Robert the Bruce and the struggle for Scottish independence/Continued Success of the Scottish Arms

by Herbert Maxwell

Thomas, Earl of Lancaster.	Sir Richard Fitz Alan, Earl of Arundel.

CHAPTER XI.

CONTINUED SUCCESS OF THE SCOTTISH ARMS.

A.D. 1316-1319.

IT is a relief to turn from the dismal record of the Irish campaign and resume the course of events in Scotland. There, too, there had been suffering and anxiety, and the pages are plentifully sprinkled with blood; but it is at least a more inspiriting story than the ignoble slaughter of starving and half-naked kernes in a quarrel between English and Scots, for a dominion which both were striving to usurp.

There had been stirring times in King Robert's absence, and his taste for knight-errantry must have caused him some twinges of envy as he listened to the report which Douglas had to lay before him.

Not a solitary gleam of good fortune had shone on the English arms since, in the spring of 1315, John of Lorn had recaptured the Isle of Man,^[1] which Bruce had conquered in June, 1313.^[2] Aymer de Valence, having failed in administering the ward enry of the northern counties, had been superseded, in part at least, by the appointment of Thomas, Earl of Lancaster, on August 8, 1315.^[3] A great muster of English troops had been ordered by Lancaster to take place at Newcastle on June 24, 1316, but this had been postponed by royal warrant till September 10th, thus enabling the Scots to raid Richmond and Furness, as described in a former chapter. Circumstances interfered with the September muster also, and once more action was deferred till October. By that time the King of Scots had sailed for Ireland, and Richard de Kellow, the gallant Bishop of Durham, was dead. His successor was a Frenchman, Ludovic de Belmont, whom the Pope, as it was said, appointed to the see on condition that he should defend the Marches against the Scots. The chronicler of Lanercost, professionally summing up the new bishop's qualifications, describes him as "wellborn, but lame on both legs, hospitable notwithstanding, and of a merry disposition."

The English army assembled according to orders at Newcastle after Michaelmas, but King Edward failed to appear to take command. Men said he could not brook any intercourse with the Earl of Lancaster, so the troops were disbanded. The Earl of Arundel, however, being advised by spies that it was a propitious time for a raid on the Marches,

entered Scotland near Jedburgh. It will be remembered that Roxburgh Castle had been dismantled after its capture from the English in February, 1314; but probably it was in their possession again at this time, for there is documentary evidence to show that they had reoccupied it before the spring of 1317. Arundel's purpose, according to Barbour, was to level Jedworth Forest, because it gave convenient harbour to the Scots when preparing to raid Northumberland, and to that end his men were armed with felling axes.^[4] Douglas was employing his leisure in building himself a house at Lintalee, on the banks of the Jed, having with him about fifty men-at-arms and a company of bowmen. Hearing of Arundel's approach, he prepared an ambuscade at a place where the Jed flows through a narrow glen-wooded gorge. He made the passage more difficult by bending down the tops of young birch-trees and weaving them together across the paths. The English entered the defile without suspicion, and suddenly the banks echoed to the dreaded war-cry: "Douglas! Douglas!" The archers opened a heavy fire on the flanks, while Douglas charged the column from the rear. The English commander could neither deploy nor form square, owing to the narrowness of the ground; his men fell into confusion, and were routed with heavy loss, Sir Thomas de Richmond himself being slain by Douglas.^[5]

Meanwhile, another band of English, finding the new house of Lintalee defenceless, had taken possession of it, and were making free with such good cheer as they could lay their hands on; until Douglas, returning from the affair in the glen, surprised them carousing, and put most of them to the sword.

