doctrine. The Anglo-German agreement was promptly permitted to fall into innocuous desuetude. A short time afterward Count von Bülow, in a speech in the Reichstag, practically repudiated it. Of what use was a sphere of influence unless it could be used to cut under commercial competition? With the right to do this challenged by a great power, and supported by the definite, if unwilling, assent of all the chiefly interested nations, a "sphere of influence" had no real utility. However, the phraseology of Count von Bülow's reply is interesting. Note the reference to Germany's "Chinese possessions," and the implied reservation of the right to discriminate against other commerce therein should the German Government be forced to do so by the action of other nations.
During this period England was engaged in a war in South Africa, and it seemed for a time that her Far Eastern policy would expire of inanition and uncertainty. She was not in a position to adopt an aggressive attitude, and it was clear that the forces working for dismemberment were getting the upper hand. England still leaned toward the "open door," but if it came to a general split-up she was exceedingly well provided for, with the best part of China as her recognized "sphere of influence," and with a strong power like Germany as a buffer between her Far Eastern frontier and Russia. In this dilemma, she tried to carry water on both shoulders, and contend for the "open door" while at the same time looking out for her interests if, perchance, the "sphere of influence"
