The Achehnese/Volume 2/Chapter 3
CHAPTER III.
GAMES AND PASTIMES.
§ 1. Various games of young and old.
Childrens' toys.Over the cradles of little children in Acheh are hung sundry objects cut out of paper which charm the infant by their colour and movement and as it were hypnotise him. These are called keumbay bundi. A like purpose is served by boiled eggs coloured red and transfixed with a small piece of stick, with paper ornaments fastened on the top.
In Java they use rattles called klontongan[1] with membranes of paper and a little string on either side to which is attached some hard object. When the wooden handle passing through the drum of the rattle is smartly twisted round, these pellets strike the membrane in quick succession. In Acheh these are known under the name of tèngtòng or geundrang changguëʾ (frogs' drum), as the noise they make bears some resemblance to the croaking of frogs.
Boys play a good deal with tops (gaséng).[2] A kind of humming-top is made from the kumukōih-fruit by thrusting a stick through it by way of axis, and making a hole in the side. The wooden tops resemble our own[3].
The flying of kites[4] (pupò glayang) is a favourite recreation of both old and young. Children play with a simple kind of kite which may also be often seen in Java; in Achehnese they are called glayang tukòng. Grown-up people fly large, but very pretty and more compli-
NATIVE HOUSE: IN THE FOREGROUND A KITE (GLAYANG).
cated kites which are called glayang kleuëng from their resemblance to the kite (the bird). A representation of one of these may be seen in the photograph. Their owners have matches, sometimes for money, as to who can get his kite to rise highest, the cords being of equal length.
Kicking the cocoanut.Meurimbang[5] is the name of a game usually played by two boys one against the other. Each is provided with the top half of a cocoanut shell. Both are set on the ground at a certain distance from one another. One of the opponents kicks his own shell backwards and if he hits that of his opponent a certain number of times he has the privilege of giving his vanquished adversary a rub over the hand with the rough exterior of his shell.
Advantage of winning.The winner's advantage in many of the native games consists in the right to inflict slight bodily tortures like the above. It is thus too for instance with the meusimbang[6], a kind of Knuckle-bones.knuckle-bone game with little stones, usually played by girls. Each stakes a like number of stones, which are thrown up, caught, or lifted off the ground while in motion by all the players in turn according to certain rules. Should any player become "dead", each of the others may smite the back of her hand seven times with the backs of theirs held loosely. The slaps are counted aloud up to seven with the same ceremonious delivery as in the exercise of certain charms[7].
Girls often imitate in play the employments which await them later on as mothers and housekeepers. They sift sand in a piece of the spathe (seutuëʾ) of the betel-nut, pretending that it is rice or rice-flour. Or else the mother makes for her daughter a warp for weaving from the fine innermost coating (seuludang) of this spathe by drawing off alternate strips where it is longest. The daughter is then set to weave this neudòng as it is called, across from left to right with similar stripes. After each insertion the woof is driven home with a slip of wood which serves as peunòʾ ("weaver's rod" = Mal. bělīra). They also weave mats from plantain-leaves. The task of stitching edgings in the mirah-pati pattern |X|X|X|X| stands on the borderland between play and earnest for little girls. The triangular spaces are covered with patches of various colours in imitation of the larger borders used for cushions and curtains.
Dolls.Dolls (patōng) are made from the seulumpuëʾ pisang (plantain-stem). These puppets, on which the little ones lavish their motherly care, are not untastefully dressed up in sundry bright-coloured shreds and patches.
Playing at soldiers.Boys are given imitation weapons as playthings, swords and reunchōngs made of the midrib of the cocoanut leaf, guns from the midribs of the leaves of other palms, and so on. Teungku Kuta Karang in his political pamphlet[8] notices as a characteristic trait of Achehnese children that little boys when howling lustily can be quieted by nothing so well as the sight of a flashing weapon.
Playing at war.It was a custom formerly more common than it now is for young lads, generally of different gampōngs, to have wrestling combats (meulhò) with one another. To start the game a quarrel is picked on purpose[9], and there have sometimes been bones broken and blood spilt in these mimic battles.
Hiding the ring.The game, called meusòmsòm ("covering up") is played with a ring made of rope. One of the players conceals this beneath a heap of sand, and the others must in turn prod for it with a stick. If the stick is found not to have been stuck inside the ring, the first "hider" may hide it again, on which a third player "prods". The winner, i.e. he who succeeds in thrusting his stick within the circumference of the ring, has the privilege of hiding it until another wins.
Game of ball.A favourite game of ball is the meuʾawō. The ball is made by plaiting the young leaves of the cocoanut so as to form a sphere, and filling the interior with some hard material such as clay. Two parties of equal number take up their stand at a suitable interval from one another. The side which opens the game (éʾ, lit. = "to come up") stands near a small stick or rib of the arèn-leaf (puréh) which in the game is known as bu (rice)[10]. From this position one of the players throws the ball backwards over his head in the direction of the opposing side; if they catch it, the first player is "dead". If they fail, the opposite party has now to endeavour to hit the bu with the ball and overthrow it. Should they succeed in doing so, the first player is then dead. Should he survive, he has another turn, but each turn only gives the right to have a single throw. When the whole side is dead, it is succeeded by another.
There are two other games played with balls, on which there is no winning (meunang) or losing (talō), but which only give an opportunity for the display of bodily strength and skill (meuteuga-teuga). These are football (sipaʾ raga) which is also such a favourite pastime amongst the Malays[11], and meulagi. In this last the ball (raga, made of plaited rattan) is thrown into the air by one of the players, after which it is kept going by a smart blow with the hand, all the players doing their best to keep it flying by fresh buffets.
There is another game of meulagi in which a ball (bòh) is thrown up and driven off with a sort of bat (gò) by one side, and then struck back by the other. A variety of this in which a stick about ¾, of a yard long serves as gò and a shorter stick as bòh, is known as meusinggam.
The Achehnese have a combination of our hide and seek[12] and prisoners-base in their mupét-pét or meukō-kō[13], which both girls and boys play together. Two sides of equal number are formed. The first go and hide in different places, while meantime the second keep their eyes shut or their backs turned. One player of the hiding side, however, stays and keeps watch at the bu, for which a tree or some similar object is selected. When the hiders call kō, the seeking begins. The hidden ones however keep leaving their hiding places to "go and eat rice" (pajōh bu), that is to say they run with all possible speed to the tree, when they are safe from being touched by their opponents. If one of the latter succeeds in touching the body of any of the adverse side, or in taking possession of the tree (bu) at a moment when it is left unguarded, the players then change places, and the former seekers must go and hide in their turn.
A guessing game.Meuraja-raja biséʾ (or liséʾ or siséʾ) is another game played by the children of both sexes. Between two sides of equal number stands a neutral raja, sometimes supported by a couple of meuntròës (mantris or ministers) to prevent unfairness on his part.
Each side has also a nang ("mother" or leader) who directs the game rather than takes part in it.
Those on one side choose by agreement which of their fellows is to be pushed into the midst by the nang; and this is secretly communicated to the raja.
A player on the other side now tries to guess the name of the one thus chosen. If he guesses wrong, then a new choice must be made by his own side, but if he guesses correctly, the child in question must go over as "dead" to the other side. The side which are all killed with the exception of the nang, loses the game, which then begins afresh.
The cock on board ship.A variation of the above is to be found in the mumanòʾ-manòʾ kapay or meukapay-kapay ("the cock on board ship" or "ship game"). In this also two sides, each under a nang, take their stand opposite one another. Between them is a mat, on which sits one of the children with his face covered with a kerchief. The nang of the other side comes up to her opponent and asks "what ship is that"? She replies, say, "English". "What is the cargo". "Cocoanut shells". "What else"? "A blind cock". "Let him crow then"! Now the child crows three times as requested, and then the nang of the opposite side must guess who it is. The game then proceeds in the same way as the meuraja-raja biséʾ.
Game of child-stealing.Meusugōt-sugōt[14] or meuchòʾ-chòʾ aneuʾ (child-stealing) is played by girls and also by little boys[15].
All the players but one stand in a row one behind the other, each holding on to the back of the garment of the one in front of her. The foremost is called the nang and must try and prevent the children from being "stolen" by the one who is not in the row and who plays the part of thief. The enemy however always succeeds in the end, in spite of the efforts of the "mother" in touching the children one by one and so compelling them to quit the line as being "dead".
Games with kemiri-nuts.Kemiri-nuts (bòh krèh) are used in various games in Acheh as well as in neighbouring countries[16]. Two sides contend, usually for a wager as to who will first split the other's nut with his (pupòʾ bòh krèh)[17]. There is also a kind of marble-game (Ach. mupadōʾ), in which the bòh krèh is used.
The most favourite pastime however both with young and old is the game called meugatòʾ or mupanta[18], mention of which is to be found in many hikayats. The number of players is not limited, but it can if necessary be played by two. Each player has a bòh gatòʾ or bòh panta, i. e. a betel-nut or a small hemisphere of horn or ivory. Some small holes are made in the ground in a straight line at intervals of from 7 to 9 feet. The players begin by each jerking his bòh panta from the first hole into the third. They shoot the missile by squeezing it hard between the fore finger of the right hand and the middle finger of the left, the elastic pressure of the fingers causing it to spring forward. Whoever succeeds in getting his bòh panta into or nearest of all to the third hole, gets a shot at the others to send them further away from that hole, and so on. The object of the game is to get the bòh panta into all the holes in the row a fixed number of times in the following order; 3, 2, 1, 2, 3, 2, 1 etc. At each shot the player endeavours either to attain the hole next in the sequence, or to knock away his opponent's bòh further from it.
Doing the latter has the double advantage of driving the adversary further from his goal, and of giving the player another shot at the hole, which is much easier than the first as he is now closer up to it.
