A HISTORY OF SUFFOLK from 5 J. to ^i, whilst a ship might be worth anything from ^4 to £10, or in a few cases more. Even if we multiply these sums by fifteen to get some- where nearer to modern values, it is clear that most of the Ipswich vessels can only have been small coasting craft. The kind of vessel that may have been owned by the largest capitalist is shown by an account of a barge built in 1294 at Ipswich for the king's use. This cost ^23 7/., about £j of which was spent in timber and boards ; ^^3 6s. ^d. in carpenters' wages ;
- ^3 1 1 J. ()d. in iron, 1,000 small nails and the wages of smiths ; and about
- ^9 in pitch, sails, sheets, steadings, coverings, thirty oars and a rudder. A
much larger ship built as a man-of-war at the same time cost ^^195, and took over twenty-one weeks in building.** This suggests the possibility that as some of the poorer burgesses are stated to have shared the ownership of a small boat, some of the wealthier ones may have been partners in a larger vessel than any that is represented in a single inventory. A little later we certainly find Ipswich shipowners supplying means of transport for the wool of English merchants to Flanders, and Ipswich merchants trading with German goods between Flemish and French ports. At this time, however, most of the trade of Ipswich with the Continent was carried on in Dutch and Flemish ships, and the prosperity of the town was felt to depend on the presence of the foreign merchant. This is shown by the various provisions of the Domesday code which aim at securing just dealings and speedy settlements in all bargains made between burgesses and strangers. Cases dealt with in the town court under the ' law merchant ' in which strangers were involved were not to be adjourned like local cases for a fortnight, but pleaded ' from day to day and from hour to hour as well fore- noon as after,' and the bailiffs were armed with special powers of distraint against an Ipswich merchant who proved a defaulter in regard to a bargain made with a foreigner. The preamble of this last ordinance forcibly expresses the sense which the good men of the town had ' of the wickedness and the folly of such buyers men insufficient and of evil feith who be envyous covetise or by defaut of goode advysement . . . haven embrased bargaynes and bought goodys and merchaundysys comyng into the forseid town . . , and wykkydly agens law and good faith in esclandre of the . . . good men therin dwellyng han delayed merchaundes of ther payment, wherefore straunge merchaunts oftentyme withdrawen . . . and that to the grievous damage of the town and of all the cuntre aboutyn.' ** The trade both inward and outward was very largely in food and drink and raw material. The grain and wool, the butter, cheese, and beer exported were balanced by wine, almonds, figs and raisins, fish of all kinds both cured and fresh, woad, ashes, copperas and alum, oil, tallow, pitch and salt, the leather and iron of Spain, the timber of Ireland and Norway, and the wines and salt of France. But a trade in -manufactured goods was not wanting. The cloth made in the neighbouring towns of Coggeshall, Maldon, Colchester, and Sudbury, as well as that brought from Beverley, Lincoln, and London, was exchanged for the more costly fabrics of Flanders, the silks of Italy, the cutlery of France and Germany.** " Hist. MSS. Cm. Rep. ix, App. {,258.
- Dom. of Ipswich. The translation here given was made in the 1 5th centniy.
" Ipsuiicb Dom. Bk. 18 1-5. 648
