Sanskrit Grammar/Chapter XIV
DERIVATIVE OR SECONDARY CONJUGATION.
996. Secondary conjugations are those in which a whole system of forms, like that already described as made from the simple root, is made, with greater or less completeness, from a derivative conjugation-stem; and is also usually connected with a certain definite modification of the original radical sense.
a. We have seen, indeed, that the tense-systems are also for the most part made from derivative-stems; and even that, in some cases, such stems assume the appearance and value of roots, and are made the basis of a complete conjugational system. Nor is there any distinct division-line to be drawn between tense-systems and derivative conjugations; the latter are present-systems which have been expanded into conjugations by the addition of other tenses, and of participles, infinitives, and so on. In the earliest language, their forms outside of the present-system are still quite rare, hardly more than sporadic; and even later they are — with the exception of one or two formations which attain a comparative frequency — much less common than the corresponding forms of primary conjugation.
997. The secondary conjugations are: I. Passive; II. Intensive; III. Desiderative; IV. Causative; V. Denominative.
a. The passive is classed here as a secondary conjugation because of its analogy with the others in respect to specific value, and freedom of formation, although it does not, like them, make its forms outside the present system from its present-stem.
998. The passive conjugation has been already in the main described. Thus, we have seen that —
a. It has a special present-system, the stem of which is present only, and not made the basis of any of the remaining forms: this stem is formed with the accented class-sign य yá, and it takes (with exceptions: 774) the middle endings. This present-system is treated with the others, above, 768 ff.
b. There is a special passive 3d sing. of the aorist, ending in इ i: it is treated above, 842 ff.
c. In the remaining tenses, the middle forms are used also in a passive sense.
d. But the passive use of middle forms is not common; it is oftenest met with in the perfect. The participle to a great extent takes the place of a past passive tense, and the gerundive that of a future. On the other hand, in the oldest language (RV.), middle forms of other present-systems are in a considerable number of cases employed with passive meaning.
e. According to the grammarians, there may be formed from some verbs, for passive use, a special stem for the aorist and the two future systems, coinciding in form with the peculiar 3d sing. aorist.
f. Thus, from √dā (aor. 3d sing. adāyi), beside ádāsi, dāsyé, dātā́he, also ádāyiṣi, dāyiṣyé, dāyitā́he. The permission to make this doable formation extends to all roots ending in vowels, and to grah, dṛç, and han. No such passive forms occur in the older language, and not half-a-dozen are quotable from the later (we find adhāyiṣi and asthāyiṣi in DKC., and anāyiṣata in Kuval.).
g. As to the alleged passive inflection of the periphrastic perfect, see below, 1072.
h. Besides the participle from the present tense-stem (771. 5), the passive has a past participle in त ta (952), or न na (957), and future participles, or gerundives, of various formation (961 ff.), made directly from the root.
999. As already pointed out (282 a), the language, especially later, has a decided predilection for the passive form of the sentence. This is given in part by the use of finite passive forms, but oftener by that of the passive participle and of the gerundive: the participle being taken in part in a present sense, but more usually in a past (whether indefinite or proximate past), and sometimes with a copula expressed, but much oftener without it; and the gerundive representing either a pure future or one with the sense of necessity or duty added. A further example is: tatrāi ’ko yuvā brāhmaṇo dṛṣṭaḥ: taṁ dṛṣṭvā kāmena pīḍitā saṁjātā: sakhyā agre kathitam: sakhi puruṣo ‘yaṁ gṛhītvā mama mātuḥ samīpam ānetavyaḥ (Vet.) there she saw a young Brahman; at sight of him she felt the pangs of love; she said to her friend: 'friend, you must take and bring this man to my mother'. In some styles of later Sanskrit, the prevailing expression of past time is by means of the passive participle (thus, in Vet., an extreme case, more than nine tenths).
a. As in other languages, a 3d sing, passive is freely made from intransitive as well as transitive verbs: thus, ihā ”gamyatām come hither; tvayā tatrāi ’va sthīyatām do you stand just there; sarvāir jālam ādāyo ’ḍḍīyatām (H.) let all fly up with the net.
1000. The intensive (sometimes also called frequentative) is that one of the secondary conjugations which is least removed from the analogy of formations already described. It is, like the present-system of the second conjugation-class (642 ff.), the inflection of a reduplicated stem, but of one that is peculiar in having a strengthened reduplication. It is decidedly less extended beyond the limits of a present-system than any other of the derivative conjugations.
a. The intensive conjugation signifies the repetition or the intensification of the action expressed by the primary conjugation of a root.
1001. According to the grammarians, the intensive conjugation may be formed from nearly all the roots in the language — the exceptions being roots of more than one syllable, those conjugated only causatively (below, 1056), and in general those beginning with a vowel.
a. In fact, however, intensives in the later language are very rare, so rare that it is hard to tell precisely what value is to be given to the rules of the native grammar respecting them. Nor are they at all common earlier, except (comparatively) in the RV., which contains about six sevenths of the whole number (rather over a hundred) quotable from Veda and Brāhmaṇa and Sūtra-texts; AV. has less than half as many as RV., and many of them in RV. passages; from the later language are quotable about twenty of these, and about forty more, but for the most part only in an occurrence or two.
b. Hence, in the description to be given below, the actual aspect of the formation, as exhibited in the older language, will be had primarily and especially in view; and the examples will be of forms found there in use.
1002. The strong intensive reduplication is made in three different ways:
I. a. The reduplicating syllable is, as elsewhere, composed of a single consonant with following vowel, and, so far as the consonant is concerned, follows the rules for present and perfect reduplication (590); but the vowel is a heavy one, radical a and ṛ (or ar) being reduplicated with ā, an i-vowel by e, and an u-vowel by o.
Examples are: vāvad, bābadh, çāçvas, rārandh; dādṛ, dādhṛ; cekit, tetij, nenī, vevlī; çoçuc, popruth, coṣku, johū.II. b. The reduplicating syllable has a final consonant, taken from the end of the root. With an exception or two, this consonant is either r (or its substitute l) or a nasal.
Examples are: carcar, calcal, sarsṛ, marmṛj, jarhṛs; can̄kram, jan̄ghan, taṅstan, dandaç (√daṅç or daç), jañjabh (√jambh or jabh), tantas (√taṅs or tas), nannam (√nam), yaṁyam (√yam). The nasal is assimilated to the initial consonant.
c. Only roots having a or ṛ as vowel make this form of reduplication, but with such roots it is more common than either of the other forms.
d. Irregular formations of this class are: with a final other than r or n in the reduplication, badbadh; with a final nasal in the reduplication which is not found in the root, jan̄gah (RV.), jañjap (ÇB.; and jan̄gūyat PB. is perhaps from √gu; the later language has further dandah); with an anomalous initial consonant in reduplication, jarbhur from √bhur (compare the Vedic perfect jabhāra from √bhṛ, 789 b), galgal from √gal; with various treatment of an ṛ or ar-element, dardar and dardir, carkar and carkir, tartar and tartur, carcar and carcur, jargur and jalgul.
e. The roots i and ṛ are the only ones with vowel initial forming an intensive stem: i makes iyāy (? PU., once); ṛ makes the irregular alar or alṛ. As to the stem ī́ya, see below, 1021 b.
III. f. The reduplication is dissyllabic, an i-vowel being added after a final consonant of the reduplicating syllable. This i-vowel is in the older language short before a double consonant, and long before a single.
Examples are: ganīgam (but gánigmatam), varīvṛt, vanīvāh, caniṣkad, saniṣvan; navīnu, davidyut (and the participles dávidhvat but távītuat). A single exception as to the quantity of the i is davidhāva.
g. This method of reduplication is followed in the older language by about thirty roots. Thus, of roots having final or penultimate n (once m), and n in the reduplicating syllable, pan, phan, san, svan, han; gam; krand, çcand, skand, syand; of roots having final or medial ṛ, and r in the, reduplicating syllable, kṛ make, tṛ, bhṛ, vṛ, mṛj, mṛç, vṛj, vṛt, sṛp; also mluc (malimluc); — further, of roots assuming in the reduplication a n not found in the root, only vah (ÇB.: the grammarians allow also kas, pat, pad; and panīpad is quotable later; and AÇS. has canīkhudat, for which TB. reads kánīkhunat); finally, of roots having u or ū as radical vowel, with av before the i-vowel, tu, dhū, nu, dyut.
h. In this class, the general rules as to the form of the reduplicating consonant (590) are violated in the case of ghanīghan and bharībhṛ, and of ganīgam, karīkṛ (but the regular carīkṛ also occurs), kanikrand, and kaniṣkand (but also caniṣkand occurs); also in kanīkhun.i. The reversion to more original guttural form after the reduplication in cekit, and jan̄ghan and ghanīghan, is in accordance with what takes place elsewhere (2161).