The first who has got into all the holes in the row the required number of times is called the raja, but those who come after him are also esteemed winners. The last is the only loser and has to stand at the first hole and hold out his ankle (gatòʾ) as a target for the winners (theun gatòʾ). Each of them gets a shot at it from the third hole, not only with his own bòh but also those of all his fellow-players. The luckless member not infrequently becomes quite swollen in consequence of this operation, and it is in any case painful.
The "hopping-game" (hop-scotch; Ach. meuʾingkhé or meungkhé) is played in a good many different ways as regards details; we give here a single example.
A figure is first marked out like that represented on the next page on a small scale. The lines enclosing it are called euë (boundary of land). The four lines drawn from the extremities of the boundary at top and bottom are known as misè (strings); the spaces A—F as rumòh (houses). Each player (there are usually only two) has a fruit of the lumbé or leumbé[19] as a ball to play the game with (bòh). The first player begins by throwing his ball into rumòh A, and then hops up to it without touching
the line (euë) and kicks it back with his free foot. Then he hops back within the boundary close to which he stops, plants his feet together and leaps over it, taking care to land with one of his feet covering the bòh. Should the player in the course of any of these operations come into contact with the euë or the misè, or should he hop badly, or fall or fail to alight on his bòh when he leaps, then he is dead, and the opposite side plays.
If the first turn is successful the same is done with rumòh B and so on till all the spaces have been visited. In kicking back the bòh out of the spaces B—F, it is not counted as a fault if the bòh lands in another rumòh and not beyond the boundaries, always provided that no boundary is touched.
The winning side sometimes refuses to give the losers their revenge except on the condition of the latter's playing their bòh up through the smaller rumòhs on the right of the dotted live ab, which of course gives them a much worse chance.
Playing at fighting.A more serious variation of the wrestling bouts which lads of different gampōngs hold with each other, is to be found in the meutaʾ-tham ("pushing and resisting"). This is also called meukruëng-kruëng "the river-game", as it is often played on the banks of rivers or creeks. In Pidië it is called meugeudeu-geudeu. It is played by full-grown youths, generally of sides chosen from two different gampōngs, and preferably in the evenings or at night at the time of the full moon.
The two sides are composed of an equal number of champions who meet on some wide open space, often in the presence of a great crowd of onlookers. One side (whose task is tham = "to withstand" and dròb = "to catch") is drawn up in line and keeps watch on their opponents. The latter endeavour to give each of their adversaries a push and then to run away at the top of their speed so as if possible to reach a boundary line far in their rear, before being overtaken by one of their enemies. Should one of them succeed in gaining the boundary unopposed after pushing an opponent, then he who received the thrust is reckoned dead; but the latter and his fellows (for more than one may pursue the fugitive) do their best to catch the assailant before he reaches the refuge. He for his part resists his capture with might and main, and none of his own side are allowed to help him. Thus sanguinary battles often occur; when once taken captive the fugitive is dead, whilst he whom he pushed remains alive. As soon as the whole side is dead, the order of the game is reversed.
Keuchiʾs, elders or panglimas are in the habit of attending these fighting games to prevent all serious violence. A prisoner who continues to resist through rage against his fate, they admonish to surrender; and they remind players who indulge in revengeful language through annoyance at a blow or push, that they have joined in the game of their own free will and have no right in any case to cherish revengeful feelings such as might display themselves in earnest when the game was over.
As we see, games savouring of war are very popular in Acheh. But we must not forget that it was necessary for the police to intervene before the main pukulan at Batavia and the prang desa in other parts of Java could be brought within bounds and rendered as harmless as they now are.
A more peaceful variation is the meutaʾ-tham euë galah[20]. A main line is drawn, called euë galah[21] (AB in the figure). This is supposed to be produced indefinitely at both ends. Crossing this at right angles are a number of other lines (euë linteuëng) CD, EF etc., of equal length and separated by equal intervals. Their number depends on the number of players; thus 12 players require 5 euë linteuëng, 14 players 6, and so on. Each euë is guarded by one player, and these guards (6 in number in the figure below) form one side in the game. The other side has to try to make their way from in front of the line L M across all the euës till they get behind the line C D.
On their way they are exposed to the danger of being touched by the guards, in which case they become "dead". The guards of the cross lines must only strike in the direction from which the assailants advance; that of the main line can strike in every direction. In trying to hit his adversary no guard must move further from his line than he can jump with his feet touching. Otherwise his blow does not count.
Should one of the attacking party be touched then all are dead, and the players change places, but if once two of them succeed in passing backwards and forwards unopposed over the space between the lines LM and CD, this is called bilōn and they are the winners.
Rice-mortar game.At the time of the full moon a number of grown girls or young women often assemble to tòb alèë eumpiëng[22], literally = "to pound with eumpiëng-pounders". Each holds in her hand the mid-rib of an arèn-leaf, and with these implements they pound all together in the rice-mortar (leusōng) to the accompaniment of a singsong chant the effect of which is often pleasing to the ear.
Knuckle-bone game.Girls are fond of a sort of knuckle-bone game, played with keupula (pips of the small fruit known in Java as native sawo). This game is called meugeuti, meuguti, or, in some places, mupachih inòng[23], and is almost identical with that called kubuʾ in Java.
Chatō.Another game which is much played by women and children, resembles in principle the Javanese dakon and is played with peukula or geutuë seeds or pebbles. Wooden boards are sometimes used for it, but as a rule the required holes are simply made in the ground, the whole being called the uruëʾ or holes of the game.
The little round holes are called rumòh, the big ones A and B geudōng or chōh and the pips aneuʾ. The game itself is known in different places under the names chatō[24], chukaʾ and jungkaʾ. There are four different ways of playing it in Achéh with which I am acquainted, called respectively meusuëb, meutaʾ, meuchōh, meuliëh. Let us here describe the meusuëb as a specimen.[25]
The two players put 4 aneuʾs in each of six small holes. Then they commence to play, each in his turn taking the pips from any one hole selected at hap-hazard and distributing them among the other holes, dropping one in each they pass.
The direction followed is from left to right for the six holes next the player, and from right to left in the opposite ones. The player takes the contents of the hole he reaches with his last pip, and goes on playing. Should he reach an empty hole with his last pip he is dead.
Should it happen that when the player reaches the last hole which his store of pips enables him to gain, he finds 3 pips therein, he has suëb as it is called, that is to say he may add these 3 to the one he has still remaining and put these 4 as winnings in his geudōng. He can then go on playing with the pips in the next hole (adòë suëb = the "younger brother" of the suëb); but if this next hole be empty he may retain the winnings but the turn passes to his opponent.
Thus they go on until there are too few pips left outside the two geudōngs to play round with. Then each of the players takes one turn with one of the pips which remains over on his own side of the board. If he is compelled to put his pip in one of the holes on the opposite side, he loses it and when all the pips are thus lost the game is finished.
Pachih.Pachih is a favourite game among the men in Acheh. They are well aware that it has been introduced by Klings and other natives of Hindustan. It has been adopted with but slight modifications and even such as there are may also possibly be of foreign origin, for the description of pachisi[26] (= pachih) to be found in G. A. Herklots Qanoon-e-islam, Appx. pp. LVIII–LIX and Plate VII, Fig. 2, differs from the system of play adopted by the Klings now in Acheh, so that it would appear that there are varieties of this game in India also.
Pachih is played with two, three or four persons. Each player sits at one extremity of the cross-shaped pachih-board (papeuën pachih) or pachih-cloth (ruja pachih). Ornamental cloths are sometimes made for this game, with the squares handsomely embroidered. The starting points for the players are the squares A, B, C and D; in these each places his 4 little conical pawōïh which are made of wood, of betelnuts or the like. The players now make throws by turns with seven cowries
which they cast with the hand. These shells must fall either with the opening upwards (meulinteuëng) or downward (teugòm). The value of the different throws is as follows:
| 7 | shells opening upwards | = | 14; | this throw is called | barah |
| 6 | = | 30; | tih | ||
| 5 | = | 25; | pachih | ||
| 4 | = | 4; | |||
| 3 | = | 3; | |||
| 2 | = | 2; | |||
| 1 | = | 10; | |||
| 7 | downwards | = | 7; | chòkah or chòka. |
After each throw the player may move one of his pawōïhs over a number of squares equal to the number of his throw. The direction followed is: from the starting-point, say C, down the middle line of squares to the player, then away from him up the right hand outer line of squares, then continuing along all the outside squares, until he returns to E; thence up the middle squares to the round central space. He who first brings his 4 pawōïhs into the central (dalam or bungòng rayeuʾ) is the winner.
The four throws to which distinctive names are given have, as it is called, a "younger brother" (adòë); that is to say they give the privilege of a fresh throw, but a player may not throw more than three times in succession, and after a throw that has no name the turn passes at once to the next player.
After each throw the player may choose which of his four pieces he will advance. The chief obstacle on the way to the central space consists in this, that when one player's pawōïh reaches a square on which another's is already standing, the latter must retreat to his starting-point (A, B, C or D); it is only in the squares marked thus × which are called bungòng (flower) that several pawōïhs are allowed to stand at once and take their chance.
The tiger game.Certain other games which enjoy a great popularity in Java also under the name of machanan or the "tiger-game" and some varieties of which resemble our draughts, are known
Each moves in turn along the lines of the figure. The tiger may take a sheep each time in any direction or even 3, 5 or 7 from one side of the figure to the other, as for example from K to L or from M. to N.
The game is played on the second figure here represented with 5 tigers and fifteen sheep. A tiger and a sheep are first placed on the board wherever the player likes. Fresh sheep are added one at a time after each move, so long as the supply lasts.
