ritating issue of religion into the discussions of the workers, setting the Protestant workers against the Catholic workers and the Jewish workers. But here again the supreme question for the workers as workers is, not their religious affiliations and differences, but the industrial freedom of all workers of all religions and all denominations.
Third—The Klan raises the issue of race, setting the Keltic, Teutonic and Latin races against the Jewish and the Yellow races; while the main question for all the workers is the industrial freedom of all the workers of all races.
Fourth—The Klan raises the issue of birthplace and nationality, setting the American-born workers against all others. But freedom for all workers regardless of their birth-place and nationality—that is the issue for all workers to settle first of all.
Fifth—The Klan raises the issue of the personal moral character of and the liberalism or radicalism of individuals. But once more it must be insisted upon that the first and all important issue for the workers to keep before them to be settled regardless of all others is the issue of the industrial freedom of the workers,—the workers of "good" character and "bad" character, the conservative and the radical workers, the Jew and the Gentile workers, the white and the black workers, and the workers of all countries—freedom from exploitation.
The industrial rulers' purpose is profits, and they exploit the workers as workers, not caring whether the workers are Protestant or Catholic, white or black, good or bad in character, Jew or Gentile, American or foreigner. The employers' supreme problem is successful exploitation of all workers; and therefore the supreme problem for all the workers every-
