Proceedings of the Convention of the Equal Rights and Educational Association of Georgia (1866)/Part 2
ADDRESS OF CAPTAIN J. E. BRYANT.
My Friends and Members of the Georgia Equal Rights Association.
You have met for the second time to consider the condition of the colored citizens of Georgia. On the 10th day of January last, the friends of equal rights met for the first time in the history of this State to consult together, and adopt a policy, by which they would be governed, in laboring to advance the cans; so dear to their hearts. They organized an Association which was very properly called the Georgia Equal Rights Association, made arrangements for publishing a newspaper, passed resolutions and adjourned.
A difference of opinion arose in regard to the policy which should be pursued towards the white friends, who might wish to assist in the efforts, made to secure for the colored race those rights to which every citizen in this free Government is entitled. Some, desirous of securing the practical assistance of white friends, advocated the election of a white man for President; others, in consideration of the fact that all the delegates to the convention were colored men, were of the opinion that it would be better to elect, a colored man to that position. The discussion, which was throughout conducted in the best spirit, was ended by a decision, nearly unanimous, in favor of electing a white man President, The election was unanimous.
I regarded it a great honor to myself that I was, under these circumstances, the unanimous choice of the convention. Men who but a few months before were slaves, having to use a please of politicians, 'no rights which white men were bound to respect,' had assembled to discuss and make known the condition of their people, and organize to labor, unitedly and successfully, to improve their condition, and secure for them those rights which the Declaration of Independence declares to be unalienable. To choose myself from the race of their oppressors, being almost a stranger, was, under the circumstances, proof of the strongest kind that I had the entire confidence of the delegates. I prized this more than I can express to you, and felt that I could not refuse to accept a position which would offer, so many opportunities of doing good, when I was assured that a downtrodden people, struggling to gain rights which had always been denied them, placed such generous confidence in me; and, in accepting the position, I said; 'after listening to the remarks of the President of your convention, who, in words that touched my heart as it has seldom been touched, assured me that in choosing one from the race of your oppressors to act as President of an Association, organized to secure for your race equal rights, you manifested the confidence and esteem, entertained tor me by yourselves and those whom you represent; I can not decline to accept the position, and I promise that with the help of Him who rules all nations, and has, by an almost miraculous display of power, given you freedom, I will not disappoint you.' Standing before you to-day, and calling God for my witness, I say to you, that, from that time to this, I have labored early and late, as I have never before labored, to fulfill that pledge. I have walked in the light as God gave me to see the light regardless of all consequences and all dangers. I have done what I thought was right leaving the result with God.
Although I willingly accented the honor conferred upon me nevertheless I was fully aware of the unpleasant position, in which I placed myself by accepting it. I was fully aware that, as an officer of the Government, I had made myself obnoxious to a large class of citizens because I recognized the late slaves as citizens, and protected them as such. I know that I should, in my new position, render myself still more obnoxious, but I had, during my residence in the State attempted to do right, and I proposed to continue to do so and believing that,
The eternal years of God are hers;"
I determined to continue to do right, leaving the result with God; believing that, if I lived, good men would at length acknowledge the purity of my motives, whatever they might think of the policy pursued. I was fully aware of the fact that, but a few months before any white man, who attempted to do what I proposed to do, would have been severely punished in accordance with the laws of the State, and, if he had been killed, the verdict of the entire community would have been, 'served him right.' I knew that laws and customs as old as these, which the people were forced to give up against their will, must leave a prejudice, bitter and hard to overcome; I knew that, if I accepted this position, I should be astrocized for years from the society of most white citizens of this State, and I knew that I risked even life itself, nevertheless I did not, for a moment, hesitate.
What is life! We have but a few years to live, and he who does most good, accomplishes most. It is pleasant to enjoy the advantages cf good society; it is pleasant to die a natural death, for die we all must, but that man is a coward who fails to do good, because there are dangers in the way; he is unfit to live, if he will fail to do good, because, perchance, he may be deprived of some of the pleasures of society.
subordinate associations.
The great work, in my judgment, which first presented itself to me, was to organize Subordinate Associations throughout the State as rapidly as possible, and establish, upon a permanent basis, the organ of your Association, the Loyal Georgian. Indeed, that has been the great work of the past year.