Still more to the liking of the King of Scots must have been the next feat of arms by the Black Douglas, when he encountered Sir Robert de Neville, the "Peacock of the North," near Berwick. Neville, weary of perpetually listening to the renown of Douglas, had pledged his knightly word to assail him whensoever he should see his banner displayed; and Douglas, having been told of this vaunt, was not slow to take up the challenge. He marched all night to Berwick, where Neville was stationed, and displayed his banner the well-known azure field with three silver stars.^[6]

To ensure Neville's attention he fired some of the neighbouring villages. The Peacock showed no delay in response, but marched out of the town at once with a party of picked men-at-arms, and took up a position on a hill. Douglas challenged him to single combat; Neville accepted, of course, but few men

could engage with Douglas on equal terms, and the English knight paid for his daring with his life. The English, disheartened by the loss of their gallant leader, broke and fled. The usual slaughter followed, and Neville's three brothers, Sir Alexander, Ralph and John, were among the prisoners taken. They were held to ransom for 2000 marks each.^[7]

About the time that these events were taking place on the Border, the English landed in force near Inverkeithing, in Fife. The Earl of Fife and King Robert's sheriff, after vainly attempting to prevent them landing, retired before superior numbers, their retreat, according to Barbour's showing, being of the nature of sauve-qui-peut. In the nick of time came on the scene a stout prelate, William Sinclair, Bishop of Dunkeld, with a troop of sixty horse—

"Himself was armit jolely
And rad apon ane stalward sted."

He asked the earl why he and his men were riding so fast, and, on the reason being explained to him, rounded on him in a tone which none but an ecclesiastic would have dared to use towards a powerful baron. He charged him flatly with cowardice, and declared that, if the Earl got his deserts, the King should order the gilt spurs to be hewn off his craven heels. Then, throwing off his priestly cloak, the Bishop appeared in full armour, and called on the fugitives for very shame to follow him. The men only wanted a leader: they rallied at once under the dauntless prelate. The English had turned to foraying, and were scattered far and wide, except one detachment which was still in good array. This the Scots' cavalry dispersed by a furious charge, driving the men to their boats; the rest were slaughtered in detail, and thus the "kynrik" of Fife was saved. When the King of Scots heard of this, he declared that Sinclair should be his bishop; who accordingly, until his death and long after, went by the name of "the King's bishop."

One more exploit claims mention before King Robert reappears on the scene. It has been told how bravely Sir Andrew de Harcla defended Carlisle against the Scots, and how he received King Edward's guerdon for the capture of John de Moray. Harcla himself was taken prisoner now, riding with 300 men "horsit jolely," by Sir John de Soulis of Eskdale with but fifty. So much Barbour tells us, but refrains from giving the particulars, for, says he,

"I will nocht rehers the maner,
For quha sa likis, tha may her
Yhoung wemen, quhen the will play,
Syng it amang tham ilke day."^[8]

Would that the archdeacon had preserved for us this ballad! The main fact is confirmed by a letter from de Harcla to King Edward, begging that he may have John de Moray and Robert Bard (olph), whom he took at Carlisle, in aid of his own ransom. He adds that his valet,^[9] John de Beauchamp, will explain to the King how he had fallen into the hands of the Scots; and thus the lover of Border chivalry is baulked again of information about this episode.

The first business claiming the attention of the King of Scots on his return from Ireland was very different to any that he had been engaged in for a long time. King Edward, having been beaten all along the line in military operations, now sought to enlist on his side the influence of spiritual powers. He had appealed to Pope John XXII., who, at Edward's instance, issued a bull, commanding a truce for two years between England and Scotland, under pain of excommunication. Two cardinals, Guacelin, of SS. Marcellinus and Peter, and Luke, of S. Maria in the Via Lata, were sent with plenary powers to enforce this decree, and to excommunicate Robert de Brus, "self-styled King of Scotland," and any others who, in their opinion, deserved it. They also had power to absolve Robert's subjects from their oath of fealty.

Lord Hailes was of opinion that the letter of the cardinals to the Pope, giving an account of the negotiations which ensued, as preserved in Rymer's Fœdera, contained the most authentic description of the Bruce's presence which had come down to modern times. That writer has given a summary of this letter in language so vivid, and representing the original so closely, that quotation is at once fairer to him, and probably more effective, than any fresh attempt at paraphrase.

The messengers (precursores) sent by the cardinals were the Bishop of Corbau and the Archdeacon of Perpignan.^[10] They waited on the King of Scots about the beginning of September, 1317.

