diers' Delegates. And, from the very beginning, the Revolution of 1917 was under the direction of this proletarian body—The Soviet; it was under able control of thousands of such local Councils all over Russia. In fact, in 1916 the Proletariat was in readiness for the organized revolt they "pulled" in 1917; then putting it thru over the opposition of the Liberal Bourgeoisie who advised its postponement until after the war. The Duma and Bourgeois Parties generally played no important part in the Revolution of 1917. Only, when the Revolution was an accomplished fact, did they jump on the scene, receiving much of the glory for the overthrow of Tsarism, and began laying claim to the spoils of victory. Attacking the proletariat and its institutions, they demanded that the Soviet disperse and the Workers and Soldiers return obediently to factory and trench and allow them—the Bourgeoisie—to remain in control of Dumas, Ministeriums, Semstvos, Upravas, and other "legal" bodies where, as members flitting about it swallow—tail coats—they could come to their inheritance.
But right here is where the New Epoch had its birth. The Mensheviki were ready and willing to yield this demand and advised the wage-workers to be satisfied with the political Revolution. The Bolsheviki were not! They decided, the Bourgeoisie and its Institutions, instead of the workers, must remain out of power; and, immediately, began a bitter fight against the preposterous demands of Bourgeois politicians. This fight naturally centered around the Workers' and Soldiers' Council—versus—Duma, Ministerium, et al. An astonishing attribute of the Russian Revolutionary Proletariat is, that in a new situation, it lays out, immediately, a plan of action; drawing a concise and clear program. In this respect, Russia's fighting workers, especially the Bolsheviki,