I have found much difficulty in establishing Subordinate Associations in the different counties. When you were slaves, you had no leaders, no smart men, or, more properly, your smart men were not permitted to become your lenders. The laws prevented you from securing an education. You could not become acquainted with each other through the public press, or by letter, as free persons can, and as you now may. Indeed. I found that, outside of the cities and large towns, the colored people knew nothing of each other, except in the neighborhood in which they lived. It was necessary that I should find out who could road and write, and also who were most respected among you. For the reasons given, it has been a difficult task; nevertheless I have succeeded in discovering some of these men in fifty counties, and Associations have been organized in those counties. The Constitution provides that each member shall pay an initiation fee of one dollar, which is to be sent by each Subordinate Association to the President of the Slate Association. Very few Subordinate Associations have done this. I have been informed that in some counties the money has been raised and given to the Vice President of the county, who has railed to forward it, all that, in other counties, the Vice President has failed to forward all that has been entrusted to his care. I desire that, if you are prepared to prove such charges, you will not fail to report them at this time, for I desire to appoint a committee to investigate all charges of this kind. If any officer of this Association has been dishonest, he should be expelled from office and denounced, We have undertaken a great work, and one of vast importance to the colored race, as well as to the State. We must raise money to enable us to prosecute our work; we must trust men, and, if they betray the confidence which we place in them, it is our duty to expose them and denounce them. This will be a warning to others, who, being trusted, may not be tempted to act dishonestly.
These Subordinate Associations are exerting a powerful influence already. They are schools where colored citizens learn their rights. At the meetings of many Associations the Loyal Georgian is read by some member, and thus, in every county in the State, they may gain information which is of vital importance at this time. These Associations may be, indeed they should be schools where every member can, at least, learn to read and write.
the loyal georgian.
It was considered absolutely necessary, by the founders of this Association, that an organ should be published to advocate the policy, which was regarded as of vital importance to the interests and welfare of the colored citizens of the State.
A newspaper—the Colored American—had been established by an enterprising colored man in the city of Augusta, but he did not meet with that encouragement which he expected, and was about to relinquish the undertaking, when an Association in that city, known as the Union League, relieved him of the responsibility, assumed the debts and continued the publication of the paper until this Association was organized, when it transferred the property to this Association, upon condition that it should pay the debts. It was "thought best to change the name, and, by unanimous consent, the paper was called the Loyal Georgian. Thus was established a paper, which, although small in size, has wielded a powerful influence in behalf of the colored people of this State. As President of the Association, it becomes my duty to superintend the publication of this paper. Although we have used every exertion to pay the expenses and decrease the debt, we have been unable to do so. I have, with great difficulty, continued its publication, and must say to you frankly that, unless some changes are made immediately, we must suspend its publication altogether. This would be a disaster to the cause of equal rights in Georgia greatly to be deplored, and I fear that it would take months, perhaps years, to repair the injury, caused by a failure on the part of the friends of justice to sustain one small paper in the State. I know there are obstacles to overcome that would appal cowards; but we are engaged in a warfare against wrong, injustice prejudice, ignorance, wickedness and villainy, and cowards have no business to enter into such a contest. If we are not cowards, we should shrink from honorable and wise effort that promises to bring; success; and we should be appaled at no opposition, for we knew that God assists those who labor to do good, and, trusting in Him, we should never cease our efforts, as long as any plan presents itself that is considered feasible.
When this Association was organized, I thought that it could and would easily support the paper. I knew that the object, and the only object in view, was to improve the condition of the colored citizens, and thus advance the interests of the State and Nation. I therefore felt that every colored man in Georgia would, as soon as he learned our object, assist us. I have been disappointed. Before our Association was organized, there were societies in several cities in the State known as Union Leagues. Delegates were present, I believe, from all of these Leagues except the Savannah League, unfortunately that society was not represented, and, for reasons which it is unnessary to mention, its members have been unwilling to unite with us. For this reason, mainly, we have received but little assistance from Savannah. There are in this State about five hundred thousand colored persons, and at least 100,000 men who are old enough to join the Association. As the initiation fee is one dollar, if one in ten should join and pay the initiation fee, $10,000 would be raised. Thus the paper could be easily supported, even if nothing was received from subscriptions to it, or from advertisements. But for the reasons given above, and because most of the Vice Presidents have failed to send money from those counties where Associations have been organized, the State Association has been unable to render the paper much assistance.