1003. The same root is allowed to form its intensive stem in more than one way.
Thus, in the older language, dādr and dardṛ; dādhṛ and dardhṛ; cācal and carcar (and carcur); tartar (and tartur) and tarītṛ; jan̄gam and ganīgam; jan̄ghan and ghanīghan; pamphan and panīphan; marmṛj and marīmṛj; marmṛç and marīmṛç; varvṛt and varīvṛt; jarbhṛ and bharībhṛ; dodhū and davīdhū; nonu and navīnu; bābadh and badbadh.
1004. The model of normal intensive inflection is the present-system of the reduplicating conjugation-class (642 ff.); and this is indeed to a considerable extent followed, in respect to endings, strengthening of stem, and accent. But deviations from the model are not rare; and the forms are in general of too infrequent occurrence to allow of satisfactory classification and explanation.
a. The most marked irregularity is the frequent insertion of an ī between the stem and ending. According to the grammarians, this is allowed in all the strong forms before an ending beginning with a consonant; and before the ī a final vowel has guṇa-strengthening, but a medial one remains unchanged.
1005. We will take up the parts of the present-system in their order, giving first what is recognized as regular in the later language, and then showing how the formation appears in the earlier texts. As most grammarians do not allow a middle inflection, and middle forms are few even in the Veda, no attempt will be made to set up a paradigm for the middle voice.
1006. As example of inflection may be taken the root विद् vid know, of which the intensive stem is वेविद् vevid, or, in strong forms, वेवेद् véved.
a. Neither from this nor from any other root are more than a few scattering forms actually quotable.
|1. Present Indicative.|
b. From √हू hū, the singular forms with auxiliary vowel would be जोहवीमि jóhavīmi, जोहवीषि jóhavīṣi, जोहवीति jóhavīti.
1007. a. The forms found in the older language agree in general with the paradigm. Examples are: 1st sing., carkarmi, veveṣmi; 2d sing., alarṣi, dárdarṣi; 3d sing., álarti, dādharti, veveti, nenekti, jan̄ghanti, kánikrantti, ganīgaṁti; 3d du., jarbhṛtás; 1st pl., nonumas; 2d pl., jāgratha; 3d pl., dādhrati, nānadati, bharibhrati, várvṛtati, dávidyutati, nénijati, and, irregularly, veviṣanti; and, with the auxiliary vowel, jóhavīmi, cākaçīmi; cā́kaçīti, nónavīti, dardarīti, jarbhurīti. No stem with dissyllabic reduplication takes the auxiliary ī in any of its forms.
b. A single dual form with ī and strong stem occurs: namely, tartarīthas.
c. The middle forms found to occur are: 1st sing., jóguve, nenije; 3d sing., nenikté, sarsṛte; and, with irregular accent, tétikte, dédiṣṭe; with irregular loss of final radical nasal, nánnate; with ending e instead of te, cékite, ján̄gahe, jóguve, yoyuve, bābadhe, and (with irregular accent) badbadhé; 3d du., sarsrāte; 3d pl., dédiçate.
1008. a. Subjunctive forms with primary endings are extremely rare: there have been noticed only jan̄ghánāni, jāgarāsi (AV.); and, in the middle, tantasāíte (3d du.).
b. Forms with secondary endings are more frequent: thus, 2d sing., jan̄ghanas, jalgulas; 3d sing., jāgarat, cékitat, bobhavat, cárkṛṣat, ján̄ghanat, bárbṛhat, mármṛjat, mármṛçat, parpharat, dardirat, caniṣkadat, davidyutat, saniṣvaṇat; 1st du., jan̄ghanāva; 1st pl., carkirāma, vevidāma; 3d pl., pā́patan, çóçucan, carkiran; and, with double mode-sign, cā́kaçān (AV.). Of the middle are found only 3d persons plural: thus, ján̄ghananta, jarhṛṣanta, marmṛjanta, nonuvanta, çoçucanta.
1009. This mode would show the unstrengthened stem, with the usual endings (566), accented. Thus:
a. The optative is represented by only an example or two in the older language: thus, active, veviṣyāt (AV.), jāgṛyās (KB.), jāgriyāt (AB.), jāgṝyāma (VS. MS.; but jāgriyāma TS.); RV. has only cākanyāt (pft.?); middle, nenijīta (K.).
1010. The regular forms of the imperative, including the usual subjunctive first persons, would be as follows:
1011. a. Older imperative forms are less rare than optative. The first persons have been given above (jānghánāni, the only accented example, does not correspond with the model, but is in conformity with the subjunctive of the reduplicating present); the proper imperatives are: 2d sing., dādṛhí, dardṛhi, carkṛdhi, jāgṛhi, nenigdhi, rāranddhí; the ending tāt is found in carkṛtāt and jāgṛtāt; and the latter (as was pointed out above, 571 b) is used in AV. as first person sing.; barbṛhi shows an elsewhere unparalleled loss of h before the ending hi; 3d sing., dādhartu, veveṣṭu, dardartu, marmarttu; 2d du., jāgṛtam; 3d du., jāgṛtām; 2d pl., jāgṛtá; can̄kramata (RV., once) has an anomalous union-vowel. In the middle voice is found only nenikṣva (ÇB.).
b. Of imperative forms with auxiliary ī, RV. has none; AV. has vāvadītu and johavītu, and such are sometimes found in the Brāhmaṇas; AV. has also, against rule, taṅstanīhi and jan̄ghanīhi; VS. has cākaçīhi.
Examples are: active, cā́kaçat, nā́nadat, cékitat, mémyat, çóçucat, róruvat, dárdrat, mármṛjat, ján̄ghanat, nánnamat, pánīphanat, kánīkradat, dávidyutat; — middle, bā́badhāna, mémyāna, cékitāna, yóyuvāna, rórucāna, járbhurāṇa, sársrāṇa, jañjabhāna, nánnamāna, dándaçāna. No middle participle shows the dissyllabic reduplication.
1013. a. On account of their accent, rārahāṇá, rārakṣāṇá, and jāhṛṣāṇá (beside járhṛṣāṇa) are probably to be regarded as perfect participles, although no other perfect forms with heavy reduplication from the same roots occur. The inference is, however, rendered uncertain by the unmistakably intensive badbadhāná and marmṛjāná (beside mármṛjāna). As to çū́çucāna etc., see 806 a.
b. The RV. has once ján̄ghnatas, gen. sing., with root-vowel cast out; kánikrat appears to be used once for kánikradat; if cākát is to be referred to √kā (Grassmann), it is the only example of an intensive from a root in ā, and its accent is anomalous. Marmṛçantas (AB.) is perhaps a false reading; but forms with the nasal irregularly retained are found repeatedly in the epics and later: thus, lelihan, dedīpyantīm (MBh.), jājvalant (MBh. R.), sarīsṛpantāu (BhP.), rāraṭantī (R.).
1014. The imperfect is regularly inflected as follows:
1016. Derivative Middle Inflection. From every intensive stem, as above described, may be formed in the present-system a further derivative conjugation which is formally identical with a passive, being made by the accented sign य yá, along with middle endings only. It has not, however, a passive value, but is in meaning and use indistinguishable from the simpler conjugation.
a. A final vowel before this ya is treated as before the passive-sign ya (770).
b. The inflection is precisely like that of any other stem ending in a in the middle voice: thus, from √mṛj, intensive stem marmṛj, is made the present indicative marmṛjyé, marmṛjyáse, marmṛjyáte, etc.; optative marmṛjyéya, marmṛjyéthās, marmṛjyéta, etc.; imperative marmṛjyásva, marmṛjyátām, etc.; participle marmṛjyámāna; imperfect ámarmṛjye, ámarmṛjyathās, ámarmṛjyata, etc.; subjunctive forms do not occur.
c. In a very few sporadic cases, these yá-forms are given a passive value: thus, jan̄ghanyamāna in MḍU.; bambhramyate, dādhmāyamāna, pepīyamāna in the later language. And active participles (529 a) are not unknown: thus, dedīpyantīm (MBh.), dodhūyant (MBh. BhP.).
