INTRODUCTION
The events of August marked the lowest depth of the Revolution. Reaction had scored heavily, and, behind the screen of the dictatorship of the "Socialist" Kerensky, the Cadets, and other still more sinister forces of the imperialistic bourgeoisie, were preparing for the coup d'etat that would annihilate the Soviets—and the Revolution. The moderate Executive Committee of the All-Russian Soviets had approved of Premier Kerensky; but this was insufficient, as it was necessary for Kerensky's purposes to secure a mandate from "all the classes;" and, accordingly, the Government convoked a National Conference which convened at Moscow on August 26. The Conference was not only to "broaden the base" of the Provisional Government, it was equally an expression of Kerensky's Bonapartist policy.[1] The composition of the Conference was overwhelmingly conservative, reactionary and counter-revolutionary.
The delegates to the National Conference were carefully chosen, the Bolsheviki, naturally, being excluded. The four Dumas—and their character is clear, being expressions of the timid opposition legally allowed under the Czar—were represented by 188 members; the other delegates included 100 representatives of the Peasants, 229 representatives of the Soviets of Worker's and Soldiers' Delegates, 147 delegates from the Municipalities, 113 representativese from the banks and industrial organizations of capital, 313 representatives of co-operative organizations, and 176 representatives of trades unions.[2] The delegates of the Soviets consisted of moderates from the Menshevist and Social-Revolutionary parties.
At the Conference a concerted attack was made upon the Soviets and the Revolutionary Democracy, although it was not driven to a conclusion. It was a preliminary offensive. The representatives of the Soviets were on the defensive. Kerensky, in opening the Conference; declared:
"The Provisional Government has not called you together here to discuss questions of program, or, still less, to allow any attempts, from whatever sources they may come, to take advantage of the present Conference or the exceptionally difficult position of the Russian State, or to encourage any attempts to undermine at undermining the power of the Provisional Government."
But the plea of Kerensky—for in spite of its assuming the form of an ultimatum, it was nothing but a plea—was unavailing. His speech was a
- ↑ In an article in "Pravda," at the time, Zinoviev pointed out that the Cadets were at first suspicious of the Moscow Conference, considering it a part of Kerensky's Bonapartist policy, the policy of a dictatorship merging both forces in himself. And this was precisely the purpose of the Conference, although the Cadets finally participated.
- ↑ These are the figures given in A. J. Sack's "The Birth of Russian Democracy," from which source also are quoted extracts from the speeches delivered at the Conference (with the exception of the final quotation from Kerensky.)