I have received from Associations $625,72, and from this sum have paid T. P Beard, Agent and Treasurer for the paper $523,97. I suppose that another reason has prevented the friends from sending money. The Assistant Commissoner of the Freedmen's Bureau for Georgia, General Tillson, has accused your President of dishonesty, and, although the charges made by him have been investigated and proved to be false, nevertheless bad men continue to repeat these charges. I believe that your paper has received more injury from the reports, circulated by General Tillson, than from all other causes. The colored people have been taught to look to the Freedmen's Bureau for protection. It was established to protect them, and they naturally suppose that officers, appointed by the Government, are their friends. When, therefore, the chief officer of the Bureau, for the State, asserted positively that the money, which was given by the freed people for the Association, was stolen by the President, we can not wonder that they hesitated about sending it; and, when you remember that an agent of the Bureau has been appointed for each county, all of whom are subject to the command of the Assistant Commissoner, and are, of course, expected to believe the statements made by him, and, when all of these men were informed of the statements made by General Tillson, and instructed to prevent the freedmen, so far as possible, from sending money to the officers of the State Association, you can not be surprised that we received but little assistance from them. A few counties have continued to labor with zeal. Richmond, Jefferson, and Greene counties have given us the most assistance. Too much praise can not be given to the colored people of Augusta. Through evil report and good report they have never faltered, never failed us. They have given $384,50 and have loaned $1028,80. The money loaned should have been paid before, but as I have said above, it has been impossible to do so. The creditors have held a meeting, and have chosen a committee to consult with this Association, and, if possible, make a settlement. If it had Dot been for the assistance which we have received from Augusta, we must have suspended the publication of the paper several months since. The friends in Augusta feel that they can give and loan no more at present.
I informed the council at its meeting in July that, in my judgment, we must receive assistance from our friends at the North, or we could not succeed in our undertaking ; and I was requested to visit the North and represent to our friends there the importance of the work we had undertaken, and appeal to them for assistance. I did as requested. I found that the Northern people take a deep interest in every undertaking that has for its object the improvement of the freed people of the South, and are willing to give liberally to sustain them; but there are so many calls for money that we cannot expect very much assistance from there. I must therefore say to you that, in my opinion, your paper can not be longer published by the Association. But I am of opinion that it may still be published as the organ of the Association. I was authorized by the council to hire money if necessary to continue the publication of the paper. I have given notes that remain unpayed to the amount of $1028,80. These notes are signed by myself as President of the Association, and by the Secretary of the Council, Robert T. Kent. I assured the persons to whom these notes were given that they should be paid; indeed the money was loaned, because I gave that assurance. Therefore, when I came to the conclusion that the Association would be unable to continue the publication of the Loyal Georgian, or to pay these notes, I requested the parties who had loaned the money to meet me, and I frankly stated to them our condition. They chose a committee to represented them at this convention, and voted that they would, if the Association approved of the plan, form a stock company, pay all the debts of the paper, and continue its publication.
I advise you by all means to accept this proposition. As I have before said, I am fully convinced that the Association cannot continue the publication of the paper. We owe none but colored men and their friends, therefore it will be just as well for the cause of equal rights to have it published by them as by the Association.
