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cify», Cronstadt, without realizing his own position as a minion of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie. In fact this man was, a tool in bringing about an «understanding» with revolutionary Cronstadt, according to which the commissar of the place was not to be appointed by. the Government, but elected by the local citizens and only confirmed by the Government. With such miserable compromises, the Ministers who had deserted Socialism to please the bourgeoisie, spent all their time.
Thus, whenever a bourgeois Minister could not possibly appear in defense of the Government, as for example before revolutianary workers, or the Soviets, a «Socialist» Minister appeared or rather, was sent by the bourgeoisie—such as Skobelov, Tseretelli, Tchernov, etc. He conscientiously accomplished the bourgeoisie's job, defended the Ministry, white-washed the capitalists, befogged the minds of the people by repeating promises, promises, only promises,—and ended by advising them to wait, wait, wait.
Minister Tchernov was kept particularly busy bargaining with his bourgeois colleagues. Down to this very month of July, when after the shake-up of July 3–4 the new «crisis of power» took place, and the Cadets left the Cabinet, Minister Tchernov was always occupied with the useful, interesting, profoundly national work of «persuading» his bourgeois colleagues, of exhorting them to consent at least to a law prohibiting the purchase of land.