1017. This kind of intensive inflection is more common than the other in the later language; in the earlier, it is comparatively rare.a. In RV., yá-forms are made from eight roots, five of which have also forms of the simpler conjugation; the AV. adds one more; the other earlier texts (so far as observed) about twenty more, and half of them have likewise forms of the simpler conjugation. Thus: from √mṛj, marmṛjyáte etc., and marīmṛjyeta; from √tṛ, tartūryante; from √car, carcūryámāṇa; from √nī, nenīyéran, etc.; from √vī, vevīyate; from √rih, rerihyáte etc.; from vij, vevijyáte; from √sku, coṣkūyáse etc.; from √diç, dediçyate; from √kāç, cākaçyáte etc.; from √vad, vāvadyámāna; from √nam, nannamyadhvam; from √vah, vanīvāhyéta etc. (with lengthened root-vowel, elsewhere unknown); from √krand, kanikradyámāna; from √vṛt, varīvartyámāna (ÇB.: should be varīvṛty-); from √mṛç, amarīmṛçyanta (ÇB.? the text reads amarīmṛtsyanta); from √yup, yoyupyánte etc.; from √nud, anonudyanta; from √vlī, avevlīyanta; from √jabh, jañjabhyáte etc.; from √jap, jañjapyámāna; and so on.
1018. The grammarians are at variance as to whether a perfect may be formed directly from the intensive stem, or whether only a periphrastic perfect (below, 1070 ff.) is to be admitted.
a. No example of an intensive periphrastic perfect has anywhere come to light (except from jāgṛ: 1020 a). A few unmistakable perfect forms are made from the intensively reduplicated root in RV.: namely, davidhāva and nónāva, 3d sing., and nonuvus, 3d pl.; and there occur further dodrāva (TS.), yoyāva and lelā́ya (MS.), and leláya (? ÇB.), all used in the sense of presents. To them may be added jāgara 1st sing. and jāgā́ra 3d sing.: but as to these, see below, 1020 a.
1019. As to the remaining parts of a full verbal conjugation, also, the grammarians are not agreed (occurrences of such forms, apparently, being too rare to afford even them any basis for rules); in general, it is allowed to treat the intensive stem further as a root in filling up the scheme of forms, using always the auxiliary vowel इ i where it is ever used in the simple conjugation.
a. Thus, from √vid, intensive stem vevid, would be made the aorist avevidiṣam with precative vevidyāsam, the futures vevidiṣyāmi and veviditāsmi, the participles vevidita, veviditavya, etc., the infinitive veviditum, and the gerunds veviditvā and -vevidya. And, where the intensive conjugation is the derivative middle one, the aorist and futures would take the corresponding middle form.
b. Of all this, in the ancient language, there is hardly a trace. The RV. has cárkṛṣe, 3d sing. mid., of a formation like hiṣe and stuṣé (894 d), and the gerundives vitantasā́yya, and marmṛjénya and vāvṛdhénya; and ÇB. has the participle vanīvāhitá, and the infinitive dédīyitavāí. As to jāgariṣyánt and jāgaritá, see the next paragraph.
1020. There are systems of inflection of certain roots, the intensive character of which is questioned or questionable. Thus:
a. The root gṛ (or gar) wake has from the first no present-system save one with intensive reduplication; and its intensive stem, jāgṛ, begins early to assume the value of a root, and form a completer conjugation; while by the grammarians this stem is reckoned as if simple and belonging to the root-class, and is inflected throughout accordingly. Those of its forms which occur in the older language have been given along with the other intensives above. They are, for the present-system, the same with those acknowledged as regular later. The older perfect is like the other intensive perfects found in RV.: namely, jāgara etc., with the participle jāgṛvā́ṅs; and a future jāgariṣyá-, a passive participle jāgaritá, and a gerundive jāgaritavyà, are met with in the Brāhmaṇas. The old aorist (RV.) is the usual reduplicated or so-called causative aorist: thus, ájīgar. The grammarians give it in the later language a perfect with additional reduplication, jajāgāra etc., an iṣ-aorist, ajāgariṣam, with precative jāgaryāsam, and everything else that is needed to make up a complete conjugation. The perf. jajāgāra is quotable from the epics and later, as also the periphrastic jāgarām āsa. And MBh. has the mutilated jāgṛmi, and also a-forms, as jāgarati and jāgramāṇa.
1021. a. The stem irajya (active only) regulate, from which a number of forms are made in RV., has been viewed as an intensive from √raj or ṛj. It lacks, however, any analogy with the intensive formation. The same is true of iradh propitiate (only iradhanta and irádhyāi, apparently for iradhadhyāi).
b. The middle stem ī́ya, not infrequent in the oldest language, is often called an intensive of √i go, but without any propriety, as it has no analogy of form whatever with an intensive. The isolated 1st pl. īmahe, common in RV., is of questionable character.
1022. The root lī totter, with constant intensive reduplication, lelī, is quite irregular in inflection and accent: thus, pres., lelā́yati and lelāyate, pples lelāyántī and leláyatas (gen. sing.) and lelāyamāna, impf. alelāyat and alelet and alelīyata, perf. lelāya and leláya (?).
1023. The RV. anomalous form dart (or dard), 2d and 3d sing. from √dṛ or dar, is doubtfully referred to the intensive, as if abbreviated from dardar. RV. has once avarīvus (or -vur) where the sense requires a form from √vṛt, as avarīvṛtus. The form rarāṇátā (RV., once) seems corrupt.
1024. A marked intensive or frequentative meaning is not always easily to be traced in the forms classed as intensive; and in some of them it is quite effaced. Thus, the roots cit, nij, viṣ use their intensive present-system as if it were an ordinary conjugation-class; nor is it otherwise with gṛ (jāgṛ). The grammarians reckon the inflection of nij and viṣ as belonging to the reduplicating present-system, with irregularly strengthened reduplication; and they treat in the same way vic and vij; jāgṛ, as we have seen, they account a simple root.a. Also daridrā, intensive of √drā run, is made by the grammarians a simple root, and furnished with a complete set of conjugational forms: as dadaridrāu; adaridrāsīt, etc. etc. It does not occur in the older language (unless dáridrat TS., for which VS. MS. read dáridra). The so-called root vevī flutter is a pure intensive.
1025. It is allowed by the grammarians to make from the intensive stem also a passive, desiderative, causative, and so on: thus, from vevid, pass. vevidyé; desid. vévidiṣāmi; caus. vevidáyāmi; desid. of causative, vévidayiṣāmi. But such formations are excessively rare; quotable are varīvarjáyantī AV., jāgaráyant TB. etc.; dādhārayati JB., dandaçayitvā DKC.
1026. By the desiderative conjugation is signified a desire for the action or condition denoted by the simple root: thus, पिबामि píbāmi I drink, desid. पिपासामि pípāsāmi I wish to drink; जीवामि jī́vāmi I live, desid. जिजीविषामि jíjīviṣāmi I desire to live. Such a conjugation is allowed to be formed from any simple root in the language, and also from any causative stem.
a. The desiderative conjugation, although its forms outside the present-system are extremely rare in the oldest language, is earlier and more fully expanded into a whole verbal system than the intensive. Its forms are also of increasing frequency: much fewer than the intensives in RV., more numerous in the Brāhmaṇas and later; not one third of the whole number of roots (about a hundred) noted as having a desiderative conjugation in Veda and Brāhmaṇa have such in RV.
1027. The desiderative stem is formed from the simple root by the addition of two characteristics. 1. a reduplication, which always has the accent; 2. an appended स sa — which, however (like the tense-signs of aorist and future), sometimes takes before it the auxiliary vowel इ i, becoming इष iṣa.
a. A few instances in the concluding part of ÇB. in which the accent is otherwise laid — thus, tiṣṭhā́set, yiyāsántam, vividiṣánti, īpsántas — must probably be regarded as errors.
1028. The root in general remains unchanged; but with the following exceptions:
a. A final i or u is lengthened before sa: thus, cikṣīṣa, cikīṣa, jigīṣa; çuçrūṣa, juhūṣa, cukṣūṣa.b. A final ṛ becomes īr or ūr before sa: thus, cikīrṣa, titīrṣa (also irregularly tūtūrṣa RV.), didhīrṣa, sisīrṣa, tistīrṣa (also tustūrṣa), jihīrṣa; bubhūrṣa, mumūrṣa (the only examples quotable).
c. Before iṣa, a final i- or u- or ṛ-vowel necessarily, and a penultimate i or u or ṛ optionally, have the guṇa-strengthening; no examples are quotable from the older texts; later occur çiçayiṣa, çiçariṣa; cikartiṣa, ninartiṣa, mimardiṣa, vivarṣiṣa, çuçobhiṣa; but rurudiṣa.
