that, although it is a grievance to be forced, through the conduct of a monopolist, to hold land on a bad tenure, it would be a still greater to be turned out of possession altogether—such a circumstance exposing you to almost certain ruin. It is not to be forgotten either, that something is due to the squatters; they, or those whom they represent—those (in the language of the law) whose estate they possess—are the men who in spite of toil, privation, and hardship, undeterred by difficulty and undismayed by danger, at the risk, and in many cases at the actual sacrifice of property, nay life itself, have reduced this fair country into the possession of England. It is but fair, then, that in the adjustment of this question some consideration should be given to their claims; that a preference should be given them in the purchase of land which they have improved, or adequate remuneration secured to them for their improvements. Men cannot at once forget their previous tastes and habits; and the consequence has been that many men, particularly those who are married, have laid out considerable sums upon their stations in spite of every discouragement; and it is precisely the most desirable colonist who will be the most injured unless this be done.
These may be termed the speculative evils of the system; I come now to its practical working. The first and most obvious result is, that persons of capital are either deterred from emigrating to a country where such a state of things prevails, or should they do so, they are discouraged from embarking in sheep farming, or from residing on their stations in case they purchase them.
