ans) and the Zimmerwald majority were one and the same thing.
By the end of 1916 or the beginning of 1917 this had become an admitted fact. In spite of the condemnation of social-pacifism pronounced by the Kienthal Manifesto, the whole Zimmerwald right, the Zimmerwald majority, went over to social-pacifism. Kautsky & Co. crossed the bridge in January and February, 1917; then followed in succession the Frenchmen Bourderòn and Merrheim, who cast their votes with the social-pacifists for a pacifist resolution of the Socialist Party in December, 1916, and of the General Confederation of Labor (the national organization of French labor unions), also in December, 1916; Turati & Co. in Italy, where the entire party assumed a pacifist attitude, Turati personally delivering himself (and not by accident) of a few nationalistic sentences in which he praised the imperialistic war in a speech on December 17, 1916; the chairman of the Zimmerwald and Kienthal conferences, Robert Grimm, joined hands with the chauvinists of his own party, Gruelich, Pfluger, Gustave Muller and others opposed to the real internationalists.
At two conferences of Zimmerwaldists of various countries, held in January and February of 1917, this double-faced attitude of the Zimmerwald majority was stigmatized by the "left" internationalists of several countries, by Munzerberg, secretary of the internationalist organization of the Young People's Socialist groups and editor of the fine internationalist publication, International Youth, by Zinoviev, chairman of the executive committee of our party, by Karl Radek of the Polish Social Democratic Party (the Kraev movement), by Max Hartstein, a German Social Democrat and member of the "Spartacus Group."
The Russian proletariat has done much. Nowhere on earth has the working class developed as much revolutionary energy as it has in Russia. But much is expected from those who have accomplished much. We cannot remain with our feet in the Zimmerwald mud. There is nothing to expect from the Zimmerwald Kautskians, more or less allied with the chauvinistic International of Plekhanov and Scheidemann.
We must break away from this sort of International. We must at once organize a new, revolutionary, proletarian International, or rather, acknowledge frankly and fearlessly that the new International is organized and working. This will be the International of those who are internationalists in their deeds, and whom I have enumerated in a foregoing paragraph. They alone represent the