The game ends either when all the sheep are killed, or the tigers hemmed in so as to be unable to move; hence it is called meurimuëng-rimuëng-dòʾ in contradistinction to the next game. The word dòʾ[29] which belongs originally to the verbiage of mysticism and betokens the state of religious ecstasy arrived at in the howling recitations, has in Achehnese the general meaning of "swooning, falling into a faint". So it is applied to the tiger when hemmed in and unable to move.
The third game is called "meurimuëng-rimuëng peuët plōh" ("tiger-game played with forty") as each player puts forty pieces on the board and the pusat (navel) A remains unoccupied. The players may move and take in every direction and so eventually win, though no one is obliged to take if another move appears more advantageous.
As the two sides are exactly equal in number and in privileges, this sort of game of draughts can only in a figurative sense be said to belong to the tiger-games. It is called in Java dam-daman, from the Dutch dam=draughts.
The figures for all these games are usually drawn on the ground, and small stones or the kernels of fruits serve as pieces. Where neces-
The Malays play all three under the name of main rimau or main rimau kambing ("tiger-game" or "tiger and goat-game".) (Translator). sary (as in the case of tigers and sheep for instance) these are of different sizes and colours.
Interchange of games between different peoples.From examples such as that of these tiger-games which have long since acquired a genuine popularity far out among the islands of the Indian Archipelago in spite of their foreign origin, we may see how wide is the spread of such pastimes throughout the world even where civilization is still most primitive and the means of communion and intercourse with other nations few and far between.
In like manner we find the Dutch word knikker (marble) widely diffused in the interior of Java miles beyond any place where European children have ever played.
What is true of childrens' games is without doubt still more applicable to human institutions. This is a fact that should impress on the science of ethnography the necessity for caution in drawing conclusions.
Undoubtedly the ethnography of later times has at its disposal innumerable data which point to the most remarkable results scarcely conceivable in former times, arising from the uniformity of the human organism—results which appear even in the details of man's mental life.
Manners and customs which the superficial enquirer might classify among the most peculiar characteristics of individual races, appear on closer observation to be in reality characteristics of a definite stage of civilization in every region of the globe. The same is true of legends, theories regarding nature and the universe, proverbs etc.
But—the tiger-games and the marbles warn us of it—the fact that games such as these have been so widely spread by borrowing must prevent us too hastily excluding every form of indirect contact or interchange, even between peoples entirely strange to one another.
The examination of apparently insignificant pastimes has a value long since recognized in comparative ethnography and gives us at the same time an insight into the method of training the young practised by different peoples. More than this, in the games of children there survive dead or dying customs and superstitions of their ancestors, so that they form a little museum of the ethnography of the past.
Ni Towong in Java.Of this we find a beautiful example in the Ni Towong in Java. In some districts in that island a figure is composed of a creel or basket with brooms for arms, a cocoanut-shell for head and eyes of chalk and soot, dressed in a garment purposely stolen for the occasion and otherwise rigged out so as to give it something of the human shape. This is placed in a cemetery by old women on the evening before Friday amid the burning of incense, and an hour or two later it is carried away to the humming of verses of incantation, the popular belief being that it is inspired with life by Ni Towong during the above process. Some women hold a mirror before the figure thus artificially endowed with a soul, and after beholding itself there in it is supposed to move of its own accord and to answer by gestures the questions put to it by the surrounding crowd, telling the maiden of her destined bridegroom, pointing out to the sick the tree whose leaf will cure his ailment, and so on.
Children who have often been present and beheld this apparation of Ni Towong, imitate it in their play, and continue to do so even when other superstitions or Mohammedan orthodoxy have relegated the original to obscurity, as is the case in many districts of Java and also at Batavia.
Thus too in all probability ancestral superstitions and disused customs survives in certain other pastimes of the young in Sumatra as well as in Java. They might be described as games of suggestion. We find an example among the Sundanese in Java, who in their momonyetan, měměrakan and similar games impart to their comrades the characteristics of the ape, the peacock or some other animal. The boy who submits to be the subject of the game is placed under a cloth. He is sometimes made dizzy with incense and shaken to and fro by his companions, tapped on the head and subjected to various other stupefying manipulations. Meantime they chant incessantly round him in chorus a sort of rhyming incantation the meaning of which it is impossible fully to comprehend, but in which the animal typified is mentioned by name, and attention drawn to some of its characteristics.
After a while, if the charm succeeds the boy jumps up, climbs cocoanut and other fruit trees with the activity and gestures of an ape, and devours hard unripe fruits with greediness; or else, perhaps, he struts like a peacock, imitating its spreading tail with the gestures of his hands and its cries with his voice till at last his human consciousness returns to him.
When the actual "suggestion" does not take place, it becomes a game pure and simple. The "charmed" boy, when he thinks the proper time has come, merely makes some idiotic jumps and grimaces and perhaps climbs a tree or two or pursues his comrades in a threatening manner.
The children in Acheh also play these games, and it is especially the common ape (buë), the cocoanut monkey (eungkòng) and the elephant whose nature is supposed to be imparted to the boys by means of suggestion[30].
At the time of the full moon young lads sometimes disguise themselves to give their comrades of the same gampōng a fright. Those who make their faces unrecognizable by means of a mask and their bodies by unwonted garments are known as Si Dalupa; where they imitate the forms of animals, they takes their appellation from that which they copy e.g. meugajah-gajah = to play the elephant.
§ 2. Games of Chance.
Amongst the games so far described there are several which are played for love or for money according to preference. There are also, however, a large number of purely gambling games, the issue of which is quite independent of the player's skill, and the object of which is to fleece the opponent of his money.
The passion for gambling betrays itself even among young lads who have no money to stake. Boys whom their fathers send out to cut grass for the cattle often play the „hurling-game" (meutiëʾ) which is won by whoever can knock down or cut in twain a grass-stalk set up at a distance by throwing his grass-knife (sadeuëb) at it. The players wager on the result equal quantities of the grass they have cut; so it often happens that one of the party has no grass left when it is time to go home. Then he hastens to fill up his sack with leaves and rubbish, putting a little grass in on top to cover the deficiency, but should his father detect this fraud the fun of the meutiëʾ is often succeeded by the pain of a sound thrashing at home.
Pitch and toss.As might naturally be expected, there are sundry gambling games which correspond with our "pitch and toss"[31]. For instance meuʾitam-putéh (black or white") so called owing to the Achehnese leaden coins originally used for this game having been whitened with chalk on one side and blackened with soot on the other. The name is still in use, though the two sides of the Dutch or English coins now employed are called respectively raja or patōng ("king" or "doll") and geudōng (store house). In "tossing" (mupèh) one player takes two coins placed close together with their like sides touching each other, between his thumb and forefinger and knocks them against a stone or a piece of wood letting them go as he does so. Should both fall on the same side the person who tossed the coins wins; otherwise his opponent is the victor[32]. There are three sorts of games which may be called banking games, in all of which one of the players or an impartial outsider acts as banker.
1° Meusréng ("twirling"). The banker places a coin on the board on its edge and twirls it. Before it ceases to revolve he puts a cocoanut shell over it. Each player puts his stake on one of two spaces marked on the ground, one of which is called putéh (white) or geudōng and the other itam (black) or patōng. Then the banker lifts the cocoanut-shell, and sweeps in the stakes of the losing parties while he doubles those of the winners[33].
2° Meuchéʾ. In this game the banker takes a handful from a heap of copper money, and counts it to see whether it consists of an odd or even number of coins. The players are divided into sides who stake against each other on the odd or even. The banker often sits opposite the rest and joins in the game as a player without an opponent, or else he takes no part in the game and takes a commission from the rest as recompense for his bankership.
3° Mupitéh. The banker (ureuëng mat pitéh) has in his control 120 pieces of money or fiches (from pitéh = pitis, Chinese coins) and takes a handful from this store. Meanwhile the players stake on the numbers one, two, three and four. The handful taken by the banker is now divided by four, and all win who have staked on the figure which corresponds with the remainder left over, 0 counting as 4. The banker pays the winners twice their stake and rakes in the stakes on the other three numbers as his own profit[34].
Card games.The games with cards are of European origin. Meusikupan[35] (literally "spade game" from the Dutch "schoppen"—"spades") is played with a pack of 52 cards, from which an even number of players receive 5 apiece. Each plays in turn, following not suit but colour; whoever first gets rid of all his cards wins the stake. Meutrōb ("trump game" from the Dutch "troef" = trumps) is played with a pack of 32 which is dealt among 4 players. Each in turn makes his own trumps. Those who sit opposite one another are partners, and the side that gains most tricks wins the game.
Islam and games of chance.As we are aware, every kind of game of chance is most rigorously forbidden by Islam. In Acheh only the leubès and not even all these concern themselves about this prohibition. Most of the chiefs and the great majority of the people consider no festivity complete without a gamble. It is carried so far that even those headmen of gampōngs who as a rule are opposed to gaming in public, shut their eyes to transgressions of this kind on the two great religious feasts which form the holiest days of all the year. Nay more, they actually allow the meunasah, a public building originally dedicated to religion, to be used as a common gaming-house.
Tax on gambling.In former days the ulèëbalangs utilized this prohibition of religious law simply as a means of increasing their revenues. To transgress an order of prohibition within their territory, it was necessary, they reasoned, to obtain their permission. Such licence they granted on payment of 1%, on the amount staked. This source of income was called upat.
Fights of animals.Under the general name of gambling (meujudi) the Achehnese include the various sorts of fights between animals which form with them so favourite and universal a pastime. As a matter of fact it is very exceptional to find such contests carried on simply for the honour and glory of victory.
Nurture of fighting animals.Many chiefs and other prominent personages spend the greater part of their time in rearing their fighting animals.