"The King," says Lord Hailes, "graciously received them and heard them with patient attention. After having consulted with his barons, he made answer, that he mightily desired to procure a good and perpetual peace, either by the mediation of the Cardinals, or by any other means. He allowed the open letters from the Pope, which recommended peace, to be read in his presence, and he listened to them with all due respect; but he would not receive the sealed letters addressed to 'Robert Bruce governing in Scotland.' 'Among my barons,' said he, 'there are many of the name of Robert Bruce, who share in the government of Scotland; these letters may possibly be addressed to some one of them; but they are not addressed to me, who am King of Scotland. I can receive no letters which are not addressed to me under that title, unless with the advice and approbation of my parliament. I will forthwith assemble my parliament, and with their advice return my answer.'

"The messengers attempted to apologise for omission of the title of King; they said that Holy Church was not wont, during the dependence of a controversy, to write or say anything which might be interpreted as prejudicial to the claims of either of the contending parties. 'Since, then,' answered the King, 'my spiritual father and my holy mother would not prejudice the cause of my adversary by bestowing on me the appellation of King during the dependence of the controversy, they ought not to have prejudiced my cause by withdrawing that appellation from me. I am in possession of the kingdom of Scotland; all my people call me King, and foreign Princes address me under that title; but it seems that my parents are partial to their English son. Had you presumed to present letters with such an address to any other sovereign Prince you might, perhaps, have been answered in a harsher style; but I reverence you as messengers of the holy see.' He delivered this sarcastical and resolute answer with a mild and pleasant countenance.^[11]

"The messengers next requested the King to command a temporary cessation of hostilities. 'To that,' replied the King, 'I can never consent without the approbation of my Parliament, especially while the English daily invade and spoil my people.'

"The King's counsellors told the messengers that if the letters had been addressed to the King of Scots, the negotiations for peace would have instantly commenced. They imputed the slighting omission of the title of King to the intrigues of the English at the Papal court, and they unguardedly hinted that they had this intelligence from Avignon.

"'While the title of King is withheld,' said the messengers to their constituents, 'there can be no hopes of a treaty.'

"On receiving this intelligence, the Cardinals resolved to proclaim the papal truce in Scotland. In this hazardous office they employed Adam Newton, guardian of the monastery of Minorites at Berwick. He was charged with letters to the Scottish clergy, and particularly to the Bishop of St. Andrews. He found the King of Scots with his army in a wood near Old Cambus, making preparations for the assault of Berwick. Although personal access to the King was denied, the obedient monk proclaimed the truce by authority of the Pope. When the King of Scots was informed that the papal instruments still denied him his titles, he returned them saying, 'I will listen to no bulls, until I am treated as King of Scotland and have made myself master of Berwick.'

"The monk, terrified at this answer, requested either a safe-conduct to Berwick, or permission to pass into Scotland, and deliver letters to some of the Scottish clergy. But both his requests were denied, and he was commanded forthwith to leave the country. In his return to Berwick he was waylaid, stripped, and robbed of all his parchments, together with his letters and instructions. The robbers, it is said, tore the Pope's Bull."^[12]

The opening of the Vatican Records by Pope Leo XIII. to the students of all nations has put it in the power of modern readers to corroborate the accuracy of Hailes's interpretation of the materials at his disposal, and also to add some particulars not in his possession. For instance, copies have been preserved in that repository of Pope John's reiterated exhortations to King Robert that he should hasten to make peace with Edward, so that he (Robert) might be free to undertake another crusade. Then the disputed right of Robert de Brus to the title of King of Scots leads to a lengthy correspondence. First Pope John scolds the Cardinals for not informing him clearly whether King Edward has consented to his addressing Robert as King. As the Pope observes that Robert has assumed the title, he is afraid its omission may hinder the negotiations for peace, therefore he begs King Edward not to be offended if he uses it in his correspondence with Robert. Next, the Pope writes to Robert, explaining why he had omitted the title in former letters, begging him not to take it amiss, for that, in truth, it did not affect the validity of his claim one way or another. Finally he dispatches a letter to Edward, telling him that inasmuch as Robert positively refuses to receive any letters except those addressed to him as King of Scots, he has adopted that style in writing to him and again begs that he will not take it amiss.^[13]

