the incident cancelled all the good impression which had been created by the composition of the original Commission, and the Imperial ideal received a set-back from which it will take a long time to recover. The lesson, to my mind, is that in all future negotiations of that kind with the United States the Canadian Premier must be the representative of the Empire. He will consult the other Governments at every step of the diplomatic negotiations. If they fail to back him, he must do his own climbing down, or persevere single-handed on his own responsibility. In other words, the headquarters of the Conference must be transferred to Ottawa for the purposes of those particular questions.
As regards 'internal' questions, the function of the Conference would be different in relation to the two categories into which such questions have been divided. In 'vital' questions the Conference would enable the executive heads, not to devise a common policy for the Empire, but each to frame his own national policy with a view to cooperation. In the matter of defence, there is need of consultation to obtain uniformity in types of ships or guns. Again, the professional experts from each country would have to be brought together to discuss combined action on land and sea with reference to probable contingencies or for peace manoeuvres. Of course, for such purposes the executive heads would find it necessary to place their respective naval or military forces under one command for the time being. It would be the interest of each individual State not to appear to fall behind the others in the extent of its defensive preparations, because to do so would be to prejudice its chances of obtaining a sympathetic hearing, or cordial support, for its own special item of the joint foreign policy when brought up for discussion in Conference.
Again, the Conference would throw much needed light upon the question of Imperial reciprocity. Each Premier would have the opportunity of finding out exactly how far the others were prepared to meet him