More special exceptions are:
d. A few roots in ā weaken this vowel to ī or even i: thus, jigīṣa from √gā go; pipīṣa (beside pipāsa) from √pā drink, jihīṣa (AV.) from √hā remove (jihīte: 664); didhiṣa (beside dhitsa) from √dhā.
e. A few roots in an or am lengthen the vowel: thus, jigāṅsa (beside jigamiṣa) from √gam; jighāṅsa from √han; mīmāṅsa from √man; and titāṅsa from √tan.
f. Reversion to guttural form of an initial after the reduplication is seen in cikīṣa from √ci, cikitsa from √cit, jigīṣa from √ji, jighāṅsa from √han; and √hi is said to make jighīṣa (no occurrence).
g. The roots van and san make vivāsa and siṣāsa, from the root-forms vā and sā.
h. The root jīv forms jujyūṣa (ÇB.: jijīviṣa, VS.); and the other roots in īv (765) are required to make the same change before sa, and to have guṇa before iṣa: thus, susyūṣa or siseviṣa from √sīv. Svap forms suṣupsa. Dhūrv forms dudhūrṣa.
i. Initial s is usually left unchanged to ṣ after the reduplication when the desiderative sign has ṣ (184e): thus, sisan̄kṣa (ÇB.: √sañj), and susyūṣa and sisaniṣa, according to the grammarians; but tuṣṭūṣa is met with.
j. Further may be mentioned as prescribed by the grammarians: ninan̄kṣa (or ninaçiṣa) from √nāç be lost; miman̄kṣa from √majj (occurs in miman̄kṣu); mimārjiṣa (or mimṛkṣa) from √mṛj.
1029. The consonant of the reduplication follows the general rules (590); the vowel is इ i if the root has an a-vowel, or ऋ ṛ, or an i- vowel; it is उ u if the root has an u-vowel. But:
a. A few roots have a long vowel in the reduplicating syllable: thus, bībhatsa from √badh or bādh; mīmaṅsa from √man; and tūtūrṣa (RV.) from √tur; dadhiṣu (AV.) and dadan̄kṣu (C.) are probably false forms.b. From √aç is made (ÇB.) açiçiṣa, and from √edh (VS.) edidhiṣa (with a mode of reduplication like that followed sometimes in the reduplicating aorist: 862). In the older language, these are the only roots with initial vowel which form a desiderative stem, except āp and ṛdh, which have abbreviated stems: see the next paragraph. In the later language occur further eṣiṣiṣa (√iṣ seek) and īcikṣiṣa (√īkṣ); and the grammarians add others, as arjihiṣa (√arh), undidiṣa (√und), ardidhiṣa (√ṛdh).
c. RV. has the stems ínakṣa and íyakṣa, regarded as desideratives from √√naç attain and yaj, with mutilated reduplication.
1030. A number of roots, including some of very common use, form an abbreviated stem apparently by a contraction of reduplication and root together into one syllable: thus, ईप्स īpsa from √आप् āp; दित्स ditsa from √दा dā.
a. Such abbreviated stems are found in the older language as follows: dhitsa (beside didhiṣa) from √dhā; ditsa (beside didāsa) from √dā; dipsa (dhīpsa JB.) from √dabh; çikṣa from √çak; sīkṣa from √sah: these are found in RV.; in AV. are added īpsa from √āp (RV. has apsa once), and īrtsa from √ṛdh; the other texts furnish lipsa (ÇB.) or līpsa (TB.) from √labh, ripsa (GB.) from √rabh, pitsa (ÇB.) from √pad, and dhīkṣa (ÇB.) from √dah (not √dih, since no roots with i as medial vowel show the contracted form). In the later language are further found pitsa from √pat also, jñīpsa from the causative quasi-root jñap (below, 1042 j), and the anomalous mitsa from √mā measure (allowed also from roots mi and mī); and the grammarians give ritsa from √rādh. Also mokṣa is (very questionably) viewed as a desiderative stem from √muc.
1031. The use of the auxiliary vowel इ i is quite rare in the early language, but more common later; and it is allowed or prescribed by the grammarians in many stems which have not been found in actual use.
a. It is declared to follow in general, though not without exceptions, necessary or optional, the analogy of the futures (934, 943 a).
b. No example of the use of i is found in RV., and only one each in AV. (pipatiṣa), VS. (jijīviṣa), and TS. (jigamiṣa). The other examples noted in the early texts are açiçiṣa, cikramiṣa, jigrahīṣa (with ī for i, as elsewhere in this root), cicariṣa, edidhiṣa, jijaniṣa, didīkṣiṣa, bibādhiṣa, ruruciṣa, vivadiṣa, vividiṣa, çiçāsiṣa, tiṣṭighiṣa, jihiṅsiṣa: most of them are found only in ÇB. Stems also without the auxiliary vowel are made from roots gam, grab, car, jīv, pat, bādh, vid.
1032. Inflection: Present-System. The desiderative stem is conjugated in the present-system with perfect regularity, like other a-stems (733 a), in both voices, in all the modes (including, in the older language, the subjunctive), and with participles and imperfect. It will be sufficient to give here the first persons only. We may take as active model ईप्स īpsa seek to obtain, from √आप् āp obtain; as middle, तितिक्ष titikṣa endure, from √तिज् tij be sharp (see below, 1040).
|1. Present Indicative.|
|2. Present Subjunctive.|
|3. Present Optative.|
|4. Present Imperative.|
|5. Present Participle.|
|ईप्सन्त् ī́psant (f.ईप्सन्ती ī́psantī)||तितिक्षध्वम् títikṣadhvam|
a. There are almost no irregularities of inflection to be reported from the older language. No 1st pl. in masi, or 2d pl. in thana or tana, is met with; of the impv. in tāt, only īpsatāt. The quotable subjunctive forms are those in sāni, sāt and sat, sān, and santa. KBU. has jijñāsīta (cf. 738 b). But the fem. pple síṣāsatī (instead of siṣāsantī) occurs once or twice in the older texts; and RV. has dídhiṣāṇa.
b. In the epics and later are found sporadic forms of the conjugation: thus, sisṛkṣmas (BhP.), titikṣmahe and bubhūṣate 3d pl. (MBb.); and the fem. participles lipsatī and cikīrṣatī (MBh.: against 449 b). The anomalous jighīṅsīyāt occurs also in MBh. and Vas.
1033. a. Desiderative forms outside the present-system are extremely rare in the oldest language. The RV. has only perfect forms from a stem mimikṣ — thus, mimikṣáthus, mimikṣátus, mimikṣús; mimikṣe, mimikṣire — along with the present forms mimikṣati, mimikṣa etc., mimikṣant (pple): they show that mimikṣ or mikṣ has taken on the character of an independent root. In AV. are found two aorist forms, īrtsīs and acikitsīs, and a participle or two from mīmāṅsa (see below, 1037 a, 1030 a) — all of them from stems which have lost their distinct desiderative meaning, and come to bear an independent value. The forms noted from the other earlier texts will be given in full below.
b. In the later language, a complete system of verbal forms is allowed to be made in the desiderative conjugation, the desiderative stem, less its final vowel, being treated as a root. Thus:
1034. Perfect. The desiderative perfect is the periphrastic (1070 ff.).
a. Thus, īpsāṁ cakāra etc.; titikṣāṁ cakre etc. Such forms are made in ÇB. from √√kram, dhūrv, bādh, ruh; and in ChU. from man.
b. Apparent perfect forms of the ordinary kind made from mimikṣ in RV. have been noticed in the preceding paragraph. And AB. (viii. 21. 10) has once didāsitha thou hast desired to give.
1035. Aorist. The aorist is of the iṣ-form: thus, ऐप्सिषम् āípsiṣam, अतितिक्षिषि átitikṣiṣi.
a. The AY. has acikitsīs, and īrtsīs (augmentless, with mā́ prohibitive: 579). TB. has āipsīt; ÇB. āírtsīt, ācikīrṣis and ajighāṅsīs, and amīmāṅsiṣṭhās; KB. jijñāsiṣi; JUB. āipsiṣma; and AA. adhitsiṣam. No examples have been found in the later language.
b. A precative is also allowed — thus, īpsyāsam, titikṣiṣīya; but it never occurs.
