trouble would have arisen out of the imperial action had not matters been brought to a sudden issue by the serious illness and subsequent death of the Emperor. This event, which took place on August 22, 1864, was followed by the circulation of a proclamation announcing the accession of Hienfung's son, a child of six years of age, and of the appointment of a Board of Regency consisting of eight members, with Prince Tsai at their head, to control matters during his minority. Prince Kung and his associates at Peking were left entirely out in the cold in the arrangements for the succession, and it soon became obvious that they did not intend to sit down quietly under the exclusion. The day following the state entry of the young Emperor into Peking (the 2nd of November), Prince Kung appeared at the palace with an imperial edict, which he had secured from the Empress Dowager, ordering the dismissal of the Council of Regency. Prince Tsai and his colleagues made an attempt to obtain the reversal of the decree, but the only effect of their action was to bring about their arrest and the issue of a second decree directing their degradation from their official and hereditary rank and their punishment for "outrageous conduct." Later on the entire party were brought to trial before Prince Kung, with the result that all were condemned to death. One regarded as the leader was publicly executed, but the others were, as a special favour, given a silken cord with which to put an end to their existence. Under the new régime the power was vested in the Empress Dowager and the Emperor's mother, and Prince Kung occupied the supreme ministerial positions with vast powers of control. Prince Kung directed affairs ably and skilfully, showing an enlightened regard for foreign opinion which tended to smooth the paths of diplomacy. Apparently he soared too high, for in April, 1865, to the surprise and even consternation of the British Minister and his diplomatic colleagues, an edict appeared in the name of the two Empresses degrading him for having grown arrogant and assumed privileges to which he had no right. It was feared that the incident might seriously prejudice foreign interests, but to the satisfaction of the European community Prince Kung was, after the lapse of five weeks, restored to favour, though he was no longer allowed to hold the post of President of the Council. Some little time after this incident Sir Frederick Bruce's term of office as minister at Peking expired. His successor was Sir Rutherford Alcock, the erstwhile consul at Shanghai, whose services prior to his going to Peking had been utilised as minister to Japan. Sir Rutherford Alcock in his turn was succeeded at Yeddo by Sir Harry Parkes, another eminent Anglo-Chinese official who figures conspicuously in our narrative.
(From Allom & Wright's "China.")
During the entire period of Mr. Bruce's service at Peking the relations between the British and the Chinese were most cordial, largely owing to the admirable tact of the minister on the one side and the broad-mindedness of the chief minister on the other. One awkward question, however, arose which might have been productive of considerable danger to the peace if it had not been properly handled. Mr. Horatio N. Lay, who had some time before been appointed by the Chinese Government to assist in the collection of customs in the Shanghai district, was in 1862 commissioned, in conjunction with Captain Sherard Osborn, to go to Europe to purchase a fleet of gun-boats of small draught for the suppression of piracy on the Chinese coasts and the policing of the shallow estuaries and creeks thereabouts. The vessels—seven gunboats and one storeship—were purchased and taken out by Captain Osborn. Meanwhile, Mr. Lay proceeded direct to Peking to complete the arrangements for the disposal of the embryo Chinese fleet. He was greatly concerned to find that Sir Frederick Bruce would have nothing whatever to do with his enterprise without specific instructions from home; while, what was more disconcerting, Prince Kung raised difficulties as to the arrangements Mr. Lay proposed for the working of the new system. The points of difference developed between the Minister and Mr. Lay had reference to the control of the squadron. The former, perhaps not unnaturally, considered that the power should be vested in the Government in the ordinary way; but Mr. Lay claimed that he should be directly responsible under the Emperor for the administration and movements of the fleet. He flatly declined to entertain a proposal that a Chinese official should be appointed as joint commander, and he as resolutely rejected a suggestion that he should act under the orders of the provincial authorities. In the circumstances it is not altogether surprising that Prince Kung should have manifested an indisposition to take over the fleet. The ships remained idly at anchor all through the period during which they would have been useful against the Taepings, and when the crisis had passed away the Chinese Government considered they could do without them. Finally, in November, 1863, Mr. Lay was dismissed from the Chinese Government service, and orders were given for the return of the ships to Europe for disposal. Mr. Lay was very wroth at the treatment meted out to him, and invoked the powerful aid of friends at home to obtain redress. But he gained very little support in official quarters in his campaign against Chinese officialdom. The points in the controversy were very concisely put by Sir Frederick Bruce in a despatch which he penned on the subject. "I do not think," the British Minister wrote, "that the Chinese Government are open to the charge of bad faith, as the conditions they were called upon to ratify are not such as the authority given to Mr. Lay entitled him to assent to in their name. Mr. Lay mistook his position and overrated his influence when he resolved on starting this flotilla, without having previously ascertained that the terms agreed upon with Captain Osborn would be accepted." Mr. Lay retired with a handsome monetary solatium, and in his place there succeeded to the control of the Imperial Maritime Customs, Mr. (now Sir) Robert Hart, the able official whose long and honourable service in China is, as these pages are passing through the press, receiving such widespread and honourable recognition in Europe. Another well-known Anglo-Chinese who came to the front about this time was Sir Halliday Macartney, a gentleman who in later life played a conspicuous part in the domain of Chinese diplomacy in Europe, as the English Secretary to the Chinese Embassy in London. Macartney went out to China in the first instance as Assistant-Surgeon to the 99th Regiment, and served through the Peking Campaign. Afterwards he drifted into the employ of the Chinese Government, which he assisted in various capacities. His most important service was as organiser of the first Chinese arsenal at Soochow. He manifested great ability in the prosecution of this undertaking, but, owing to the development of defects in some of the guns manufactured at the establishment, he had differences with Li Hung Chang, with the result that he resigned his office. The enterprise which he had initiated was continued under other direction and paved the way for an extensive organisation for the manufacture of munitions of war.
The decade following the conclusion of the Treaty of Peking was a period of comparative tranquillity in the relations between the Chinese Government and the European powers. For this state of affairs thanks were largely due to the wisdom and moderation of Prince Kung, who continued to direct the
