their civic rights. It would therefore be desirable that the Peace Congress should adopt an international agreement for the protection of national minorities; perhaps there could be erected an international arbitration tribunal for national questions.
The Pangermans often proposed the transmigration of quite large national minorities; the example of the Zionists and emigration in general suggest these means. It is doubtful whether it may be carried out without compulsion and injustice. De facto, Pangerman politicians intend by this proposal to weaken non-German minorities, not to satisfy their national aspirations.
- ↑ A distinction is made between territorial autonomy for territories inhabited by one nation, and personal autonomy for scattered small minorities after the manner of the present religious minorities. In Bohemia both the Czechs and the Germans in various proposals recognised minorities, when they amount to 20 and 25 per cent.
