ſhould be exerciſed by the people in their aggregate or collective capacity, as was wiſely ordained in the petty republics of Greece, and the firſt rudiments of the Roman ſtate. But this will be highly inconvenient, when the public territory is extended to any conſiderable degree, and the number of citizens is encreaſed. Thus when, after the ſocial war, all the burghers of Italy were admitted free citizens of Rome, and each had a vote in the public aſſemblies, it became impoſſible to diſtinguiſh the ſpurious from the real voter, and from that time all elections and popular deliberations grew tumultuous and diſorderly; which paved the way for Marius and Sylla, Pompey and Caeſar, to trample on the liberties of their country, and at laſt to diſſolve the commonwealth. In ſo large a ſtate as ours it is therefore very wiſely contrived, that the people ſhould do that by their repreſentatives, which it is impracticable to perform in perſon: repreſentatives, choſen by a number of minute and ſeparate diſtricts, wherein all the voters are, or eaſily may be, diſtinguiſhed. The counties are therefore repreſented by knights, elected by the proprietors of lands; the cities and boroughs are repreſented by citizens and burgeſſes, choſen by the mercantile part or ſuppoſed trading intereſt of the nation; much in the ſame manner as the burghers in the diet of Sweden are choſen by the corporate towns, Stockholm ſending four, as London does with us, other cities two, and ſome only one[1]. The number of Engliſh repreſentatives is 513, and of Scots 45; in all 558. And every member, though choſen by one particular diſtrict, when elected and returned ſerves for the whole realm. For the end of his coming thither is not particular, but general; not barely to advantage his conſtituents, but the common wealth; to adviſe his majeſty (as appears from the writ of ſummons[2]) “de communi conſilio ſuper negotiis quibuſdam arduis et urgentibus, regem, ſtatum et defenſionem regni Angliae et eccleſiae Anglicanae concernentibus.” And therefore he is not bound, like a deputy in the united provinces, to conſult with, or take the advice, of his conſtituents upon any particular point, unleſs he himſelf thinks it proper or prudent ſo to do.