King Edward, though very ill prepared for war, owing to his quarrel with Lancaster and other difficulties, was not ready to yield the point about King Robert's title. On October 6th he issued a proclamation, strictly forbidding all jousts, tournaments, and knight-errantry, in order that all energies should be concentrated on the Scottish war. The King of Scots, on his part, pushed forward preparations for the siege of Berwick. The mayor and burgesses of that town had undertaken to defend it for a year from June 15, 1317, receiving for that purpose the sum of 6000 marks from the English exchequer, and giving hostages for the faithful performance of the work.^[14] But Sir Roger de Horsley was governor of the castle, a knight who hated all Scotsmen, whether loyal to King Edward or not; and the rough way in which he showed his feelings soon brought about mischief between him and the townsfolk.^[15] A certain burgess of Berwick, Simon of Spalding by name, resenting de Horsley's rudeness, wrote privily to the Earl of March offering, on a given night when he, Simon, should be on guard, to admit an escalading party over the wall. March showed the letter in confidence to King Robert, who thanked him for doing so, observing that, if the earl had gone either to Douglas or to Moray he would have roused the jealousy of the other. There is a hint here of that risk which always beset military undertakings on a feudal basis, before professional seniority was established as the measure of responsibility. Douglas and Moray both served King Robert nobly and well, but it was perhaps owing to the King's tact in adjusting the orbits of two such stars in one small firmament that they never came into collision.

The King directed March to conceal his men at Duns, where Douglas and Moray were sent to meet him. From Duns they marched together to Berwick, duly provided with scaling-ladders, climbed the wall with Spalding's assistance, and obtained easy possession of the town, though the castle remained in the hands of the garrison. A party of Scots was told off for purposes of plunder, the rest being kept under arms with their officers. But this proved too great a trial for the discipline of these wild soldiers. They broke away, and soon almost the whole force was scattered through the streets collecting booty.

Their disobedience nearly brought about their ruin. At daylight (it was on March 28, 1318) the governor of the castle, perceiving the state of affairs, how Douglas and Moray had been left with a mere handful of men, ordered an immediate sortie. The Scottish chiefs were only saved from capture, and their troops from slaughter in detail, by the activity and presence of mind shown by a young knight, Sir William de Keith of Galston, who rode through the town recalling the soldiers to their standards. He succeeded in bringing them to a sense of their position; the English were driven back; but the castle continued to hold out for no less than sixteen weeks, when the garrison was compelled to surrender through famine.^[16] Sir Roger, who made such a gallant defence, lost an eye.

One of the garrison of Berwick Castle, Robert de Blackburn, who had lost his brother and "all his friends" at Bannockburn, deserves mention for a brave deed performed during the siege. He swam the Tweed on horseback with letters to King Edward, and leading a string of twenty-one horses, all of which he avers in his petition to the King that he took safely to Newcastle.^[17]

The King of England was furious at the loss of the town of Berwick, accusing the burgesses of treachery. While the castle was still holding out, he ordered such property in England as belonged to the towns people to be confiscated,^[18] and imprisoned those unlucky citizens who escaped from the town to take refuge in England.^[19]

During the siege of Berwick Castle a Scottish army invaded Northumberland as far as Newcastle. Wark and Harbottle were surrendered to them on the failure of relief appearing at the stipulated times; Mitford was taken by stratagem.^[20] A still more destructive raid was made in May, in which Yorkshire suffered most; Northallerton, Boroughbridge, Knaresborough, and Skipton being burnt, and the town of Ripon escaping on the payment of 1000 marks. The tower of Knaresborough church retains to this day the marks of flames, kindled, it is supposed, to burn out the people who had taken refuge there.^[21]

William de Melton, the new Archbishop of York, bestirred aimself too late to resist this infanda invasio Scotorum, as he termed it. It was not till June 4th, after the mischief had been wrought, that he summoned the Abbot and Convent of St. Mary's, York, to array their tenants and servants, and bring them to the army then assembling in the archiepiscopal city.^[22] The Scots got home safe, carrying with them many prisoners and a vast number of cattle, and caring little, it may be supposed, for the anathema of excommunication, wholesale and individual—omnes et singulos—which the infuriated Primate hurled after them.^[23]

