been sometimes granted out of complaisance to the crown, that the prince's hands may not be absolutely tied up, and in full confidence that they will never be exerted but for the benefit of this nation, or possibly of some protestant ally, upon great emergencies of state. The exercise of the prerogative, in these cases, is therefore merely a prudential part, which is left to the discretion of the prince and his ministers, who ought always to be supposed the best judges of these affairs; and therefore how ridiculous would it be to send to the attorney general for his opinion in such a case, who can be a competent judge of nothing but the legality of it, and whether the affair be actionable or not; but ministers ought to regulate their conduct, in these respects, according to the situation of airalrs, and the exigencies of government.
I must therefore beg leave to consider the present subject of the Irish forces, in this light.
It will not be denied, I presume, that a license to recruit Roman catholick regiments of English subjects, in foreign service and in the interest of a pretender to the crown (which is death by the law, without his majesty's permission) is a favour of a very extraordinary nature, and ought to be attended with some extraordinary circumstances. I confess that I can see no such extraordinary circumstances at present; unless it should be said that this favour was granted, in order to engage our good allies in the demolition of Dunkirk; but I hope they have more generosity than to insist upon such hard terms, for the effectual performance of that which they are obliged by treaty to do. I am sure, such conditions seem unreasonable on our part, after we have made