1036. Futures. The futures are made with the auxiliary vowel इ i: thus, ईप्सिष्यामि īpsiṣyā́mi and ईप्सितास्मि īpsitā́smi; तितिक्षिष्ये titikṣiṣyé and तितिक्षिताहे titkṣitā́he.a. The ÇB. has titikṣiṣyate and didṛkṣitā́ras. Such forms as jijñāsyāmas (MBh.), didhakṣyāmi (R.), and mīmāṅsyant (GGS.) are doubtless presents, with -sya- blunderingly for -sa-.
1037. Verbal Nouns and Adjectives. These too are made with the auxiliary vowel इ i, in all cases where that vowel is ever taken.
a. In the older language have been noted: participle in ta, mīmāṅsitá (AV., GB.), jijyūṣita (AB.), çuçrūṣitá and dhīkṣitá (ÇB.); — gerundive in tavya, līpsitavya (AB.), didhyāsitavyá (ÇB.); in ya, jijñāsyà (ÇB.); — gerund in tvā, mīmāṅsitvā (K.).
1038. Of other declinable stems derived from the desiderative stem, by far the most common are the adjective in ú — e. g. titikṣu, dipsú, bībhatsú, siṣāsú (RV. once didṛ́kṣu) — and the abstract noun in ā́ — e. g. īpsā, bībhatsā́, mīmāṅsā́, çuçrūṣā́ — both of which are made with increasing freedom from an early epoch of the language: especially the former, which has the value and construction (271 a) of a present participle. A few adjectives in enya (having a gerundive character: 966 b) occur in the earlier language: thus, didṛkṣéṇya (RV.), çuçrūṣéṇya (TS.), ninīṣeṇya (PB.), jijñāsenya (AB.), and, with irregular reduplication (apparently) papṛkṣéṇya (RV.), dadhiṣeṇya (JB.); and didṛkṣéya (RV.) is a similar formation. RV. has also siṣāsáni and rurukṣáṇi, and siṣāsátu (?). In the later language, besides some of the formations already instanced (those in u and ā, and in sya and sitavya), are found a few derivatives in aka, as cikitsaka, bubhūṣaka; in ana, as jijñāsana, didhyāsana; and, very rarely, in anīya (cikitsanīya) and tṛ (çuçrūṣitṛ); further, secondary derivatives (doubtless) in in from the noun in ā, as īpsin, jigīṣin (one or two of these occur in the older language). And of an adjective in a we have an example in bībhatsá (B.S., and later), and perhaps in avalipsa (AVP.); such words as ajugupsa, duçcikitsa, are rather to be understood as possessive compounds with the noun in ā. As to noun-stems in is, see 392 d.
1039. Derivative or Tertiary Conjugations. A passive is allowed to be made, by adding the passive-sign य yá to the desiderative root (or stem without final a): thus, ईप्स्यते īpsyáte it is desired to be obtained; — and a causative, by adding in like manner the causative-sign अय áya (1041): thus, ईप्सयामि īpsáyāmi I cause to desire obtainment.
a. Of these formations in the older language are found mīmāṅsyámāna (doubtless to be read for -sámāna, AV.), lipsyámāna (ÇB.), and rurutsyamāna (K.). Half-a-dozen such passives are quotable later, and one or two causatives: e. g. cikitsyate, vivakṣyate, jijñāsyate; cikīrṣayant, cikitsayiṣyati.b. For the desiderative conjugation formed on causative stems, which is found as early as the Brāhmaṇas, see below, 1052b.
1040. Some stems which are desiderative in form have lost the peculiarity of desiderative meaning, and assumed the value of independent roots: examples are cikits, cure, jugups, despise, titikṣ, endure, bībhats, abhor, mīmāṅs ponder, çuçrūṣ obey. Doubtless some of the apparent roots in the language with sibilant final are akin with the desideratives in origin: e.g. çikṣ, desiderative of çak.
a. On account of the near relation of desiderative and future (cf. 948 b), the former is occasionally found where the latter was rather to be expected: thus, rājānam prayiyāsantam (ÇB.) a king about to depart; prāṇa uccikramiṣan (ChU.) the breath on the point of expiring; mumūrṣur ivā ’bhavat (H.) he was fain to die.
1041. a. In the later language is allowed to be made from most roots a complete causative conjugation. The basis of this is a causative stem, formed by appending the causative-sign आय áya to the, usually strengthened, root.
b. But by no means all conjugation-stems formed by the sign आय áya are of causative value; and the grammarians regard a part of them as constituting a conjugation-class, the tenth or cur-class, according to which roots may be inflected as according to the other classes, and either alone or along with others (775).
c. In RV., the proportion without causative value is fully one third. The formation is a more obviously denominative one than any of the other conjugation-classes, an intermediate between them and the proper denominatives. A causative meaning has established itself in connection with the formation, and become predominant, though not exclusive. A number of roots of late appearance and probably derivative character are included in the class, and some palpable denominatives, which lack only the usual denominative accent (below, 1056).
d. The causative formation is of much more frequent use, and more decidedly expanded into a full conjugation, than either the intensive or the desiderative. It is made from more than three hundred roots in the early language (in RV., from about one hundred and fifty); but in the oldest, its forms outside the present-system are (apart from the attached reduplicated aorist: 1046) exceedingly few.1042. The treatment of the root before the causative-sign अय aya is as follows:
a. Medial or initial i, u, ṛ, ḷ have the guṇa-strengthening (if capable of it: 240; thus, vedaya from √vid, codaya from √cud, tarpaya from √tṛp; and kalpaya from √kḷp (only example): but cintaya, gulphaya, dṛṅhaya.
b. But a few roots lack the strengthening: these are, in the older language, cit (citaya and cetaya), iṣ, iḷ, riṣ (riṣaya and reṣaya), vip (vipaya and vepaya), tuj, tur, tuṣ (tuṣaya and toṣaya), dyut (dyutaya and dyotaya), ruc (rucaya and rocaya), çuc (çucaya and çocaya), çubh (cubhaya and çobhaya), kṛp, mṛḍ, spṛh; and grabh makes in RV. gṛbhaya. Duṣ and guh lengthen the vowel instead. Mṛj sometimes has vṛddhi, as in other forms: thus, mārjaya (beside marjaya). On the other hand, guṇa appears irregularly (240 b) in srevaya (beside çrīvaya), heḍaya, mekṣaya. Similar irregularities in the later language are giraya, tulaya (also tolaya), churaya (also choraya), muṣaya, sphuraya. No forms without strengthening have a causative value made in the older language.
c. A final vowel has the vṛddhi-strengthening: thus, cāyaya, çāyaya, cyāvaya, bhāvaya, dhāraya, sāraya.
d. But no root in i or ī has vṛddhi in the Veda (unless pāyaya [k, below] comes from pī rather than pā) — as, indeed, regular causatives from such roots are hardly quotable: only RV. has kṣayaya (beside kṣepaya) from √kṣi possess; for a few alternatively permitted forms, see below, 1. In B. and S., however, occur çāyaya and sāyaya (√si or sā); and later -āyaya, cāyaya, smāyaya, ḍāyaya, nāyaya.
e. A few roots have a form also with guṇa-strengthening: thus, cyu, dru, plu, yu separate, çru, pū, stu, sru; jṛ waste away, dṛ pierce, sṛ, smṛ, hṛ; vṛ choose makes varaya later (it is not found in V.: epic also vāraya).
f. A medial or initial a in a light syllable is sometimes lengthened, and sometimes remains unchanged: thus, bhājaya, svāpaya, ādaya; janaya, çrathaya, anaya (but mandaya, valgaya, bhakṣaya).
g. The roots in the older language which keep their short a are jan, pan, svan, dhan, ran, stan, gam (gāmaya once in RV.), tam, dam, raj (usually rañjaya), prath, çrath, çnath, vyath, svad, chad please (also chandaya), nad, dhvas (also dhvaṅsaya), rah, mah (also maṅhaya), nabh (also nambhaya), tvar, svar, hval. In the later language, further, kvaṇ, jvar, trap, day, paṇ, rac, ran ring, vadh, val, vaç, çlath, skhal, sthag. Both forms are made (either in the earlier or in the later language, or in both taken together) by ad, kal, kram, kṣam, khan, ghaṭ, cam, cal, jval, tvar, dal, dhvan, nad, nam, pat, bhram, math, mad, yam, ram, lag, lal, vam, vyadh, çam be quiet, çram, çvas, svap. The roots which lengthen the vowel are decidedly the more numerous.