The fighting bull or buffalo and the fighting ram are placed in a separate stall which is always kept scrupulously clean. They are only occasionally taken out, led by a rope, for a walk or to measure their strength momentarily against another by way of trial. They are most carefully dieted and treated with shampooing and medicaments. When they are being made ready for an approaching fight, a constant watch is kept over them, and the chiefs, lazy as they are at other times, will get up several times in a night to see whether their servants are attending properly to the animals. Rams are taken for quick runs by way of exercise, and are exposed from time to time to the heat of a wood fire which is supposed to rid them of their superfluous fat.
Not a whit less care does the Achehnese noble bestow on his fighting cocks. In the day time they are fastened with cords to the posts underneath the house; but at night they are brought into the front verandah. They too rob their owners of a good deal of their night's rest. The neighbours of these amateurs are often waked at night by the cackling set up by the cocks while they are being bathed and having their bodies shampooed to make them supple; occasionally too they are allowed to fly at one another so that they may not forget their exalted destiny.
The other fighting birds, such as the leuëʾ and the meureubōʾ (both varieties of the dove, called by the Malays těkukur and kětitiran)[36] the puyōh (a kind of quail) and the chémpala are kept in cages; with many princes and ulèëbalangs a leisurely promenade past their prisons takes the place of their devotional exercises in the morning. The daruëts (crickets) are kept in bamboo tubes (bulōh daruët).
No Achehnese devotes a measure of care to the cleanliness, the feeding, the repose and the pleasure of his own child in any way comparable to that he bestows on his scrupulous training of these fighting animals.
The great and formal tournaments of animals are held in glanggangs (enclosures) for which wide open spaces are selected. The arena is either marked off with posts or else simply indicated by the crowd of spectators who group themselves around it in an oval circle or square. Certain fixed days of the week on which fights regularly take place in a glanggang, are called gantòë (succession or turn).
All who desire to enter their animals in a contest against each other in the arena must first obtain the consent of the ulèëbalang in whose territory the glanggang is situated, whereupon they enter into the necessary agreements with one another. All this takes place several days before hand. At the making of the contract each party produces his fighting animal and exhibits it to his opponent in the presence of witnesses. When the stakes have been agreed upon, the two animals are symbolically dedicated to enmity against one another in the future by being allowed for a moment to charge each other with their heads down, or (in case of birds) to peck at each other.[37] The animals are, after this ceremony, said to be "betrothed" (meutunang or lam tunang), while the owners are said to have "made this stake" (ka meutarōh).
The stake of each pair of opponents is called tarōh baʾ = principal stake, and is handed over to an ulèëbalang or keuchiʾ (who usually deducts a commission for his trouble) to be delivered to the winner after the fight is over. Outsiders may in the meantime, both before and during the fight, lay wagers with one another on its issue; the amounts bet are called tarōh chabeuëng or additional stakes. Thus even in the midst of the struggle the betting men may be seen moving about through the crowd, while their cries "two to one, three to two!" and so on, alternate with the tide of battle within the glanggang[38].
Final preparations.The final preparation of the animals for the fight savours a good deal of superstition. Not only is the choice of strengthening and other medicines controlled by superstition, but ajeumats (charms) are employed by the owner to make his animal proof against the arts of witchcraft by which the opponent is sure to endeavour to weaken and rob it of its courage. The kutikas or tables of lucky times and seasons are resorted to in order to decide at what hour of the appointed day it will be best to start for the scene of the combat, and in what direction the animal shall issue from its stall.
Juara.The animals are in the charge of their masters who however usually 
Cockfighting.
These bring the animals to the scene of the encounter armed with all sorts of strengthening and invigorating appliances so as to render them service both before the fight and between the rounds.
To guard against the possibility of the adversary having buried some hostile talisman under the earth of the fighting-ring, the servants of each party go diligently over the ground every here and there with ajeumats which they pull over the surface by strings so as to drive away evil influences.
Fighting-birds are held in the hand by their juaras while both parties indulge in one or two sham attacks pending the time for the real onslaught the signal for which is given by the cry "Ka asi": "it is off". So long as this cry has not been heard, either party may hold back his bird to repair some real or fancied omission.
The first release of the birds is a critical moment, and each side tries to get its bird worked up to the proper pitch for it.
Errors in supervision, committed by one party and ascribed by the other to wilful malice, have led to sanguinary encounters and even to manslaughter.
Another stimulus to quarrels over the sport lies in the cries of applause (suraʾ) of the side whose cock seems to be winning. Should its opponents imagine that they see something insulting in the words used, or should the language be derogatory to the dignity of the owner of the losing bird, reunchongs and sikins will be promptly drawn.
Should one of the rival birds become exhausted, its juara and his helpers make every conceivable effort to instil new life into it by speaking to it, by spitting on it, by rubbing it, and so on. If the bird continues to lie helpless and breathless, or should it shun its foe and seek to escape from the fighting-ring, then the combat is decided against it.
To a European spectator there is something ridiculous in the different ways in which the juaras and others urge on their fighting-cocks. One sees greybeards dance madly round a yielding cock and hurl the bitterest insults at it: "dog of a cock! is this the way you repay all the trouble and care spent on you! Ha! that's better! So's that! Peck him on the head!" and so on. In reality however, these doings are no sillier than the excitement which racehorses and jockeys seem capable of arousing in a certain section of the European public.
If both the combatants decline to renew the fight after several rounds are over, the fight is said to be sri; in other words it is drawn.
The fights between chémpalas, meureubōʾs and puyōhs rank as belonging to a lower plane of sport than those of bulls, buffaloes, rams, cocks and leueʾs, while combats between crickets are officially regarded as an amusement for children[39]. For all that, older people are said not to disdain this childish sport; indeed it was said of the Pretender-Sultan that he was a great patron of fights between daruët kléng[40], and often staked large sums upon the sport. According to what people say, it was due to this propensity that gambling was permitted within the house, since the young and lively tuanku would have been put to shame before his old guardian, Tuanku Asèm, if he openly indulged in such unlawful pleasures at a time when stress was being laid on the abandonment of the godless Achehnese adats[41].
Even when free from wagers and matches these pleasures are forbidden by Islam; how much more then when the two sins are inseparably intertwined! Under the war-created hegemony of the Teungkus, fights between animals are becoming rarer and rarer, to the great disgust of many chiefs and of most of the common people. These last fancy that it it is sufficient if these fights are held outside the limits of consecrated ground and on days other than the Friday.
In former times there seem to have been individuals who besides taking part in the ritual of divine service, had no compunction about actively sharing in these sports. At least in the historical hikayats we now and then come across persons bearing the appellation of leube juara, a combination which from an orthodox standpoint seems irreconcilable.
§ 3. Ratébs.
Character of the Achehnese ratébs. To those well versed in the lore of Islam and not trained up to Achehnese prejudices and customs, the ratébs of the Achehnese present the appearance of a kind of parody on certain form of worship.
In the connection in which we here employ it, the word ratéb (Arab. rātib)[42] signifies a form of prayer consisting of the repeated chanting in chorus[43] of certain religious formulas, such as the confession of faith, a number of different epithets applied to God, or praises of Allah and his Apostle. These ratébs are not strictly enjoined by the religious law, but some of them are recommended to all believers by the sacred tradition, while others appertain to the systems established by the founders of certain tarīqahs or schools of mysticism.
The rātib Sammān in the Eastern Archipelago.One rātib, which was introduced at Medina in the first half of the eighteenth century by a teacher of mysticism called Sammān whom the people revered as a saint, enjoys a high degree of popularity in the Eastern Archipelago. The same holy city was also the sphere of the teaching of another saint, Aḥmad Qushāshī, who flourished full half a century early (A. D. 1661), and whose Malay and Javanese disciples were the means of spreading so widely in the far East a certain form of the Shaṭṭārite tarīqah or form of mysticism.[44] The latter teacher's influence was more extensive and had a greater effect on the religious life of the individual. The teaching conveyed by this Satariah to the majority of its votaries is indeed confined to the repetition of certain formulas at fixed seasons, generally after the performance of the prescribed prayers (sěmbahyang); but many derive from it also a peculiar mystic lore with a colour of pantheism, which satisfies their cravings for the esoteric and abstruse.
Muḥammad Sammān and Aḥmad Qushāshī.It was not the intention of Muḥammad Sammān any more than of Aḥmad Qushāshī to introduce any really new element into the sphere of mysticism; their object was rather to attract greater attention to, and win fresh votaries for, the methods of the earlier masters which they taught and practised. The results of the labours of the two, as evidenced in Indonesia, are of a very different nature. The writings or oral traditions of the spiritual descendants of Qushāshī in these countries are restricted to brief treatises on mystic bliss or more extended works on the training of mankind to a consciousness of their unity with God, while the outward manifestation of this Satariah is confined to the observance of certain simple and insignificant seasons of devotion.
The Samaniah was productive of votaries rather than of actual adepts, but wherever the former are, their presence makes itself at once felt. In the evenings and especially that which precedes Friday, the day of prayer, they assemble in the chapel of the gampōng or some other suitable place and there prolong far into the night the ḍikrs known as rātib, chanting the praises of Allah with voices that increase gradually in volume till they rise to a shout, and from a shout to a bellow. The young lads of the gampōng begin by attending this performance as onlookers; later they commence to imitate their elders and finally after due instruction join in the chorus themselves.
Noisy character of the rātib Sammān.Shaikh Sammān, the originator of this rātib, both composed the words and laid down rules as to the movements of the body and the postures which were to accompany them. There can be no question but that this teacher of mysticism held noise and motion to be powerful agents for producing the desired state of mystic transport. In this he differred from some of his brother teachers, who made quiet and repose the conditions for the proper performance of their ḍikrs. His disciples, however, have in later times gone very much further than their master in this respect, and such is especially the case with the votaries of the rātib Sammān in the Malayan Archipelago.
