So also on the second point, whether tho teaching should be gratuitous, or tho parents should contribute.
Without going through all the arguments, there can be no doubt that personally, socially, and politically, it is much better the parents should pay a fee graduated according to their circumstances. Besides the duty, all that encourages or tends to maintain the sense of responsibility, self-help, and independence, is most valuable. But all these are conditions of Voluntaryism. They are at least hard to maintain, when you say must to a man. "You must send your children to school!" could hardly be followed by, "and you must pay 2d. a week each for them!" The example in the Reformatory Act—whereby a magistrate can charge a parent for a child's maintenance according to his circumstances—is no example per contrà, for that of course has in it the nature of a legal penalty. We do not think Parliament will be prepared to assert parental duty to that extent.
That it should not use its child's labour to the hindrance or exclusion of Education, is as much perhaps as it will be prepared as yet to assert. This point then would hang on the last. If Education is to be compulsory, it probably would have also to be gratuitous; but as the compulsoriness will not now be laid down, so neither need its corollary. In this particular, also, the measure may be left to its working. Inability or unwillingness to pay will not be let impair or hinder the efficiency of Rate-raised schools.
It may be remarked incidentally, that herein lies one of the difficulties to Mr. Bruce's Bill of last year. It proposed to take existing as well as the new Rate-schools under its operation. But if the new schools had to be free or gratuitous, schools in the same locality wherein children paid weekly pence could hardly hold their ground. It is obvious, too, how this consideration aggravates the whole question of the Rate, in its burden and its incidence, as the source of school support.
The third point—the religious element—cannot thus be left to the working of the experiment. No solution of it is likely to arise out of the mere proceeding. It must be settled in advance. Any body can see that a mixed body of Rate-payers would have but a hopeless bone of contention, if schools were required to be established and this question left open. Besides, there is the relation to the central or State Department, which cannot be left to an uncertainty. The Legislature must lay down certain broad and definite principles to guide both the action of the schools and their relation to itself. The same glance that can see this, can see also that this settlement cannot be on what is called the Denominational ground. It must be comprehensive, not exclusive, and Denominationalism is exclusiveness. Voluntaryism is the very life-blood of Denominationalism, and these schools are not voluntary. When you say to a community throughout a given district, "You must have a school, irrespective of all other considerations whatever," you mean that instruction of the people in sound useful knowledge is the primary idea, with which