h. If a nasal is taken in any of the strong forms of a root, it usually appears in the causative stem: e. g. dambhaya, daṅçaya, indhaya, limpaya, rundhaya, çundhaya, kṛntaya, dṛṅhaya. From a number of roots, stems both with and without the nasal are made: thus (besides those mentioned above, g), kuñcaya and kocaya, granthaya and grathaya, bṛṅhaya and barhaya, bhraṅçaya and bhrāçaya, çundhaya and çodhaya, sañjaya and sajjaya, siñcaya and secaya. In a few of these is seen the influence of present-stems.
i. Most roots in final ā, and the root ṛ, add p before the conjugation-sign: thus, dāpaya, dhāpaya, sthāpaya; arpaya.
j. Such stems are made in the older language from the roots kṣā, khyā, gā sing (also gāyaya), glā, ghrā, jñā, dā give, dā divide, drā run, dhā put and dhā suck, mā measure, mlā, yā, vā blow, sthā, snā, hā remove; the later language adds kṣmā, dhmā, and hā leave. From jñā and snā are found in AV. and later the shortened forms jñapaya and snapaya, and from çrā only çrapaya (not in RV.). Also, in the later language, glā forms glapaya, and mlā forms mlapaya.
k. Stems from ā-roots showing no p are, earlier, gāyaya (also gāpaya) from √gā sing, chāyaya, pāyaya from √pā drink (or pī), pyāyaya from √pyā or pyāy; sāyaya from √sā (or si); also, later, hvāyaya from √hvā (or hū); — and further, from roots vā weave, vyā, and çā (or çi), according to the grammarians.
l. The same p is taken also by a few i- and ī-roots, with other accompanying irregularities: thus, in the older language, kṣepaya (RV., beside kṣayaya) from √kṣi possess; jāpaya (VS. and later) from √ji; lāpaya (TB. and later; later also lāyaya) from √lī cling; çrāpaya (VS., once) from √çri; adhyāpaya (S. and later) from adhi+√i; — in the later, kṣapaya (beside kṣayaya) from √kṣi destroy; māpaya from √mī; smāpaya (beside smāyaya) from √smi; hrepaya from √hrī; — and the grammarians make further krāpaya from √krī; cāpaya (beside cāyaya) from √ci gather; bhāpaya (beside bhāyaya and bhīṣaya) from √bhī; repaya from √rī, and vlepaya from √vlī. Moreover, √ruh makes ropaya (B. and later) beside rohaya (V. and later), and √knū makes knopáya (late).
m. More anomalous cases, in which the so-called causative is palpably the denominative of a derived noun, are: pālaya from √pā protect; prīṇaya from √prī; līnaya (according to grammarians) from √lī; dhūnaya (not causative in sense) from √dhū; bhīṣaya from √bhī; ghātaya from √han; sphāvaya from √sphā or sphāy.
n. In the Prakrit, the causative stem is made from all roots by the addition of (the equivalent of) āpaya; and a number (about a dozen) of like formations are quotable from Sanskrit texts, mostly of the latest period; but three, krīḍāpaya, jīvāpaya, and dīkṣāpaya, occur in the epics; and two, açāpaya and kṣālāpaya, even in the Sutras.
1043. Inflection: Present-System. The causative stem is inflected in the present-system precisely like other stems in अ a (733 a): it will be sufficient to give here in general the first persons of the different formations, taking as model the stem धारय dhāráya, from √धृ dhṛ. Thus:
a. The 1st pl. act. in masi greatly outnumbers (as ten to one) that in mas in both RV. and AV. No example occurs of 2d pl. act. in thana, nor of 3d sing. mid. in e for ate.
For the subjunctive may be instanced all the forms noted as occurring in the older language:
b. Only one dual mid. form in āite occurs: mādáyāite (RV.). The only RV. mid. form in āi, except in 1st du., is mādayādhvāi. The primary endings in 2d and 3d sing. act. are more common than the secondary.
c. Optative forms are very rare in the oldest language (four in RV., two in AV.); they become more common in the Brāhmaṇas. A 3d sing. mid. in īta instead of eta (cf. 738 b) occurs once in B. (kāmayīta AB.), is not very rare in S. (a score or two of examples are quotable), and is also found in MBh. and later. Of a corresponding 3d pl. in īran only one or two instances can be pointed out (kāmayīran AÇS., kalpayīran AGS.).
d. Imperative persons with the ending tāt occur: dhārayatāt (AV.) and cyāvayatāt (ÇB.) are 2d sing.; pātayatāt (ÇB.) is 3d sing.; gamayatāt and cyāvayatāt (K. etc.), and vārayatāt (TB.) are used as 2d pl. Vārayadhvāt (K. etc.) is 2d pl., and the only known example of such an ending (see above, 549 b).
e. The feminine of the active participle is regularly and usually made in antī (449 c). But a very few examples in atī are met with (one in the older language: namayatī Āpast.).f. The middle participle in māna is made through the whole history of the language, from RV. (only yātáyamāna) down, and is the only one met with in the earlier language (for ī́rayānas [sic !], MS. ii. 7. 12, is evidently a false reading, perhaps for írayā nas). But decidedly more common in the epics and later is one formed with āna: e. g. kāmayāna, cintayāna, pālayāna, vedayāna. It is quotable from a larger number of roots than is the more regular participle in māna. As it occurs in no accentuated text, its accent cannot be given.
1044. As was above pointed out, the formations from the causative stem in aya outside the present-system are in the oldest language very limited. In RV. are found two forms of the future in syāmi, one passive participle (coditá), and ten infinitives in dhyāi; also one or two derivative nouns in tṛ (bodhayitṛ́, codayitrī́), five in iṣṇu, seven in itnu, and a few in a (atipārayá, nidhārayá, vācamīnkhayá, viçvamejaya), and in u (dhārayú, bhāvayú, mandayú). In AV., also two s-future forms and four gerunds in tvā; and a few derivative noun-stems, from one of which is made a periphrastic perfect (gamayā́ṁ cakāra). In the Brāhmaṇas, verbal derivative forms become more numerous and various, as will be noted in detail below.
1045. Perfect. The accepted causative perfect is the periphrastic (1071 a); a derivative noun in ā́ is made from the causative stem, and to its accusative, in ā́m, is added the auxiliary: thus,
धारयां चकार dhārayā́ṁ cakāra (or āsa: 1070 b)
धारयां चक्रे dhārayā́ṁ cakre
a. Of this perfect no example occurs in RV. or SV. or VS., only one — gamayā́ṁ cakāra — in AV., and but half-a-dozen in all the various texts of the Black Yajur-Veda, and these not in the mantra-parts of the text. They are also by no means frequent in the Brāhmaṇas, except in ÇB. (where they abound: chiefly, perhaps, for the reason that this work uses in considerable part the perfect instead of the imperfect as its narrative tense).
1046. Aorist. The aorist of the causative conjugation is the reduplicated, which in general has nothing to do with the causative stem, but is made directly from the root.
a. It has been already fully described (above, 856 ff.).
b. Its association with the causative is probably founded on an original intensive character belonging to it as a reduplicated form, and is a matter of gradual growth; in the Veda it is made from a considerable number of roots (in RV., more than a third of its instances; in AV., about a fifth) which have no causative stem in aya.
c. The causative aorist of √धृ dhṛ, then, is as follows:
An example was inflected in full at 864.
1047. In a few cases, where the root has assumed a peculiar form before the causative sign — as by the addition of a p or ṣ (above, 1042 i ff.) — the reduplicated aorist is made from this form instead of from the simple root: thus, atiṣṭhipam from sthāp (stem sthāpaya for √sthā. Aorist-stems of this character from quasi-roots in āp are arpipa (√ṛ), jījapa or jījipa, jijñapa or jijñipa, çiçrapa, tiṣṭhipa, jīhipa; the only other example from the older language is bībhiṣa from bhīṣ for √bhī.
1048. But a few sporadic forms of an iṣ-aorist from causative conjugation-stems are met with: thus, dhvanayīt (RV.; TS. has instead the wholly anomalous dhvanayit), vyathayīs and āilayīt (AV.), pyāyayiaṣṭhās and avādayiṣṭhās (KBU.), in the older language (RV. has also ūnayīs from a denominative stem); in the later, ahlādayiṣata (DKC.), and probably aghātayithās (MBh.; for -iṣṭhās: cf. 904 d). The passive 3d sing, aropi, from the causative ropaya, has a late occurrence (Çatr.).
1049. A precative is of course allowed by the grammarians to be made for the causative conjugation: in the middle, from the causative stem with the auxiliary i substituted for its final a; in the active, from the form of the root as strengthened in the causative stem, but without the causative sign: thus,
|धार्यासम् dhāryāsam etc.||धारयिषीय dhārayiṣīya etc.|
This formation is to be regarded as purely fictitious.
