67 II. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. CONSONANTS. however, doubtful whether they were so treated in the original text of the RV.1. 3. Unchangeable o. a. When is the result of combining the final ă of particles with u (which itself is often unchangeable) 2, it is pragrhya; thus ó (= á u), átho (= átha u), utó (= utá u), mó (= má u). (— b. Following this analogy, the vocative in o of u-stems is sometimes treated as pragrhya in the Samhita of the TS.; e. g. pito á (TS.v. 7. 24). It is regularly so treated in the Padapāṭhas of the RV., AV., VS., TS. (but not SV.). Thus in váyavá (1. 2¹), váya ukthébhir (1. 2²), vayo táva (1. 2³) the vocative is equally given in the Padapatha as vayo iti. M 73. The diphthongs ai and au. -The diphthongs ai and au are treated throughout in the same way as e ando before vowels other than a. Thus ai is regularly written ā (having dropped the y of ay); e. g. tásmā akṣí (1. 116¹6); tásmā indrāya (1. 4⁹). On the other hand, au is generally written āv, but always a before in the RV. and VS.; e. g. táv á (1.25); táv indrāgnī (1.1083³); but sujihvá úpa (1. 13³). In the AV. a appears before u in pādā ucyete (AV. xix. 65). In the MS. a appears before other vowels also ³. 74. Euphonic combination of consonants. The Sandhi of final consonants, generally speaking, starts from the form which they assume in pausā. Thus an aspirate first loses its aspiration; the palatal becomes k; jsh become k or t; and of a group of consonants the first alone remains. Final n is, however, to a great extent differently treated from what it is in pausā; and the Sandhi ofs and r is, for the most part, based not on h, their form in pausā, but on the original letter. A final consonant is assimilated5 in quality to the following initial, becoming voiceless before a voiceless consonant, and voiced before a voiced sound7; e. g. tát satyám (1. 15) for tád; yát tvā (1. 15%) for yád; havyaváḍ juhvasyaḥ (1 126), through -vát for -vah; gámad vájebhiḥ (1. 5³) for gámat; arvág rádhaḥ (1. 95) for arvác through arvák. — a. A final media before a nasal may become the nasal of its own class. There seems to be no certain instance of this in the RV.; cakrán ná (x. 9512. 13), however, probably stands for cakrát ná, though the Pp. has cakrán ná. This assimilation is regular in some compounds; e. g. sán-navati- ‘96' for sát-navati-. From here it penetrated into internal Sandhi; e. g. san-nám. b. Assimilation not only in quality, but also largely in the place of articulation occurs in the Sandhi of final m, of the final dentals 8 ns, and of final (under the influence of s). 75. Euphonic combination of final m.-1. Before vowels, final m remains unchanged; e. g. agnim ile (1. 1¹). In a very few instances, however, them is dropped, and the vowels then contract. This Sandhi is mostly indicated by the metre only: it is very rarely written', as in durgáhaitát 1 Cp. OLDENBERG 455, note. 2 Cp. above 71, 1 b. 3 See GARBE, GGA. 1882, 117 f.; WACKER- NAGEL I, 274; OLDENBERG, ZDMG. 60, 755 -758 (Duale auf -ā und -au). 4 Some compounds, however, preserve survivals of an earlier phase of Sandhi; e. g. vis-páti- 'lord of the house'; vispálä- N., not vit-; nabh-raj- (MS.) 'cloud-king', not nab-ráj-. Cp. L. v. SCHROEDER, ed. of MS. 1, p. XVI. 5 Final before vowels becomes in the RV., not d as later; c. g. bál itthá, for bát. 6 Within a word a voiced consonant is not necessary before vowels, semivowels, and nasals. 7 Some scholars think that the 3. sing.impv., e. g. bhávatu represents bhavat u for original bhavad u, the t being retained owing to the influence of the innumerable forms of the 3. sing. with t, -ti, -te, etc. (cp. WACKER- NAGEL I, 276 b); but this is doubtful; DEL- BRÜCK, Altindische Syntax 517 ff., thinks it may originally have been bháva+tú (particle); cp. IF. 18, 71. 8 An example of a final guttural becoming a dental before a dental occurs in TS. I. 2.7¹, where samyát te stands for samyák te. There are a few other examples in B. passages of the TS.; see WACKERNAGEL I, 277 b. 9 See above 70, 3 b. 5*
