Page:The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787 Volume 3.djvu/373

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representatives of several states, including some of the principal ones, and including individuals who, in the estimation of those who deem themselves the only republicans, are pre-eminent for republican character. More than this I am not at liberty to say.”


ⅭⅭⅬⅩⅩⅠ. Anonymous Letter to Alexander Hamilton.[1]

New York Augt. 30th. 1793

A publication appeared some time since in Greenleaf’s paper, charging you with having moved in Convention that the Goverment of the United States should be by a King, Lords & Commons—I took some pains to discover the author of that piece, but without success—But a conversation lately happened between Comodore Nicholson & Mr. Leonard Bleeker, in the hearing of others, in which the Commodore said; he had read the piece before alluded to, but doubted the truth of it untill it was lately confirmed by Mr. Abraham Baldwin, who was also a member of the Convention—This Mr. Baldwin did publicly in a pretty large company at the Commodores own Table. He said your motion was seconded by Mr. Gover Morris & that you was so chagrined when it failed that you left the House in disgust; That you returned however on a subsequent day, delivered your sentiments in writing, & Came off to New york, declaring you intermeddle no farther in the matter—Notwithstanding you returned, & assented to the Constitution as it is—This writing he suggested contained your Ideas of the kind of Government proper to be adopted—In repeating from other persons, words are often changed; but the foregoing is the substance of what the Commodore reports Mr. Baldwin to have said—I leave to yourself the expediency of taking any notice of it.


ⅭⅭⅬⅩⅩⅡ. Abraham Baldwin in the House of Representatives.[2]

March 14, 1796.

He would begin it by the assertion, that those few words in the Constitution on this subject,[3] were not those apt, precise, definite expressions, which irresistibly brought upon them the meaning which he had been above considering. He said it was not to disparage the instrument, to say that it had not definitely, and with precision, absolutely settled everything on which it had spoke. He

  1. Documentary History of the Constitution, Ⅴ, 249–250.
  2. Annals of Congress, Fourth Congress, First Session, 537.
  3. Power of making treaties vested in the President and Senate, and that treaties were to be “the supreme law of the land.”