1050. Futures. Both futures, with the conditional, are made from the causative stem, with the auxiliary इ i, which takes the place of its final अ a. Thus:
|धारयिष्यामि dhārayiṣyā́mi etc.||धारयिष्ये dhārayiṣyé etc.|
|धारयिष्यन्त् dhārayiṣyánt||धारयिष्यमाण dhārayiṣyámāṇa|
|अधारयिष्यम् ádhārayiṣyam etc.||अधारयिष्ये ádhārayiṣye etc.|
|धारयितास्मि dhārayitā́smi etc.|
a. It has been mentioned above that RV. and AV. contain only two examples each of the s-future, and none of the periphrastic. The former begin to appear in the Brāhmaṇas more numerously, but still sparingly, with participles, and conditional (only adhārayiṣyat ÇB.; alāpayiṣyathās ChU.); of the latter, ÇB. affords two instances (pārayitā́smi and janayitā́si). Examples of both formations are quotable from the later language (including the middle form darçayitāhev: 947 c).
1051. Verbal Nouns and Adjectives. These are made in two different ways: either 1. from the full causative stem (in the same manner as the futures, just described); or 2. from the causatively strengthened root-form (with loss of the causative-sign).
a. To the latter class belong the passive participle, as dhārita; the gerundive and gerund in ya, as dhārya, -dhārya; and the gerund in am, as dhāram; also, in the older language, the root-infinitive, as -dhāram etc. (970 a). To the former class belong the infinitive and the gerund in tvā, as dhārayitum, dhārayitvā, and the gerundive in tavya, as dhārayitavya (also, in the older language, the infinitives in tavāi and dhyāi, as jánayitavāí, īrayádhyāi, etc.). The auxiliary i is taken in every formation which ever admits that vowel.
b. Examples of the passive participle are īritá, vāsita, çrāvitá. But from the quasi-root jñap (1042 j) is made jñapta, without union-vowel.
c. Examples of the infinitive and gerund in tvā are jóṣayitum, dhā́rayitum; kalpayitvā́, arpayitvā́. But in the epics, and even later, infinitives are occasionally made with loss of the causative-sign: e. g. çeṣitum, bhāvitum, dhāritum, mocitum.
d. Examples of the gerunds in ya and am are -bhā́jya, -ghārya, -pādya, -vāsya, nāyya, -sthāpya; -bhā́jam, -sthāpam. But stems showing in the root-syllable no difference from the root retain ay of the causative-sign in the gerund, to distinguish it from that belonging to the primary conjugation: e. g. -kramáyya, -gamáyya, -janáyya, -jvaláyya, -kalayya, -çamayya, -racayya, -āpayya.e. Examples of the gerundive in tavya are tarpayitavyà, gamayitavya, hvāyayitavya; of that in ya, sthā́pya, hā́rya, yājya; of that in anīya, sthāpanīya, bhāvanīya.
f. Examples of other formations occurring in the older language are as follows: root-infinitive, -sthāpam, -vāsas; — infinitive in tu, other cases than accusative, -janayitave; jánayitavāí, pā́yayitavāí, -çcotayitavāí; çámayitos; — infinitive in dhyāi, iṣayádhyāi, īrayádhyāi, taṅsayádhyāi, nāçayádhyāi, mandayádhyāi, mādayádhyāi, riṣayádhyāi, vartayádhyāi, vājayádhyāi, syandayádhyāi (all RV.); — gerundive in āyya, panayā́yya, spṛhayā́yya, trayayā́yya (? √trā).
g. Other noun-derivatives from the causative stem are not infrequent, being decidedly more numerous and various than from any other of the secondary conjugation-stems. Examples (of other kinds than those instanced in 1044) are: árpaṇa, dāpana, prīṇana, bhī́ṣaṇa; jñāpaka, ropaka; patayālú, spṛhayālu; jánayati, jñapti.
h. All the classes of derivatives, it will be noticed, follow in regard to accent the analogy of similar formations from the simple root, and show no influence of the special accent of the causative-stem.
1052. Derivative or Tertiary Conjugations. From the causative stem are made a passive and a desiderative conjugation. Thus:
a. The passive-stem is formed by adding the usual passive-sign य yá to the causatively strengthened root, the causative-sign being dropped: thus, धार्यते dhāryáte.
b. Such passives are hardly found in the Veda (only bhājyá- AV.), but some thirty instances are met with in the Brāhmaṇas and Sūtras: examples are jñapyá- (TS.), sādya- (K.), pādya- (AB.), vādya- (TB.), sthāpya- (GB.); and they become quite common later.
c. The desiderative stem is made by reduplication and addition of the sign इष iṣa, of which the initial vowel replaces the final of the causative stem: thus, दिधारयिषति dīdhārayiṣati.
d. These, too, are found here and there in the Brāhmaṇas and later (about forty stems are quotable): examples are pipāyayiṣa (K.), bibhāvayiṣa and cikalpayiṣa and lulobhayiṣa (AB.), dídrāpayiṣa and rirādhayiṣa and āpipayiṣa (ÇB.), and so on.
e. As to causatives made from the intensive and desiderative stems, see above, 1025, 1039.
1058. A denominative conjugation is one that has for its basis a noun-stem.
a. It is a view now prevailingly held that most of the present-systems of the Sanskrit verb, along with other formations analogous with a present-system, are in their ultimate origin denominative; and that many apparent roots are of the same character. The denominatives which are so called differ from these only in that their origin is recent and undisguised.
1054. The grammarians teach that any noun-stem in the language may be converted, without other addition than that of an अ a (as union-vowel enabling it to be inflected according to the second general conjugation) into a present-stem, and conjugated as such.
a. But such formations are rare in actual use. The RV. has a few isolated and doubtful examples, the clearest of which is bhiṣákti he heals, from bhiṣáj physician; it is made like a form of the root-class; abhiṣṇak seems to be its imperfect according to the nasal class; and pátyate he rules appears to be a denominative of páti master; other possible cases are iṣaṇas etc., kṛpáṇanta, taruṣema etc., vanuṣanta, bhurajanta, vánanvati. From the other older texts are quotable kavyánt (TS.), áçlonat (TB.), unmūlati (ṢB.), svadhāmahe (ÇÇS.). And a considerable number of instances, mostly isolated, are found in the later language: e. g. kalahant (MBh.), arghanti (Pañç.), abjati (Çatr.), gardabhati (SD.), utkaṇṭhate (SD.), jagannetrati (Pras.), keliçvetasahasrapattrati (Pras.).
1055. In general, the base of denominative conjugation is made from the noun-stem by means of the conjugation-sign य yá, which has the accent.
a. The identity of this ya with the ya of the so-called causative conjugation, as making with the final a of a noun-stem the causative-sign aya, is hardly to be questioned. What relation it sustains to the ya of the ya-class (759), of the passive (768), and of the derivative intensive stem (1016), is much more doubtful.1056. Intermediate between the denominative and causative conjugations stands a class of verbs, plainly denominative in origin, but having the causative accent. Examples, beginning to appear at the earliest period of the language, are mantráyate speaks, takes counsel, (from mantra, √man + tra), kīrtáyati commemorates (from kīrti, √kṛ praise), artháyati or -te makes an object of, seeks (from ártha goal, object), varṇayati depicts (from varṇa color), kathayati or -te gives the how of anything, relates (from katham how?), and so on. These, along with like forms from roots which have no other present-system (though they may make scattering forms outside that system from the root directly), or which have this beside other present-systems without causative meaning, are reckoned by the grammarians as a separate conjugation-class, the cur-class (above, 607, 775).
1057. Denominatives are formed at every period in the history of the language, from the earliest down.
a. They are frequent in RV., which contains over a hundred, of all varieties; AV. has only half as many (and personal forms from hardly a third as many: from the rest, present participles, or derivative nouns); AB., less than twenty; ÇB., hardly more than a dozen; and so on. In the later language they are quotable by hundreds, but from the vast majority of stems occur only an example or two; the only ones that have won any currency are those that have assumed the character of "cur-class" verbs.
1058. The denominative meaning is, as in other languages, of the greatest variety; some of the most frequent forms of it are: be like, act as, play the part of; regard or treat as; cause to be, make into; use, make application of; desire, wish for, crave — that which is signified by the noun-stem.
a. The modes of treatment of the stem-final are also various; and the grammarians make a certain more or less definite assignment of the varieties of meaning to the varieties of form; but this allotment finds only a dubious support in the usages of the words as met with even in the later language, and still less in the earlier. Hence the formal classification, according to the final of the noun-stem and the way in which this is treated before the denominative sign yá, will be the best one to follow.