But, if the Association could continue the publication of the paper I should think it better to make the change proposed, for the following reasons: As I have said, the Union League of Savannah has not thought best to unite with us, and I fear that they will do so. I am informed that other Leagues have been formed in different parts of the State, and that they have a State organization. They have no organ, but will, I think, unite in supporting the Loyal Georgian, if it is published by a stock company. The white Union men of the South, who mot in convention at Philadelphia in September, took strong grounds in favor of justice and equal rights for all. Indeed they advocated the same principles that you advocate. They were in favor of giving to colored citizens the same rights that white citizens enjoy. There are, then, in Georgia, three parties who think alike, the Republican party, the Equal Rights Association, and the Union League. The Loyal Georgian is the only paper in the State that advocates the policy of these parties, and I have reason to believe that the white Union men of the State will assist the paper, if it is published by a stock company, but, for reasons which I will not explain, they ' will not now assist us very much. I feel certain that, if the paper is published by a stock company, it will receive the assistance of this Association, the Union League, and Republican party. We can not only continue the publication of the paper, if we receive the support of these parties, but we can also enlarge it and make it truly a power in the State I say, therefore, that it is impossible, in my opinion, for the Association to continue the publication of the paper, even in its present size, but it can be published by a stock company, composed of friends to the cause we advocate, and, by so doing, bring to its support all classes of citizens who are friendly to the cause of equal rights.
the policy to be persued for the year to come.
The founders of this Association believed in the truths set forth in the Declaration of Independence, "that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." To labor to secure these rights, this Association was organized. Then, the country had just passed through a long and bloody war; a war inaugurated to establish a government, whose corner-stone was to be slavery. The North and the South had contended for the mastery; the South fighting for slavery—the North, to prevent the destruction of the Government. It is true that the slaves were emancipated by the North; but this was done— not because it was right; not because slavery was wrong; not because the Government had protected the worst system of tyranny that ever disgraced the world; and, seeing the wickedness of the institution, (an institution repugnant to the theory upon which the Government was founded) had determined to be true, at length, to the teachings of the fathers—but because it was necessary to save the Government. I have long believed that, but for the over-ruling providence of God, your people would now be held in slavery, and thus held, until the people of this country had been educated to understand the enormity of the crime of holding human beings in slavery. Then, no doubt, a war would have been inaugurated to make this government, in fact, as well as name a free Government, and, at the end of such a war, if the friends of freedom were victorious, it would be unnecessary to agitate the question of justice and equal rights, for citizens who were guilty of no crime; the people who fought for justice would be just when victory crowned their efforts. But, as I have said, the victors in the late war fought to save the Union, and, to do this, they found it necessary to emancipate the slaves. When peace was established, very many of the war party, perhaps a majority, certainly a large minority, were not in favor of giving full justice to the emancipated slaves, now citizens; and the Democratic, or peace party, were the enemies of justice and equal rights.
But the war party felt that they were in honor bound to protect the freedmen in their civil rights, and very many, perhaps a majority, were in favor of giving them full justice, and political rights. It was foreseen by the founders of this Association that these questions would be discussed for several months, perhaps years; and that the interests of the colored people demanded that they should take a part in the discussion. Therefore, I have for the past year advised the friends in every part of the State to discuss political questions, and particularly to bring before the people the importance of securing impartial suffrage, before the present Governments of the non-reconstructed States were recognized by Congress. Reconstruction is the great question that has agitated for several months past, and now agitates the public mind. At first, the Republican members of Congress, supported by the Republican party, claimed that, as the governments of the States that rebelled had been overthrown, new governments could not be legally established, except by the authority of Congress. The President, supported by the Democratic party, claimed that the States had no authority to break their relations with the general government, or secede; therefore, that they had not destroyed their former relations with the Government, and that he had the authority to recognize new governments that were established by those States. An issue having been thus joined, an appeal was made to the people, who are the jury to decide. The elections, that have been held, show that, the people will sustain Congress, and the decision of Congress must therefore be final. While the Republican members of Congress were, at first, nearly unanimous in claiming that Congress alone had the authority to reconstruct the rebel States, they were not, by any means, united upon a policy of reconstruction; and so long as they did not agree, it was right, yes, it was of great importance that the colored citizens of this and other Southern States should, themselves, in every honorable and peaceable way, bring the attention of Congress to their true condition, and, if possible, convince them that no plan of reconstruction was just or Bate which ignored the right of colored Union men to take a part in the new governments, but allowed disloyal men to do so; thus placing it; Union men, both white and colored, at the mercy of rebels, who had for four years, plotted the destruction of the National Government. But the Republican members of Congress did, after months of discussion, agree upon a plan of reconstruction; and, as they have the controlling power in Congress, their policy became the Congressional policy. An amendment to the Constitution of the United States was submitted to the States for their consideration, with the understanding that the non-reconstructed States, which adopt this amendment, will be recognized by Congress. This plan, of reconstruction does not satisfy many, perhaps a majority of the Republican party, nevertheless it is the policy of the party, and those Southern States which adopt the amendment, will, without doubt, be recognized, by Congress, although every colored man in America protested. Hut, if these Spates do not adopt the amendment before the Fortieth Congress assembles, I have reason to believe that their present governments will be "wiped out," and new ones established, enfranchising all loyal men, white and colored, and disfranchising a certain specified class of men who have been disloyal, although no colored man should request it. I therefore conclude that political discussion on the part of colored citizens can do no good at this time. Whether it has or has not done good in the past, it matters not. They have done their duty to themselves and their race by entering upon this discussion.