All orthodox teachers, even though they may be indulgent in the matter of noisiness in the celebration of the rātib and excessive gymnastic exercise of the members of the body as an accompaniment thereto, require of all who perform rātib or ḍikr, that they pronounce clearly and distinctly the words of the confession of faith and the names and designations of God; wanton breaches of this rule are even regarded by many as a token of unbelief. But in the East Indian Archipelago the performers of the rātib Sammān have strayed far from the right path. In place of the words of the shahādah, of the names or pronouns (such as Hu i. e. He) used to designate Allah, senseless sounds are introduced which bear scarcely any resemblance to their originals. The votaries first sit in a half-kneeling posture, which they subsequently change for a standing one; they twist their bodies into all kinds of contortions, shaking their heads too and fro till they become giddy, and shouting a medley of such sounds as Allahu éhé lahu sihihihihi etc. This goes on till their bodies become bathed with perspiration, and they often attain to a state of unnatural excitement, which is by no means diminished by the custom observed in some places of extinguishing the lights.
Nasīb.The different divisions of these most exhausting performances are separated from one another by intervals during which one of those present recites what is called a nasib. The proper meaning of this Arabic word is "love-poem". In the mystic teaching it is customary to represent the fellowship of the faithful with the Creator through the image of earthly love; these poems are composed in this spirit which combine the sexual with the mystic, or else love-poems are employed the original intention of which is purely worldly but which are adopted in a mystic sense and recited without any modification.
The nasib in Indonesia has wandered still further from its original prototype than is the case in Arabia. In place of Arabic verses we find here pantuns in Malay or other native languages, tales or dialogues in prose or verse, which have little or nothing to do with religion. Such a piece is recited by one or two of those present in succession, and the rest join in with a refrain or vary the performance by yelling in chorus the meaningless sounds above referred to.
Hikayat Sammān.Histories of the life and doings of the saint Sammān are also very popular in the Archipelago. These tales are composed in Arabic, Malay and other native languages and contain an account of all the wonders that he wrought, and the virtues by which he was distinguished. They are generally known as Hikāyat or Manāqib Sammān ("Story" or "Excellences" of Sammān). They are valued not merely for their contents; their recitation in regarded as a meritorious task both for reader and listeners, and vows are often made in cases of sickness or mishap, to have the hikayat Sammān recited if the peril should be averted. The idea is that the saint whose story is the object of the vow, will through his intercession bring about the desired end[45].
The ratéb Saman in Acheh.In Acheh, as in the neighbouring countries, the ratéb Saman is one of the devout recreations in which a religiously inclined public takes part in spite of the criticism of the more strict expounders of the law. The Achehnese would certainly deny us the right to classify this ratéb under the head of games and amusements nor should we include it in this category were it not that a description of this ratéb is requisite as an introduction to our account of those others, which even the Achehnese regard as corruptions of the true ratéb Saman, without any religious significance. They also declare that while the real ratéb Saman may be the subject of a vow, neither of those secular ratébs which we are now about to describe can properly become so.
In Acheh, as in other Mohammedan countries[46], what is called the "true" ratéb Saman is noisy to an extreme degree; the meunasah, which is the usual scene of its performance, sometimes threatens to collapse, and the whole gampōng resounds with the shouting and stamping of the devotees. The youth of the gampōng often seize the opportunity to punish an unpopular comrade by thrusting him into the midst of the throng or else squeezing him against one of the posts of the meunasah with a violence that he remembers for days to come. There are no lights so that it is very difficult to detect the offenders, and in any case the latter can plead their state of holy ecstasy as an excuse!
The composition which does duty as nasib (= nasīb, see p. 218 above) is to outward appearance devoted to religious subjects, but on closer examination proves to be nothing but droll doggerel, in which appear some words from the parlance of mysticism and certain names from sacred history.
Women's ratéb.The women have a ratéb Saman of their own, differing somewhat in details from that of the men, but identical with it in the main.
The part of the performance called meunasib ("recitation of nasīb") among the men is in the women's ratéb designated by the verb menchakri or meuhadi. The mother in her cradlesong prays that her daughter may excel in this art.
Specimens of the ratéb Saman.We may here give a small specimen of each of these interludes to the ratebs. Like almost every composition in the Achehnese language they are made in the common metre known as sanjaʾ. The following is a sample of nasib from a men's ratéb[47]:
"The holy mosque (i. e. that at Mekka), Alahu, Alahu, in the holy Mosque are three persons: one of them is our Prophet, the other two his companions. He sends a letter to the land of Shām (Syria), with a command that all Dutchmen shall become Moslems. These Jewish infidels[48] will not adopt the true faith, their religion is in a state of everlasting decay".
The following is a sample of chakri from a wemen's ratéb[49]:
"In Paradise how glorious is the light, lamps hang all round; the lamps hang by no cord, but are suspended of themselves by the grace of the Lord."
There is one variety of the ratéb Saman which far surpasses the ordinary sort in noisiness. This is performed more especially in the fasting month at the meudarōïh, when the recital of the Qurān in the meunasah is finished. The assembled devotees recite their ḍikr first sitting down, then standing and finally leaping madly; from two to four of those present act as leaders and cry leu ileuheu, the rest responding ilalah; the words: hu, hu, ḥayyun, hu ḥayat also form part of the chorus.
Ratéb Mènsa.This ratéb is called kuluhét but more commonly mènsa by the Achehnese, who do not however know the real meaning of either word. Mènsa is, as a matter of fact, the Achehnese pronunciation of the arabic minshār = "saw". In the primbons or manuals of Java we actually find constant mention made of the ḍikr al-minshārī i. e. the "saw-dikr"; this is described in detail, and one explanation given of the name is that the performer should cause his voice on its outward course to penetrate through "the plank of his heart" as a carpenter saws through a wooden board. These descriptions are indeed borrowed from a manual of the Shaṭṭarite ṭarīqah[50], but the idea is of course applicable to any ṭarīqah, and the Achehnese have applied the "saw" notion as an ornamental epithet of the ratéb Saman.
The ratéb sadati.The ratéb sadati is the most characteristic and at the same time the most favourite caricature of the religious ratéb met with in Acheh[51]. It is performed by companies of from 15 to 20 men accompanied by a pretty little boy in female dress who has been specially trained for the purpose. The men composing each company always come from the same gampōng; they are called the daléms, aduëns or abangs i.e. "elder brothers" of the boy, while the latter shares with the ratéb itself the name of sadati.
Each company has its chèh (Arab. shaich) who is also called ulèë ratèb (chief of the ratéb) or pangkay or baʾ (director or foreman) and one or two persons called radat[52], skilled in the melody of the chant (lagèë) and the recitation of nasib or kisahs.
Training of the boys.The boys who are trained for these performances, are some of them the best-looking children of Nias slaves, while others are the offspring of poor Achehnese in the highlands. It is said that these last used sometimes to be stolen by the daléms, but they were more generally obtained by a transaction with the parents, not far removed from an actual purchase. The latter were induced by the payment of a sum of money to hand over to his intended "elder brethren" the most promising of their boys as regards voice and personal beauty. The parents satisfy their consciences with the reflection that the boy will be always finely dressed and tended with the utmost care, and that as he grows up he will learn how to provide for himself in the future.
Origin of the name sadati.The following is the most probable origin of the name sadati. In Arabic love-poems, both those which are properly so called and those which are employed as a vehicle for mysticism, the languishing lover often makes his lament to his audience whom he addresses with the words yā sadāfi (Arabic for "Oh, my masters!"). Such expressions, much corrupted like all that the Achehnese have borrowed from abroad, also appear in the sadati poetry. Hence no doubt the name. of sadati came to be applied both to the ratéb itself, and later on to the boy who takes the leading part therein.
The sadati poetry.A considerable portion of the poetry recited by the sadatis and their daléms is erotic and even paederastic in character; while the sadati himself in his female garb forms a special centre of attraction to the onlookers. But it is a mistake to suppose that the profession of sadati implies his being devoted to immoral purposes.
The morals of the sadatis.The view taken by the daléms is that both the voice and the personal charms of their charge would quickly deteriorate if he were given over to vicious life. They have devoted much time to his training and much money to his wardrobe, and they take good care that they are not deprived prematurely of the interest on that capital, in the shape of the remuneration they receive from those who employ them as players.
The sadati-performance a contest.The ratéb sadati always takes the form of a contest; two companies from different gampōngs, each with their sadatis, are always engaged and perform in turns, each trying to win the palm from the other.
The passion of the Achehnese for these exhibitions may be judged from the fact that a single performance lasts from about eight p. m. till noon of the following day, and is followed with unflagging interest by a great crowd of spectators.
We shall now proceed to give a brief description of a ratéb sadati. To avoid misconception of the subject we should here observe, that a ratéb of this description witnessed in Acheh by Mr. L. W. C. van den Berg in 1881, was entirely misunderstood by him[53].
First of all, this performance was given at the request of a European in an unusual place, and thus fell short in many respects of the ordinary native representation; and in the next place Van den Berg only saw the beginning of the ratéb duëʾ, and those who furnished the entertainment found means to cut it short by telling him, in entire conflict with the truth, that the rest was all the same. Nor were these the only errors into which he fell. In the pious formulas recited by the chèh or leader by way of prologue, the names of all famous mystic teachers, (and among them that of Naqshiband) are extolled. Hearing this name he rushed to the conclusion that this was a mystic performance of the Naqshibandiyyah. The first Achehnese he met could have corrected this illusion had he enquired of him; and had the person questioned had some knowledge of the Naqshibandiyyah form of worship (which, by the way, is little known in Acheh) he would have added this further explanation that this mystic order is strongly opposed to that noisy recitation which is just the special characteristic of the ratéb Saman and of the radéb sadati which is a corruption of the latter.
