some regiments of infantry at the front had, instead of rifles, iron clubs with which to fight. Only history will reveal in its true light the valor and the helplessness of the Russian army during that drive. Conditions at the front became quickly known throughout Russia, and great anger and indignation were universal. In two or three months of intense suffering, even very conservative men lost all patience with the eternal shortcomings of the Government. Both Chambers of the Russian legislative apparatus—the State Council and the Douma—were in session. These bodies contained large Government majorities—the Upper about four-fifths, the Lower over two-thirds of their entire membership. But under the accumulating charges of countless blunders, mismanagement, and dishonesty, these majorities melted down and the liberal opposition soon succeeded in forming strong progressive blocs, which demanded a change of Cabinet and a ministry responsible to the Chambers. At the same time, great meetings of representatives of all cities and towns and of the Zemstvo (local country governments) assembled in Moscow and passed strong resolutions to the same effect. The answer to this was the dissolution of the Chambers and the refusal to receive the delegates of the meetings. Berlin fondly hoped for a revolution to come. Indeed, such an outbreak seemed imminent, but the Russian people proved that it had developed politically since 1905. Self-control is one of the truest signs of political maturity. The people submitted, and gave itself with wonderful unanimity and energy to producing the necessities for the army. It avoided all internal conflict, and with dignity. Government gun and ammunition factories were full of German spies, and some of the largest ones were destroyed by explosions and fires. Committees of the people were formed everywhere, even in small rural communities, and very quickly every private manufacturing concern was turned into a factory to produce army supplies, from guns to boots. Russian industry is to-day thoroughly organized and mobilized, and even the school-children are at work. The cool heads prevailed; all political parties, the two principal Socialist ones included, issued manifestoes to the people to set political issues aside, to keep at peace, and at work. This feverish activity keeps up wonderfully, and the army is better provided than ever before. And it is a totally different army from the one with which Russia started the War. The original complement of officers is practically annihilated. Ensigns of the reserve, mostly young professional men of all callings in private life, intelligent and educated, command companies, battalions, squadrons, and batteries. The ranks are probably less trained in the tricks and niceties of the war trade, but among them are many determined and thinking men. The supply of men is inexhaustible. And, in all probability, there can be no shortage of arms and ammunition.
There will be no political disorder in Russia until this War is over. Government failure and reactionary provocation will, in the meantime, do their work. This War must be won first, before the political status is attacked.