I have received information from nearly every part of the State that white men prevent, if possible, the organization of Subordinate Associations. Several influential colored men have been driven from their homes, because they assisted in the organization of these Associations, and the lives of others have been threatened. I am convinced that the opposition would not be as great if political question were not discussed at the meetings of the Associations. If political discussions can do no good and may do harm, they had better be postponed for the present.
The strongest argument, and I might almost say the only argument, that your enemies adduce in favor of withholding from you the right of suffrage, is the ignorance of your people. It would be folly to deny that most of the colored people in the Southern States are ignorant. Indeed they have been systematically kept in ignorance. It was no fault of theirs that they were not educated. They were prevented by cruel laws from learning to read even. True, some few were able to steal a little knowledge, but these usually lived in the cities or large towns.
You were kept in ignorance that you might the more easily be kept in slavery, and, if you ever expect to secure justice and equal rights, your people must be educated. I would therefore advise that our Association, for the coming year, labor to arouse the colored people to the importance of gaining an education, and that we establish as many schools in the State as possible.
I am informed that the Northern Associations that have sent teachers South to instruct your children, will be able to establish but few schools In the State, except in the cities and large towns. For the present, we cannot, I fear, expect that schools will be established for you by the State, although I would suggest that you send an address to the Legislature upon the subject, and bring to their attention the importance, justice and wisdom of providing schools for your children, the same as for white children. It can do no harm and may do good.
The freed people will therefore be obliged to establish and support schools for their children themselves, or have none. I suggest, therefore, that it shall be the work of our Association, for the coming year, to establish schools in every county in the State. Let the Vice Presidents be instructed to establish schools in their counties for children, and let the Subordinate Associations be night schools, if possible, where men and women may, at least, learn to read and write. Subordinate Association No. 2, of Augusta, has already established a night school, and the other Subordinate Associations of that city will soon do the same. The members who attend the school pay one dollar per month into the treasury, and appoint a committee of three to employ the superintendent of the school. If you shall, during the year, establish schools in every county in the State, it will be regarded by your friends, everywhere, as one of the most remarkable undertakings ever accomplished by a people just emancipated from slavery.
general tillson.
I accepted the position of President of this Association the more willingly, because my relations with General Tillson—the Assistant Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau for this State—were of a very friendly nature, and I felt that I might, by bringing to his attention the true condition of the colored people, assist them more than any other person, who would consent to accept the position. I am pleased to say that, for many weeks my anticipations were realized: but I was pained to discover that, in my opinion, the General was less and less willing to protect the freedmen, as I thought he might; by degrees, our relations became less and less satisfactory to myself.