The good people of Hartlepool fell into great trepidation at this time, because King Robert, in selling a truce to the bishopric of Durham, had expressly excepted their town, which he vowed he meant to burn in reprisal for the taking of a ship laden with his "armeours" and victual. They sent in hot haste to King Edward, begging his help to build a city wall. He forwarded the somewhat meagre subscription of 100 marks (about £60) and told them to hurry on the works.^[24]

By this time the two Cardinals had reported to the Pope the failure of their mission and the refusal of Robert de Brus to receive the papal letters, unless addressed to him as King of Scots. The Pope declared such a result completely dazed him—nec sine stupore miramur. Being very impatient for the undertaking of a new crusade, he commanded the prayers of all the faithful to be made to Him "to whom nothing is impossible," for the restoration of peace; and, inasmuch as curses, even on the most magnificent scale, cost no more than the price of a sheet of parchment and a wax candle, the Cardinals were directed to excommunicate Robert de Brus and all his abettors.

The English army assembled at York early in June, 1318, in order to recapture the town of Berwick; but the troops had no sooner come together than they had to be disbanded, because of the disagreements and mutual distrust of their commanders.^[25]

On October 5, 1318, Edward de Brus, titular King of Ireland, died on the fatal field of Dundalk.^[26] This event not only put an end to the interference of the Scots in Irish affairs, but it reopened the far more pressing question of the succession to the throne of Scotland. Parliament was called together at Scone in December, 1318, and the inheritance was settled on Robert, the only son of Walter the Stewart and the deceased Princess Marjorie, always saving any male issue which the King might have subsequently. The Earl of Moray again was designated guardian in the event of a minority; and, failing him, Douglas. But such guardianship was to cease, on its appearing to the community, or to the greater or wiser part thereof,^[27] that the young King was capable of assuming the government.

Some of the other Acts passed by this Parliament proved of lasting effect on the judicial code of Scotland; but those which were chiefly directed at the circumstances of the time were those establishing the liberties of the Church of Scotland (including, of course, benefit of clergy); prescribing armour and weapons to be provided by all men according to their condition;^[28] forbidding all trade with England

on pain of death; restraining the clergy from sending money to the Pope for the purchase of Bulls, and constituting as an offence "lease-making," or the invention of rumours calculated to disturb the relations between the sovereign and his people. It is amusing to find that, even at such a critical time, Parliament was as ready in the 14th century to legislate about salmon fishing as it remains in the 19th.

The inefficiency which crippled the military projects of England, was not apparent in her continental diplomacy. The trade between Scotland and the Low Countries had endured since the days of William the Lion and probably from earlier times.^[29] Wool, fish, hides, and a few other native commodities, were exported in exchange for wine, arms, cloth, and other goods. It was now the policy of the English Government to persuade the Count of Flanders to close his ports to Scotsmen. The Count's reply was firm and statesmanlike. He said that his country was open to all men, and he declined to injure his own people by excluding any merchants who had been in the custom of trading there. A similar answer was returned by the town council of Bruges.^[30]

King Edward was busy also at this time intriguing, under the Pope's sanction, with certain barons

and others of influence in the Scottish King's service, who he had reason to expect were inclined to revert to their former allegiance to himself.^[31] In this may be traced the source of the formidable conspiracy against King Robert to be disclosed in the following year. The Pope co-operated with Edward by writing a letter on April 25th to the English bishops, empowering them to release from excommunication all Scotsmen who should return to their allegiance to the King of England.^[32]

