and usefulness. In justice to the position of the Church in the country, and its sacrifices for this work of Education, it would be perfectly reasonable to claim, that in case of each district now declared to be in want of educational means, and which would have to be supplied at once by Rate-supported schools, if not otherwise supplied—that if the Church gave satisfactory guarantees, which the form of Trust Deed would secure, for the bonâ fide supply of the proved want, she should be allowed, with all integrity of her teaching, save only such reserve as a Conscience Clause would carry, to claim such district as her own. Failing the Church, any Denomination which might happen to be locally influential in property and opinion, might in the same way meet the want and occupy the ground to the supercession of the Rate-raised schools. But failing all these educational bodies, schools, raised and supported by Rate on the conditions laid down, would immediately ensue.
This, we may expect, may be something of the horoscope of the coming measures. If it has been given rather a political cast, and been viewed as a consequence of late electoral legislation, it is not because the necessity or worth of such a step is to be measured by its mere bearing on the extension of the franchise; whilst it is through the medium of what has just passed, be it storm or sunshine, thrown forward into the future, that this question is to be viewed. Recent events have only gathered into a focus, and brought to bear on a question, the various forces of opinion and feeling, which up to this time have been unable to bring that question into port. That which gives the question its chance now, is something deeper and truer than a political necessity; whilst the educational cry, which has ensued directly upon an increase of political power, proves how comparatively valueless is the latter, except it passes through the rectifying medium of the former. In fact, the true solution of all other social problems, waits on the solution of this.
The moral of all this, as regards the State, is that its action will probably be very decided. It swept aside prejudices lately, when outside opinion was any thing but outspoken, and its own opinion any thing but clear. Its own steps cannot halt, then, in a case where outside opinion is firm and resolute. But what should be the attitude of the Church? As some would counsel and urge, should it—"for some blind glimpse of freedom"—forego so much of its nationality as still remains; become, like its sister in America, identical in sphere and position with all other Denominations— the sectarian representative of a special creed and organization, but with no constitutional recognition or obligations, and therefore with narrower opportunities and lesser interests? Spero meliora! Yet this is really the issue impending! Before it is too late,—and very soon it may be too late,—I can but trust no restlessness under State conditions, will blind my brethren to the consequences of voting themselves a mere Denomination. I willingly own the conscientiousness and single-eyed faithfulness of many whose feelings are repugnant to the Conscience Clause; but against a grievance, practically, as it would seem,
