ever cease to have the same passions; princes to entertain designs of interest or ambition; and occasions of quarrel to arise? May not we ourselves, by the variety of events and incidents which happen in the world, be under a necessity of recovering towns, out of the very hands of those, for whom we are now ruining our country to take them? Neither can it be said, that those states, with whom we may probably differ, will be in as bad a condition as ourselves; for by the circumstances of our situation, and the impositions of our allies, we are more exhausted than either they or the enemy; and by the nature of our government, the corruption of our manners, and the opposition of factions, we shall be more slow in recovering.
It will no doubt be a mighty comfort to our grandchildren, when they see a few rags hung up in Westminster-hall, which cost a hundred millions, whereof they are paying the arrears, to boast as beggars do, that their grandfathers were rich and great.
I have often reflected on that mistaken notion of credit, so boasted of by the advocates of the late ministry: was not all that credit built upon funds raised by the landed men, whom they now so much hate and despise? is not the greatest part of those funds raised from the growth and product of land? must not the whole debt be entirely paid, and our fleets and garrisons be maintained, by the land and malt tax after a peace? If they call it credit to run ten millions in debt without parliamentary security, by which the publick is defrauded of almoat half; I must think such credit to be dangerous, illegal, and perhaps treasonable. Neither has any thing gone farther to ruin the nation than their
