Page:The web (1919).djvu/468

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We have troublesome days of reconstruction ahead in America. Food prices and wages cannot go up forever, but it will be difficult to reduce wages and food prices. We shall have unemployment in this country. We shall have soldiers in this country dissatisfied because they find themselves and their deeds so soon forgotten. These things all are among the menaces of America, and they must be faced. It will require a united America to face them successfully.

Shall we import more such problems, or shall we dispense with certain of those which we now have? Besides all this irresponsible and sporadic Bolshevik propaganda, we may count upon the old, steady, undying, well-conceived and well-spread propaganda of Germany after the war as much as before and during the war. We shall meet—indeed, this very day are meeting—propaganda against the Allies intended to split us from France and Great Britain. Germany is going out after her lost markets all over the world as best she can. She will need all of her propaganda to help her crawl back even into a place in the shadows of the world and not in the sun of the world's respect. While the war was going on, some firm in America bought a ship-*load[there are shipyards and ship-yards in this book, but I cant find an example with ship and load. Also found car-load and wagon loads.] of German toys. Who wants such blood-reddened toys in his home? Soon we shall see German goods in our markets. Who wants such goods? Soon we shall hear the subtle commercial scoff, "It's all bosh to refuse German goods, for they are better and cheaper." Is it so? Is it our duty to be unsentimental in business? Germany was quite unsentimental when she tore up the Belgian scrap of paper. It now would seem to be time that we had some sentiment of the old sort. Sentiment rarely is fundamentally wrong. So-called common sense quite often is no more than common selfishness.

As these pages go forward, the Allies' declaration is that the Hun shall not be allowed in the peace conference nor in any League of Nations whatever that may be drawn up. One thing is sure. No League of Nations ever will be stronger than the individual thought of the countries combining. Our League of Nations will be no stronger than our feelings against pro-Germanism. If we forget that, and take up the game at the old place, our League of Nations is dead at its birth.