Mounting of the performance.In the enclosure where the performance is to take place, a simple shed is erected with bamboo or wooden posts and the ordinary thatch of sagopalm leaves. In this the two parties take up their position on opposite sides. The daléms or abangs of one party form a line, in the middle of which is the leader (chèh = Arab shaich, ulèë, pangkay or baʾ). Behind them sit one or more of those who act as radats. Still further in the background is the sadati, already clothed in all his finery; he generally lies down and sleeps through the first portion. of the performance, as he is not called upon to play his part till after midnight.
The sitting ratéb.The prelude is called ratéb duëʾ or "sitting ratéb", since the daléms adopt therein the half-sitting, half-kneeling position assumed by a Moslim worshipper after a prostration, in the performance of ritual prayers (sěmbahyang).
One party leads off, while the other joins in the chorus, carefully following the tune and exactly imitating the gestures of their opponents.
The earlier stage of the recitation consists of an absolutely meaningless string of words, which the listeners take to be a medley of Arabic and Achehnese. Some of these pieces are in fact imitations of Arabic songs of praise, but so corrupted that it is difficult to trace the original. The names of the lagèës or "tunes" to which the pieces are recited, are also in some instances corrupted from Arabic words.
Task of the radat.At the beginning of each division of the recitation, the radat of the leading party sets the tune, chanting somewhat as follows;—ih ha la ilaha la ilahi etc.; the others take their cue from him, or if they forget the words, are prompted by their chèh and all join in.
As to this stage of the proceedings we need only say that the first party chants a number of lagèës (usually five) in succession, and that in connection with many of these chants there is a series of rythmic gestures (also called lagèë) performed partly with the head and hands and partly with the aid of kerchiefs. The following are the names of a group of lagèës in common use:
REHEARSAL OF SADATI-PLAYERS, (RATÉB DUËʾ).
Lagèës of the sitting ratéb.
| 1°. | Lagèë asòë idan[54], without any special gestures. |
| 2°. | Lagèë sakinin, accompanied by the lagèë jaròë ("hand tune"), i.e. an elegant series of movements of the hands performed by all in perfect time and unison, punctuated by the snapping of the fingers. |
| 3°. | Lagèë baʾdō salam[55], accompanied by the lagèë ija bungkōïh ("tune of the folded kerchiefs"), in which each performer has before him a twisted kerchief which he gracefully manoeuvres in time with the chanting of his comrades. |
| 4°. | Lagèë minidarwin, accompanied by the lagèë ija lhōʾ ("tune of interwoven kerchiefs"). Each performer interlaces his kerchief with that of his neighbour; sometimes a chain of kerchiefs is thus formed. Later on they are disunited again and spread out in front of their several owners. |
| 5°. | Lagèë salala[56], accompanied by the lagèë ija baʾ takuë (tune of the kerchiefs on the neck). Here the kerchiefs are repeatedly drawn over the shoulders and round the throat. |
These five examples will suffice to give some notion of how much of the real rateb there is in this performance; it will be seen that we did not go too far in characterizing the latter as a caricature of the true ratéb, which is a chant in praise of God and his apostle. The "nonsense verses" to which these lagèës form the accompaniment are repeated over and over again, time after time, until the leading party has exhausted all the gymnastic exercises at its command in respect of that particular tune.
Nasib of this ratéb.As soon as the first ratéb duëʾ is finished an expert of the same party which has hitherto taken the lead in the performance, commences to "meunasib". The nasib of the ratéb sadati consists of a dialogue between the two parties, beginning with mutual greetings, after which it takes the form of question and answer. The questions are in outward appearance of a religious or philosophical nature, but as a matter of fact the nasib is as much a caricature of a learned discussion as the whole ratéb is a travesty of a service of prayer and praise. The players, however, as well as most of the audience, who have but little knowledge 
REHEARSAL OF SADATI-PLAYERS, (RATÉB DUËʾ)
of the intricacies of Mohammedan law, regard the performance as actual earnest, and the former endeavour to injure their opponents by paltry invective, by difficult questions and unexpected rejoinders.
Kisah in conclusion of the nasib.After each nasib, that is to say after each of these dialogues consisting of a preliminary greeting followed by question and answer, the leading party gives what is called kisah ujōng nasib or story in conclusion of the nasib. An expert story-teller chants his tale by half-verses at a time, each half-verse being taken up and repeated by the rest of his company. In this respect it resembles certain of the ḍikrs which are recited in chorus.
Specimen of nasib with the accompanying kisah.We append a specimen of one of these dialogues of salutation, and of the question and answer which follow, together with the kisahs which appertain thereto; observing at the same time that this part of the performance is often considerably prolonged. It also frequently happens that one party plays out its part to the end before the other intervenes, after which the first one does not again enter the lists until after the conclusion of the whole nasib.
Salutation.Salutation of the party A. God save you all, oh teungkus, I wish to convey my salutation to all of you. I would gladly offer you sirih, but I have not my sirih-bag with me; I have come all the way from my gampōng, which lies far away. I wished to offer you sirih, but I have no betel-bowl; I cannot return (to fetch it), it is now too late in the day. In place of giving you sirih then, oh worshipful masters, I lay both my hands upon my head (in token of respect). My ten fingers on my head, to crave forgiveness of you all, oh teungkus. Ten fingers, five I uplift as flowers[57] upon my head.
Kisah.Kisah in conclusion of this nasib. Near the Meuseugit Raya there is a mounted warrior of great bravery who there performed tapa (penance with seclusion). He did tapa there in the olden days when our country (Acheh) began its existence; of late he has come to life again. For many ages he has slumbered, but since the infidel has come to wage war against us, he has waked from his long sleep. Seek not to know this warriors real name; men call him Nari Tareugi. The white of his eyes is even as (black) bayam-seed, their pupils are (red) like saga-seeds. In his hand he holdeth a squared iron club; there is no man in the world who can resist his might. The place where he takes his stand becomes a sea; a storm ariseth there like unto the rainstorms of the keunòng sa[58]. The water around him ebbs and flows again. Thus shall you know the demon of the Meuseugit Raya.—In the Darōy river is a terrible sanè[59]; let no man suffer his shadow to fall on him, lest evil overtake him.—In the Raja Umòng[60] is the sanè Chéʾbréʾ[61], over whom no human being however great his strength, can prevail.
Answering salutation.Answering salutation of the party B. Hail to you, oh noble teungkus! I lay my hands upon my head.
Here followeth the salutation ordained by the sunat for the use of all Moslims towards a new-comer, come he from where he may[62].
I wish to salute you in token of respect, I stretch forth my hands as a mark of my esteem. I make three steps backwards in token of self-abasement, for such is the custom of the gently bred. My teacher has instructed me, teungkus, first to make salutation and then to welcome the new-comer. After the salutation I clasp your hands; last follows the offering of sirih.
Kisah.Kisah in conclusion of this nasib. Hear me, my friends, I celebrate the name of Raja Beureuhat. A marvellous hero is this Raja Beureuhat, unsurpassed throughout the whole world. When he moves his feet the ground shakes; when he raises up his hands there is an earthquake. On the sea he has ships, and steeds upon the land. Now I turn to wondrous deeds[63]. In Gampōng Jawa the heavens are greatly overcast; storms of rain and thunder and lightning come up. Cocoanut trees are cleft in twain; think upon it, my friends who stand without. But I would remind you that if you will not enter the lists with us, it is better to wait. If there are any among you teungkus, that are ready to match themselves against us let them marshal their ranks. If their ranks are not in proper order, then will I have no relationship with you (i. e. you are not worthy opponents). Ask them (the rival party; here the speaker appears to address the audience) whether they indeed dare to do battle with us; if so let them get ready their weapons and put their fortifications in a state of defence. Their fort must be strong, and their guns must carry far, for here with us we have bombs of the Tuan beusa[64].
Nasib in the form of a doctrinal question.Nasib of the party A in the form of a question. There was once a man who slept and dreamed that he had committed adultery; afterwards he went down from his house and went to the well but found no bucket there. Thence he went to the mosque (to fetch a bucket); how then did he express the niët (= "intention", the Arab. niyyat, which every Mohammedan has to formulate as the introduction to a ritual act, and so as in the present case to the taking of a bath of purification)? How many be the conditions, oh teungkus of such a ritual ablution? In this jar are all kinds of water[65]. Let not the jar be broken, let not its covering (say of leaves or cotton) be open; what, oh teungkus are the conditions of a valid ritual ablution?
The same party A now follows with a short story, a kisah ujōng nasib; for brevity's sake we shall pass this over and go on to the answer of the opposite party.
Nasib in reply to the question.Nasib of the party B in the form of an answer. If Allah so will[66], I shall now answer your question. Set me no learned questions; I cannot solve them, I am no doctor of the law[67]. Answer me first, oh teungku, and answer me correctly, how many conditions there be to the setting of a question. Without conditions and all that depends on these conditions, your questioning is in vain. Not till the conditions and that which depends on them is known, has the asking of questions any meaning. Grammar (is taught) at Lam Nyòng, the learning of the law at Lam Puchōʾ; elsewhere there are no famous teachers; come, sound our depth! Logic is taught at Lam Paya, dogma at Kruëng Kalé; your questions are put without consideration. On the mountains there are sala-trees, on the shore there are arōn-trees; the waves come in and pile up the sand. Take some rice (provision for the travelling student) and come and learn from me even though I teach you but one single little line. At Kruëng Kalé there are many teachers, Teungku Meusé[68] is as the lamp of the world. They (these great teachers) have never yet entered into a contest with any man with learned questions; to do so is a token of conceit, ambition, pride and vain-glory[69]. Conceit and ambition, pride and vain glory, by these sins have many been brought to destruction. People who are well brought up are never made a prey to shame; those who trust in God are never overtaken by misfortune. Others have propounded many learned questions, oh my master, but never such foolish ones as thou. With a single kupang (one-eighth of a dollar) in thy purse, thou dost desire to take all the land in the world in pledge[70]; others possess store of diamonds and set no such value on their wealth as thou.