1059. From stems in a. a. The final a of a noun-stem oftenest remains unchanged: thus, amitrayáti plays the enemy, is hostile; devayáti cultivates the gods, is pious.
b. But final a is also often lengthened: thus, aghāyáti plans mischief; priyāyáte holds dear; açvāyáti seeks for horses; açanāyáti desires food.
c. While in the Veda the various modes of denominative formation are well distributed, no one showing a marked preponderance, in the later language the vast majority of denominatives (fully seven eighths) are of the two kinds just noticed: namely, made from a-stems, and of the form aya or āya, the former predominating. And there is seen a decided tendency to give the denominatives in aya an active form and transitive meaning, and those in āya a middle form and intransitive or reflexive meaning. In not a few cases, parallel formations from the same stem illustrate this distinction: e. g. kaluṣayati makes turbid, kaluṣāyate is or becomes turbid; taruṇayati rejuvenates, taruṇāyate is rejuvenated; çithilayati loosens, çithilāyate grows loose. No distinct traces of this distinction are recognizable in the Veda, although there also corresponding forms with short a and with long ā sometimes stand side by side.
d. Final a is sometimes changed to ī (very rarely i): thus, adhvarīyáti performs the sacrifice; taviṣīyáti is mighty; putrīyáti or putriyáti desires a son; māṅsīyáti craves flesh; sajjīyate is ready; candrakāntiīati is moonstonelike. Not fifty stems of this form are quotable.
e. It is occasionally dropped (after n or r): thus, turaṇyáti is rapid; adhvaryáti performs the sacrifice.
f. Other modes of treatment are sporadic: thus, the addition of s, as in stanasyati seeks the breast; the change of a to e, as in vareyáti plays the wooer.
1060. From stems in ā. Final ā usually remains, as in gopāyáti plays the herdsman, protects; pṛtanāyati fights; but it is sometimes treated in the other methods of an a-stem: thus, pṛtanyati fights; tilottamīyati acts Tilottama.
1061. From stems in i, ī, and u, ū. Such stems are (especially those in u, ū) very rare. They show regularly ī and ū before ya: thus, arātīyáti (also -tiy-) plots injury; janīyáti (also -niy-) seeks a wife; sakhīyáti desires friendship; nārīyate turns woman; — çatrūyáti acts the foe; ṛjūyáti is straight; vasūyáti desires wealth; asūyáti grumbles, is discontented: with short u, gātuyáti sets in motion.
a. More rarely, i or u is treated as a (or else is gunated, with loss of a y or v): thus, dhunayáti comes snorting; laghayati makes easier. Sometimes, as to a (above, 1059f), a sibilant is added: thus, aviṣyáti is vehement; uruṣyáti saves. From dhī, RV. makes dhiyāyáte.
1062. From other vowel-stems, a. Final ṛ is changed to rī: thus, mātrīyáti treats as a mother (only quotable example).
b. The diphthongs, in the few cases that occur, have their final element changed to a semivowel: thus, gavyáti seeks cattle, goes a-raiding.
1063. From consonant-stems. A final consonant usually remains before ya: thus, bhiṣajyáti plays the physician, cures; ukṣaṇyáti acts like a bull; apasyáti is active; namasyáti pays reverence; sumanasyáte is favorably disposed; taruṣyáti fights.
a. But a final n is sometimes dropped, and the preceding vowel treated as a final: thus, rājāyáte or rājīyáti is kingly, from rājan; -karmayati from -karman; svāmīyati treats as master, from svāmin: vṛṣāyáte from vṛṣan is the only example quotable from the older language. Sporadic cases occur of other final consonants similarly treated: thus, ojāyáte from ojas, -manāyate from -manas; — while, on the other hand, an a-vowel is occasionally added to such a consonant before ya: thus, iṣayáti from iṣ, satvanāyati from satvan.
1064. The largest class of consonantal stems are those showing a s before the ya; and, as has been seen above, a sibilant is sometimes, by analogy, added to a final vowel, making the denominative-sign virtually sya — or even, with a also added after an i- or u- vowel, asya; and this comes to be recognized by the grammarians as an independent sign, forming denominatives that express desire: thus, sumakhasyáte is merry; jīvanasya- (in -syā́ love of life); vṛṣasyati desires the male (the only quotable examples); madhuṣyati or madhvasyati longs for honey; kṣīrasyati craves milk.
1065. The grammarians reckon as a special class of denominatives in kāmya what are really only ordinary ones made from a compound noun-stem having kāma as its final member: thus, rathakāmyati longs for the chariot (K.: only example found in the older language); arthakāmyati desires wealth; putrakāmyati wishes a son (the only quotable examples); coming from the possessive compounds rathakāma etc. And arthāpāyati treats as property is a (sole quotable) example of a stem having the Prakritic causative form (1042 n).
a. Stems of anomalous formation are drāghaya from dīrgha, draḍhaya from dṛḍha, and perhaps mradaya from mṛdu.
1066. a. A number of denominative stems occur in the Veda for which no corresponding noun-stems are found, although for all or nearly all of them related words appear: thus, an̄kūyá, stabhūyá, iṣudhya; dhiṣaṇyá, riṣaṇyá, ruvaṇya, huvanya, iṣaṇyá; ratharyá, çratharyá, saparyá; iyasya (ÇB.), irasyá, daçasyá, makhasyá, panasyá, sacasyá. Those in anya, especially, look like the beginnings of a new conjugation-class.
b. Having still more that aspect, however, are a Vedic group of stems in āya, which in general have allied themselves to present-systems of the nā-class (732), and are found alongside the forms of that class: thus, gṛbhāyáti beside gṛbhṇāti. Of such, RV. has gṛbhāyá, mathāyá, pruṣāyá, muṣāyá, çrathāya, skabhāyá, stabhāyá. A few others have no nā-class companions: thus, damāyá, çamāyá, tudāyá (AV.); and panāya, naçāya, vṛṣāya (√vṛṣ rain), vasāyá (√vas clothe), and perhaps açāya (√āç attain).
c. Here may be mentioned also quasi-denominatives made from onomatopoetic combinations of sounds, generally with repetition: e. g. kiṭakiṭāya, thatathatarāya, miṣamiṣāya, çaraçarāya.
1067. The denominative stems in RV. and AV. with causative accentuation are: RV. an̄kháya, artháya, iṣáya (also iṣayá), ūrjáya, ṛtáya, kṛpáya, mantráya, mṛgáya, vavráya, vājáya (also vājayá), vīḷáya, suṣváya (also suṣvayá); AV. adds kīrtáya, dhūpā́ya, pāláya, vīráya, sabhāgáya.
a. The accent of ánniya and hástaya (RV.) is wholly anomalous.
1068. Inflection. The denominative stems are inflected with regularity like the other stems ending in अ a (733 a) throughout the present-system. Forms outside of that system — except from the stems which are reckoned to the causative or cur-class, and which follow in all respects the rules for that class — are of the utmost rarity.
a. In RV. occurs no form not belonging to the present-system, except ūnayīs (with mā́ prohibitive), an iṣ-aorist 2d sing. (cf. 1048). Further examples of this aorist are āsūyīt (ÇB.), pāpayiṣṭa (TS.: pl., with mā́ prohibitive), and avṛṣāyiṣata (VS. etc.). The form ásaparyāit (AV. xiv. 2. 20), with āi for ī (555 c), might be aorist; but, as the metre shows, is probably a corrupt reading; amanasyāit, certainly imperfect, appears to occur in TB. (ii. 3. 83). Other forms begin to appear in the Brāhmaṇas: e. g. the futures gopāyiṣyati (ÇB.), meghāyiṣyánt, kaṇḍūyiṣyánt, çīkāyiṣyánt (TS.), the participles bhiṣajyitá (? JB. -jita) and iyasitá (ÇB.), kaṇḍūyitá, çīkitá, and meghitá (TS.), the gerund saṁçlákṣṇya (ÇB.), and so on. In the later language, also, forms outside the present-system (except the participle in ta) are only sporadic; and of tertiary conjugation forms there are hardly any: examples are the causatives dhūmāyaya and asūyaya (MBh.), and the desiderative abhiṣiṣenayiṣa (Çiç.).
b. Noun-derivatives from denominative stems follow the analogy of those from causative stems (1051 g). In the older language, those in u and ā (especially the former) are much the most numerous; later, that in ana prevails over all others.