1. Bain, iii., 80.
2. Barbour is wholly at fault in his account of the capture of this chieftain during King Robert's expedition to the Western Isles. There is ample documentary proof that Lorn was Edward II.'s admiral on the west coast, and continued to serve as such till he returned to London in 1317, worn out and about to die, leaving his kinsman, Sir Dougall Macdouall of Galloway, his executor.—Bain, iii., 80.
3. Rotuli Scotiæ, i., 149.
4. Barbour puts Arundel's strength at the improbable figure of 10,000, besides erroneously giving the command of the whole to Thomas de Richmond without mentioning Arundel.
5. Not, as Hailes follows Barbour in believing, one of the house of Brittany, but a Yorkshire knight, owner of Burton-Constable. He was at the siege of Caerlaverock in 1300, constable of Norham in 1310, and warden of Cockermouth in 1314.
6. The old arms of Douglas were: Azure, three stars or mullets, argent. After King Robert's death, the stars were placed on an azure chief, while below, on a field argent, was shown a human heart, gules. It was not till long afterwards that the heart was surmounted by an imperial crown, as borne at the present time—William, 11th Earl of Angus and 1st Marquis of Douglas (1611-1660) having been the first to assume that addition.
7. None of the chroniclers, so far as I know, mention the capture of Neville's brothers, but it is attested by their petition for ransom. Ralph begged King Edward to give him some rich ward or marriage, which he might sell in order to raise funds.—Bain, iii., 101.

8. "I will not rehearse the manner,
   For whoso likes may hear
   Young women, when they are at play
   Sing it among them every day."

9. The term "valet" did not mean a domestic servant, but a gentleman-attendant.
10. Papal Letters, ii., 429.
11. Laeta facie et amicabili vultu, semper ad patrem et matrem reverentiam ostendendo.—Fœdera, iii., 662.
12. Hailes, ii., 93. That the Pope's letters were torn up is confirmed by his subsequent letter to the Cardinals—(Papal Letters, ii., 429).
13. Papal Letters, vol. ii., passim.
14. Bain, iii., 107.
15. In making this allegation, Barbour is amply confirmed by a commission granted by King Edward (February 4, 1318), to enquire into the disputes between the burgesses and the garrison—(Bain, iii., 112).
16. Barbour says the castle held out only six days after the town had been taken, and Hailes, commenting on the statement in Scalacronica that it resisted for eleven weeks, remarks that the invasion of England in May by the Scots renders this "altogether incredible." Nevertheless, de Horsley's acknowledgment of sustenance received for his garrison after he had surrendered runs from July 2Oth to August 24th, which, taken in connection with other documents, seems conclusive (Bain, iii., 113, 115).
17. Bain, iii., 118. The endorsement of this petition is not of the best augury for its fulfilment: "the King will speak with thfe treasurer."
18. Ibid., 113.
19. Ibid., 114.
20. Lanercost, 235.
21. Raine, Introduction, xxvii.
22. Raine, 275.
23. Ibid., 277.
24. Bain, iii., 114.
25. Suborto tumultu pariter et simultate cum aliis impedimentis.—Walsingham.
26. Barbour relates a curious story about Edward de Brus's death. He says that Edward exchanged armour that morning with one Gib Harper; that Gib was slain and that the conquerors cut off his head, believing it to be the King of Ireland's, and sent it to King Edward. It should be remembered that a knight, in exchanging armour with one of inferior degree, incurred the greater risk of death; for the prospect of ransom made it ever more desirable to capture, than to kill, eminent persons. Among other Scottish notables slain on this day were Sir John de Soulis, John, brother of Walter the Stewart, and Sir Philip de Moubray, the defender of Stirling. John de Bermingham, the English general, was created Earl of Louth, and was granted £20 a year for his services.
27. Quoniam communitati regni, vel majori et saniori parti visum. Hailes explains this suggestive phrase as being merely a periphrasis for the majority, on the ground that any other interpretation would be impracticable.
28. Every lay landowner worth ten pounds in goods was bound, under penalty of forfeiture, to have an acton (leather jacket), a bassinet (helmet), a plate glove, sword, and spear, or, failing these, a good habergeon (mail shirt), an iron cuirass, with an iron helmet and plate gloves. Every man owning the value of a cow in goods to have a bow and 24 arrows, or a spear.
29. About 1182, Philip, Count of Flanders, granted a charter to the monk of Melrose, exempting their traders from any toll or duty on land or sea.
30. Bain, iii., 130.
31. Hailes, ii., 109, note.
32. Raine, 286.