The second sitting ratéb.Hereupon follows the kisah of the party B, and after this or after the nasib has been pursued still further in the same manner, it becomes the turn of the party B to take the leading part. Immediately after the latter has recited their last kisah, it begins its ratéb duëʾ, and now the party A which previously took the lead must exhibit its skill in following quickly and without mistakes the tunes, gestures and gymnastic play with hands and kerchiefs, which their opponents have previously rehearsed and can thus perform with ease.
The ratéb thus runs again exactly the same course as that we have just described, only with a change of rôles, and with certain variations which do not affect the essence of the performance.
The standing ratéb. Commencement of the sadatis' perfomance.As soon as this is all finished, the ratéb duëʾ is succeeded by the ratéb dòng or "standing ratéb". This generally occurs somewhat after midnight, about the first cock-crow. The sadati of party A comes forward, and his daléms ("elder brothers") stand behind him; party B continues sitting, no longer in the half-kneeling posture of one who 
REHEARSAL OF SADATI-PLAYERS, (RATÉB DÒNG).
performs a ritual prayer, but squatting as a native always does in polite society. It sometimes happens that one party produces two or three sadatis, but the only difference in such a case is that there are two or three voices in the chorus in place of one.
The sadati (for convenience sake we adopt the singular) begins by saluting each member of the opposite party by taking the right hand between both of his and letting it slide between his palms. The others return the greeting by momentarily covering the sadati's right hand with both of theirs.
Dress of the sadati.The sadati takes up his position facing his daléms, but from time to time while speaking or reciting he shifts round so as not to keep his back continually turned to any portion of the audience. He wears on his head a kupiah or cap with a golden crown (tampōʾ), a coat with many gold buttons and trousers of costly material, but no loin-cloth. He is covered with feminine ornaments, such as anklets, bracelets, rings, a chain round the neck and a silver girdle round the waist. Over his shoulders hang a kerchief (bungkōih buraʾ) such as women are wont to wear as a covering for the head, of a red colour and embroidered with peacocks in gold thread. In one hand he holds a fan.
His dalems start him off on the first tune by chanting in chorus some nonsense words such as héhé lam heum a. This tune to which the sadati now sings is a long-drawn chant of the kind known as lagèë jareuëng[71]. The daléms chime in now and then with a refrain of meaningless words[72].
There is not much coherency in the sadati's recital; it consists of pantōns strung together of moralizings upon the pleasure and pain of love or on recent events, of anecdotes from universally known Achehnese poems (hikayats), all introduced by the superfluous request for room to be made for him (the sadati) to perform in.
Introduction of the sadati.Sadati A: Elder brothers! (here he addresses those of the opposite side) make room in order that the sadati may enter (i. e. into the space in the middle); I will give flowers to master sadati (i. e. his colleague on the opposite side), a tungkōy[73] of flowers, among which are three nosegays of jeumpa-flowers. These I shall go and buy at Keutapang Dua. The market lies up-stream, the gampōng Jeumpét down stream.—I send flowers to master sadati. Bunòt-trees in rows, a straight unindented coast, a lofty mountain with a holy tomb. There is little paper left, the ink fails; the land is at war, and my heart is perturbed[74].
During the succeeding part of the performance the daléms set the tune from time to time and chime in with their refrain, but most of these tunes, with the exception of that employed for the introduction, are lagèë bagaïh, or quick time, not slow intonations.
Continuation of the sadati's recitation.The sadati proceeds. At Chòt Sinibōng on the shore of Peulari, there is the gampōng of the mother of Meureundam Diwi. Alas! this poor little girl shut up in the drum[75], the mother of the child is dead, devoured by the geureuda-bird. Teungku Malém (i.e. Malém Diwa) climbs up into the palace and fetches the princess down from the garret.
Elder brothers, I have here a (question) in grammar, wherein I was instructed at Klibeuët at the home of Teungku Muda. I first studied the book of inflections; I began with the fourteen forms of inflection (i. e. the fourteen forms which in every tense of the verb serve to distinguish person, number and gender). What are the pronouns which appertain to the perfect tense of the verb? Tell me quickly, oh sadati (of the opposite side).
The kisah of the sidati.The above will give the reader some notion of the sort of fragmentary songs with which the sadati commences his performance. These continue for a time till a new item of the programme, the kisahs of the sadati, is reached.
Most of these kisahs consist in dialogues between the sadati and his daléms, but even where a continuous tale is recounted, the daléms take turns with their sadati in his recital.
When the daléms are speaking, the sadati always remains silent; but the intonation of the latter is invariably accompanied by the chakrum of the former; this consists in a sort of dull murmur of the sounds hélahōhō, varied by occasional clapping of the hands. Let us begin with a translation of a kisah-dialogue, which also comprises a sort of Achehnese encyclopaedia of geography and politics. We denote the sadati by the letter S and his daléms by D.
Specimen of a kisah-dialogue.Although the daléms sing in chorus and are addressed collectively by their sadati, they generally speak of themselves in the first person singular; and it is not generally apparent from what the sadati says, whether he is addressing them in the singular or the plural. We shall thus as a rule employ the singular in our translation, using the plural only in some of the many cases which admit of the possibility of its use.
Dialogue-kisah.
D. Wilt thou, oh little brother, go forth to try thy fortune and engage in trade in some place or other?
S. What sea-coast has a just king, on what river-mouth lies the busiest mart?
D. Well, little brother, little diamond, the land of Kluang has a thriving mart.
S. I will not go to the land of Kluang, Nakhoda Nyaʾ Agam no longer reigns there.
D. Be not disturbed in mind because he is no longer king; Raja Udah is his successor.
S. What matters whether Raja Udah is there or not, since he hath no acquaintance with you!
D. If this contents thee not, I take you farther still; go to Glé Putōïh (in Daya) to plant pepper.
S. I will not go to Glé Putōïh, for the men of Daya are at enmity with (us) Achehnese.
D. If that please thee not, oh younger brother, go to Lambeusòë (Lamběsi) under the Keujruën Kuala.
S. I go not to the country of Lambeusòë, for it is at strife with Kuala Unga.
D. Be not disturbed that the country is at war; I appoint thee a panglima (leader of fighting men) there.
S. How can you make me a leader in war, who am not yet fully grown?
D. Where should I let thee go and fight, my heart, my star, the light of mine eyes?
S. If you let me not go and fight then, by my body, I shall not be a panglima.
D. If that place suits thee not, go as panglima to the kuta (fortress) of Chutli.
S. I will not establish myself in Chutli; it is too close to the shore, on the border of the estuary.
D. If that please thee not, little brother, little heart, I will set thee at Babah Awé (above Kuala Unga).
S. I will not establish myself at Babah Awé, for I fear to die there with not one to care for me (i. e. for my burial).
D. It that please thee not, blessed little brother, I will settle thee in the 12 Rantòs[76].
S. I will not live in the 12 Rantòs, brother; tell me, what mean you by this proposal?
D. Our intention was, blessed little brother, to take thee there to the house of the Raja Muda (of Trumòn).
S. We can have naught to do now with the Raja of Trumòn, for he is in the pay of the Tuan Beusa[77].
D. Where didst thou learn that, blessed little brother? Tell me I pray.
S. I know it but too well, brother, I have but just returned from there, the day before yesterday as it were.
D. As you pass along the rantòs of the West Coast, little brother, how many places are subject to the Dutch?
S. Beginning at Padang right up to Singkel, all tribute is raised for the King of Holland.
D. When you come, little brother of mine, to the bay of Tapaʾ Tuan (vulg. Těmpat Tuan), who is king there?
S. The king there is indeed a Moslim, but the flag is that of the Dutch.
D. When you get to Labōh Haji (vulg. Labuan Haji), who is king there?
S. The ulèëbalang of that place is a woman[78], she keeps us all in her protection.
D. While on thy travels, little brother teungku, hast thou been also to the land of Batu?
S. Early in the morning, brother, at Kuala Batu, by rice-time (about 9 a. m., see Vol. I, p. 199) one comes to Lama Muda.
D. Dear little brother, thou deservest punishment, I am going to banish thee to the mountain of Seulawaith—Gold-(mountain).
S. To banish me now! Why did you not think of this before, when first you begged me from my brothers?
D. When I asked for thee, I thought that it would be for a long time, little brother, little heart, that thou wouldst become my brother.
S. Where could life be hard for a sadati (in other words, "I am not vexed at this banishment"); he can find everywhere foot-gear to adorn himself withal.
D. Why should I set much store by thee, sadati, who wert given to me but art not good?
S. Wilt thou banish me to the mountains yonder that I may die, that tigers may devour me?
D. I am going to banish thee, little brother, to a far country, so that thou canst not return to morrow or the day after.
S. Should you banish me, brothers, beware lest on the morrow or the day after you long not to have me back again.
D. We have had a clear insight into the matter during the time that thou hast been among us in this land; mayst thou not return either on the morrow or the day after.
S. It will be better to sell me than to banish me, so that you may at least recover my value in money.
D. I will hang no burden round my neck; I have had expense and trouble enough on thy account.
S. Allah, allah, oh elder brothers who are my superiors, I lay my hands upon my head (in token of compliance).
D. I take my chance, whatever be my fate; I shall now come clear through danger at least.
S. If one has good fortune, brothers, one wins renown; should the former fail, we must be content with the past.
D. Shouldst thou have good fortune[79], oh lamp and light, then shalt thou go forth with an umbrella and return on horseback.
S. Should good luck be the lot of you and me in this contest, then you must fulfil a vow after you return home from this place.
D. Should I win my way through these engulfing waves, I shall have thee bathed in perfume[80].
S. We have ere now, brothers, been delivered from seven dangers (i. e. come successfully through seven contests), but of a surety this evening's is the greatest of all.
