prehension was general, and particularly in Petrograd. The psychology of "The Country is in danger!" provided an excellent opportunity for a counter-revolutionary military coup. With Boris Savinkov as the intermediary, Kerensky and Kornilov plotted drastic action against the Petrograd masses, the centre of the proletarian revolution. The dictator Kerensky required power, the annihilation of the revolutionary masses, and the military coup was to provide the power without which his dictatorship was a mere pose. It was agreed that Kornilov was to march upon Petrograd, crush and disarm the masses; and Kornilov, with Cossacks and other reliable troops, marched upon Petrograd. But the Soviet intervened and compelled the weakling Kerensky to issue an order for the arrest of Kornilov.[1] The result was not the submission of Kornilov, but his determination to march upon Petrograd for purposes of his own, and crush both the Provisional Government and the Soviets, erecting a military dictatorship. The danger was acute. A general
- ↑ Even the arch-apologist of Kerensky, A. J. Sack, admits in his Birth of the Russian Democracy, that Kerensky knew of the original movement of Kornilov's troops and was not averse to it: "Many details of the Kornilov episode are still missing and many important documents must still be published before the public will be able to come to an impartial and fair judgement. Several things, hovever, are almost certain. The first is that Kerensky knew about the movement of several detachments of troops from the front towards Petrograd, and it is probable that as Prime Minister and Minister of War, realizing the growing Bolshevist danger, he called for them."
his ship.—Our much-abused Fleet will do its duty—toward the great Revolution.—We consider it our duty to defend Petrograd. We will fulfill our self-imposed obligation.—Not because of the request of a pitiful Russian Bonaparte (Kerensky) who retains power simply because of the unlimited patience of the Russian Revolution. Nor because of the treaties made by our government with the Allies, treaties intended to smother the Russian Revolution.—We follow the call of our revolutionary sentiments.—We go into death with the name of the great Revolution in our hearts and on our unfaltering lips.—The Russian Fleet has always stood in the front lines of the Revolution. The names of its sailors are written in the book of the history of the struggle against Czarism. In the earliest days of the Revolution the sailors marched in the front ranks, our ultimate aim being deliverance from all misery.—And this life and death struggle with our own oppressors gives us the right to appeal to you, proletarians of all countries, with a strong voice, with the voice of those who look into the eyes of death in the revolt against the exploiters.—Break the chains, you who are oppressed! Rise in revolt!—We have nothing to lose but our chains!—We believe in the victory of the Revolution, we are full of this belief.—We know that our comrades in the Revolution will fulfill their duty on the barricades to the bitter end.—We know that decisive moments are coming. A gigantic struggle will set the world afire. On the horizon the fires of .the revolt of all oppressed peoples are already glowing and becoming stronger.—At the moment that the waters of the Baltic will became red with the blood of our comrades, will close forever over their bodies, at this moment we call upon you.—Already in the cluch of death, we send our warm greetings and appeal to you:—Proletarians of the world, unite! Rise in revolt, you who are oppressed.—All hail, the World Revolution!—Long live Socialism!"