In the latter part of May, an attempt was made, by the teachers of the colored schools of Augusta, to enter the city cemetery with their scholars, for the purpose of strewing flowers over the graves of Union soldiers, who tie buried in that cemetery. They were met at the entrance by the Mayor and a large force of armed policemen, and admission denied to colored children, unless they entered as the servants, or slaves, of the white persons present, to carry flowers for them. The teacher and their white friends refused to enter upon such conditions, and returned to a church near by. It was there decided to send a committee to General Tillson, and request that he would protect the colored children in their effort to do honor to the memory of the Union dead. He not only very unexpectedly refused to do so, but he declared that he was opposed to the whole affair. I gave an account of the difficulty in the Loyal Georgian, and, for doing so, he commenced a system of persecution, unrelenting, unmerciful and unscrupulous. I was charged with robbing colored men of money which they contributed for the paper, and, in fact, with almost every crime known to men. I denied the charges, and requested that a committee might be appointed, before which I would appear and meet every charge that might be made. He refused to do this, but continued to repeat the charges. When the Council met in July last, I informed the members that charges had been made against me by General Tillson, and requested that they might be investigated by a committee. A committee was appointed, and, after two days careful investigation, they made a report fully exhonorating me; nevertheless, the General came before the Council, and in a most violent and ungentlemanly, I might almost say disgraceful and reckless manner, repeated the charges which had been already proved to be false; calling me a lier, a scoundrel, a thief and a beggar. He also made a speech which contained much valuable information. A resolution was passed, thanking him for the speech. I am aware that it was the intention of the Council to thank him for the information which the speech contained, upon subjects that had no relation to myself, and that nearly every number of the Council disapproved of that part of the speech which related to myself, but a different impression has been made upon the public mind, to a certain extent. I therefore ask that, in justice to myself, the resolution of thanks be expunged from the records of the Council.
Many persons have thought that I have had a personal quarrel with Gen. Tillson, and that I have used the Loyal Georgian as a medium through which I could gratify feelings of hatred against that officer. Such persons entirely misunderstand the difficulty. My relations with the General were of a very friendly nature, previous to the attempt to do honor to the memory of the Union dead who lie buried in the cemetery at Augusta, and up to the very day, when an account of that affair appeared in the columns of the Loyal Georgian. I published that account, not because I had feelings of hatred to gratify, for I had no such feelings towards General Tillson; on the contrary, as I have said, my relations with that officer, and with his family, were of a very friendly nature; but I published the account, because I felt that the memory of the brave Union soldiers who had died in defence of their country had been insulted. I felt that a General of the United States Army had disgraced himself to please men who had fought to destroy the country, and had killed the very men whose graves we desired to decorate with flowers. And because I published this account, I have been assailed by rebels and dough-face officers who are a thousand times meaner and more contemptable than rebels, for many of the former are honest, while the latter are ready to crawl in the dirt to gain a little popularity.
The Augusta cemetery is under the control of the city authorities. They have no more authority to prevent colored citizens from entering it, than they have to deny that right to white citizens. The Civil Rights Bill declares, 'that all persons, born in the United States, and not subject to any foreign power, excluding Indians not taxed,' are citizens of the United States. Colored men being citizens, it follows of course that they are entitled to all and the same civil rights to which white citizens are entitled, and that they can not legally be denied them, any law, statute, ordinance, regulation or custom to the contrary notwithstanding. Colored citizens in Augusta were denied the privilege of entering the cemetery by the Mayor, but he would allow white citizens to enter. General Tillson was appealed to, to protect the colored citizens, and, as an officer of the Freedmen's Bureau, it, was his duty. A few weeks later, the city authorities of Savannah forbid the colored citizens from entering the city park, and General Tillson interfered in their favor. If he could interfere in one case, he could in the other. Colored citizens wished to enter a city cemetery to decorate, with flowers, the graves of men who had fought to make them free, and, being prevented, General Tillson refused to interfere in their behalf. Colored citizens wished to enter a city park for pleasure, and, being prevented, General Tillson did interfere in their behalf.
I have demanded, and I shall continue to demand that colored citizens shall be protected in the full and free enjoyment of all the rights to which they are entitled. This I shall do, although Gen. Tillson and all the rebels and dough-face Generals from the Potomac to the Gulf denounce me. But I do not wish that my friends shall misunderstand my motives.
conclusion.
My friends, you have much to encourage you. One year ago, but few white Union men in the South were willing to give you equal political rights; now they demand these rights for you: one year ago, there was no party at the South that advocated your cause; now the Republican party is organized, or is being organized in every Southern State. This is the party of freedom and progress, 'tis the party that conducted the war, that saved the country and made you free. Thanking God for what he has already done for you, take courage, and enter upon the work that now presents itself with fresh zeal. Labor to educate your people, and, while your white friends are laboring to secure for you those rights to which you are entitled, show by your own industry, economy and good behavior, that you will make good use of political rights, when they are granted to you.