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IV. Democracy, equally with nationality and socialism, rests on the humanitarian principle: no man shall use another man as an instrument for his own ends, no nation shall use another nation as an instrument for its own aims. That is the moral purport of the political principle of equality, of equal rights. The so-called small man and likewise the small nations are individualities with equal rights. The socialisation of the administration must be supplemented by the socialisation of international (inter-state) relations.
V. The Prussian State and its kingship, Austria and its dynasty, Turkey and its theocracy are the survivals of the Middle Ages; not only geography, but internal qualities as well, unite these states; Bismarckism, Metternichism and Djingiskhanism united against democracy and progress.
VI. German, Austrian and Turkish militarism proceed logically out of dynastical theocratism; the reactionary Pan-germanism with its Central Europe necessitates a war to the end. Germany and Austria are guilty of the war; the Allies have the moral duty to defend themselves and the nations that are endangered, and the age-long German “Drang nach Osten” threatens all nations in the zone of small nations between the Germans and Russians. The Hohenzollerns, Habsburgs and Ohmans, the representatives of mediæval democracy and its imperialism, will not accept humanity and democracy unless the absurdity of their worship of the dynastic state and militarism is demonstrated to them ad ocules—by a firm manifestation of the will of the allied nations for democracy in the overthrow of theocratic dynasticism, and that means, practically, the smashing of the Prussian militarism at the battle-field. That is indeed driving out the evil: by Beelzebub, but no other way is possible so long as force and violence are used and systematised. Defence against violence is a moral duty.
56.—(1) The Congress of Peace could convene at once, the war being morally and strategically finished—the nations become convinced that force shall not decide the fate of nations and humanity; even militaristic Prussia must confess that non-militaristic nations are equal to it in bravery, in the spirit of sacrifice and even in military ability.
(2) The Congress of Peace should be composed of representatives of all belligerent nations, not merely of the governments. Admission should be granted to the representatives of all nations whose fate is being decided and who have a claim to self-determination.
(3) The antiquated and insincere diplomatic rule that states should not interfere in the internal affairs of other states should not apply in the coming peace congress; if democracy is truly humanitarian and if the strengthening of international feeling is not to be a mere phrase, then political boundaries must not be a shield to arbitrariness. This terrible war arose just because states have for such a long time avoided interference in the internal affairs of their neighbours.
(4) All secret agreements must be excluded.
(5) Theocratism must be abolished in all the states of Europe; the churches must be free, they must not be abused for political purposes. The American way of arranging the relations of the state and the church can serve as a suitable model.
(6) All states must abolish standing armies and employ for their defence in case of necessity a system of militia (abolishment of militarism).
(7) Navigation of the seas outside of territorial waters must be made free to all nations. Exceptions are made by international agreement. To landlocked nations access to the sea must be secured by an international agreement ; an ex-territorial harbour and duty free passage of goods will be granted at the nearest shore.
(8) Commerce is free; protection of industry and commerce against unfair competition must be regulated by international agreement.
The doctrine of the old liberalism demanding absolute freedom of trade is often exacted in a very abstract way and is deduced from conditions prevailing in western, civilised industrial Europe (principally England and