D. Yes, it is very different from the former ones, of another kind from (our contests in) the past.
S. My vow, brothers, is an offering of seven bunches of flowers for Teungku Anjōng[81] in Gampōng Jawa.
D. This evening there will perhaps be a mighty contest; whom shall I appoint to be panglima?
S. Brothers, make me your leader in the fight; you shall see how I shall shake the earth till it trembles again.
D. I fear, little brother, that it will not be as thou sayest, and that you will mayhap flee out yonder when the contest begins.
S. It is assured, brothers, that I should not flee, I who am a son of the upper reaches of the river[82], and skilled in fight.
D. Wherefore so boastful and conceited, little brother? I fear that thou wilt lose this courage and burst into tears.
S. This is no boastfulness nor high words of mine, brothers; you will see that I give proofs of valour, one against many.
D. Little brother, we remind thee of one thing only; thou must thyself endure the result, be it good or ill.
S. Brothers, I only ask you to stand fast behind me and to spread forth your hands in prayer (for our success).
D. I have told thee of seven lands, little brother; I now go to study for three years.
S. I know it well, brother, my teungku; you have been sought for in all lands.
D. What is thy wish, little brother, tell us thy desire.
S. I wish to take the geudubang (a sort of sikin) and to go forth and make war, I being panglima.
D. How canst thou, little brother go forth to war? Thou seest that thy brothers are without the means required for such a purpose.
S. Be not dismayed, my brothers, by lack of the necessary means, go and tender your services for hire to the Emperor of China.
D. This king of the unbelievers is my friend who forges artillery, the Emperor of China.
S. Of a truth, brothers, you are speaking foolishly! You have never travelled even as far as Lam Weuëng (in the XII Mukims).
D. In the mountain range of Lam Weuëng is the peak of the Seulawaïh, in Lampanaïh is a lilla (small cannon) with a bell[83].
S. If we go to the country of Acheh, brothers, what find we to be the greatest tokens of the power of the king?
D. Speak not to me of the tokens of his power; he has artillery posted in every direction.
S. The Meuseugit Raya had fallen into disrepair; it was the Habib (i.e. Habib Abdurrahman) that first took it in hand after his arrival[84].
D. That is indeed just as thou sayest, little brother; tell me now what is the form of the summit of the Gunòngan[85].
S. Its summit is of a truth exceeding beautiful; the king goes thither on horseback.
D. Little brother, thou hast already told us of the country of Acheh, let us now get us hence and go elsewhere.
S. Whither will you go, oh brothers, my teungkus? take your little brother with you, dear brothers, panglimas.
D. Let us remain no longer in Acheh, little brother; let us go yonder to Teungku Pakèh (the king of Pidië).
S. Nay, I will not go to Teungku Pakèh, brothers, that is so close to Acheh, and it would take so short a time to return home.
D. If that please thee not, little grain of an ear of padi, I will take thee to Kuala Gigiëng.
S. I will not live at Kuala Gigiëng, brothers; were I to die (in that place), there is none that would look after my dead body. I have no brothers there.
D. Dear little brother, to cut the matter short, I shall take thee to Kuala Ië Leubeuë (vulg. Ayer Labu).
S. I will not live at Kuala Ië Leubeuë, for in the fresh-water creek at that place there are many crocodiles.
D. If that suits thee not, brave brotherkin, let us go and dwell at Eunjōng in the house of the Laʾseumana.
S. Brothers, I will not dwell at Eunjōng, the gampōng there is full of holes (and thus muddy) and there are too many bangka-trees.
D. If that please thee not, little brother, I shall take thee to the land of Meureudu.
S. Brothers, I will not live at Meureudu; the whole country is in tumult and war prevails.
D. Dear little brother, blessed little brother, I shall go and establish thee at Samalanga.
S. At Samalanga also there are strange doings; Keuchiʾ Ali[86] has been driven into the forest.
D. Little brother, if that please thee not, let us go to the country of Peusangan in Glumpang Dua.
S. In the country of Peusangan there are also strange doings; Teuku Bén (= Béntara) is dead, and no successor has yet been appointed.
D. If that will not do, blessed little brother, I shall take thee to Samōti.
S. Brothers, I will not live at Samōti; the prince of that place, the Keujruën Kuala[87], is not to be depended on.
D. If that please thee not, I shall carry thee to Awé Geutah.
S. Brothers, I will not live at Awé Geutah, for I fear that Teungku Chut Muda would forbid me (i. e. forbid my performance as a sadati, to which all ulamas are averse).
D. If that will not do, little brother sadati, let us go down to Meunasah Dua.
S. I am not very well known at Meunasah Dua brother; Teungku Chèh Deuruïh (a teacher established there) is still but a young man.
D. If that will not do, little brother teungku, I will take thee to Panté Paku.
S. I will not go to Panté Paku, for I cannot twist rope of cocoanut fibre (there is here a play on the word "paku").
D. Dear little brother, I am going to bring thee to Lhōʾ Seumawè, to (the gampōng of) Sawang Keupula.
S. I will not live at Sawang Keupula, for I fear lest the Mahraja (of Lhōʾ Seumawé) may carry me off.
D. If that please thee not, blessed little brother, I shall take thee to the country of Piadah.
S. Brothers, I will not live in the country of Piadah; I will go further off; I will start now.
D. If that please thee not, my heart, go and stay at Jambu Ayé.
S. I will not stop at Jambu Ayé; I fear that I may perish if a flood comes.
D. If that suit thee not, little brother sadati, go yonder to Idi (vulg. Edi) that great mart.
S. I will not live at Idi, brothers; Teuku Nyaʾ Paya[88] is a raja who cannot be trusted.
D. If that will not suit, little brother, my teungku, I shall place thee on the island of Sampòë[89] (near Teumiëng, vulg. Tamiang).
S. We can now no longer live on the island by Sampòë; it has been taken by the infidel, the King of Holland.
D. If this please thee not, blessed little brother, tell us whither thou dost wish to go.
S. My desire, brothers, is to go to Pulò Pinang[90] that I may indulge my passions in the "long house"[91].
D. Little brother, go not to Pulò Pinang, one requires much money to visit the long house.
S. Trouble not yourselves on the score of money; I can always hold horses and drive for hire.
D. Little brother, if thou dost go and work for hire, it will be a reproach to thine elder brethren.
S. Let me have my wish, brothers, my teungkus; so long as I stay not here, I care not.
D. Do you hear, my masters (this to the audience) how strong in dispute my darling here is?
S. Do your hear, my masters? I am said to be strong in dispute.
D. Never yet ere now has my darling wrangled with his teacher; this sin is enough to make him fuel for hell.
S. God forbid that I should wrangle with my teacher; I know that I shall in any case go to hell (on account of my godless occupation of sadati).
D. I speak one way and he answers in another! thou art indeed clever in making remarks and propounding questions.
S. It is not fitting, brothers, to speak like this; I am indeed by nature as clever as a leuëʾ bangguna[92].
D. I have slept for a moment and have had a dream, but I know not how to interpret my dream.
S. What have you dreamed, brother, my teungku? Tell your little brother, that I may explain the meaning thereof.
D. I dreamed, little brother, that I went on pilgrimage (the haj), that I went to purify myself in the glorious city (of Mekka).
S. When you go on the pilgrimage, teungku, pray take the sadati with you, that he may crave forgiveness for his sins.
D. Let us not go this year, dear little heart, thy brother has no money at all.
S. Then sell your garden and your rice-field, brother, to furnish funds for the journey of your little brother, who wishes to depart at once.
D. Rice-field and garden dare I not sell; I fear that the chiefs will find means to make their own of them[93].
S. Kiss the knees of the ulèëbalang, do obeisance (seumbah) at his feet, so that he may leave you at least as much money as you require.
D. Ah dear little brother, blessed little brother, what can I do to get money? The times are bad.
S. Allah, Allah, blessed brother, go and pawn the (golden) crown of my cap.
D. I dare not pawn the crown of thy cap, it is thy ornament (which thou requirest) when you are bidden to play.
S. If that suffice not, my brother, my teungku, go and pawn my bracelets.
D. How canst thou wish to have thy bracelets pawned? That would look badly in the eyes of the people, and bring shame upon us.
S. If that suffice not, brother, go and pawn my anklets.
D. How canst thou wish to have they anklets pawned? That too looks not well in the eyes of the world.
S. Go thyself, teungku, and let me also go; I desire so to travel.
D. Here now is some money, for which thou didst ask just now; but take me I pray thee among thy followers.
S. Rather accompany me not, my brother, my teungku. I shall come back quickly and rejoin you.
D. In what ship art thou going to travel? Tell me this now, little brother.
B. I go, brothers, in the ship of Banan[94]. In that ship I shall set sail.
D. Go not, little brother, in Banan's ship; it is well known to be expensive.
S. Be not alarmed as to heavy expense; I shall work for the nakhoda (captain) for wages.
D. If thou receivest wages, little brother, it gives thy elder brothers a bad name.
S. Never mind that, if only I can reach the holy land.
D. When dost thou go on board, little brother? tell me when dost thou depart.
S. Sunday evening—Monday morning, on this morning my departure is fixed.
D. When thou goest, little brother, my teungku, take me with thee.
S. Come thou not with me, my master; I shall of a surety come back in a year.
D. If that be so, blessed little brother, I fetter thy steps no longer, start on thy journey.
S. Convey my salutations to my father, (say to him:) "Your darling is gone, his journey has begun".
D. What shall I give to thy mother as thy parting gift?
S. Brother, dear brother, my teungku, spread out your hands and pray for me (i.e. let your prayer take the place of such parting gift).
D. In the four seasons of the day[95] and in the four seasons of the night, the palms of my hands shall be turned upwards in prayer.
S. Should I die upon my pilgrimage, brother, wilt thou give kanduris (religious feasts) and pray for me?
D. May they journey be prosperous, may sharks devour thee and may whales swallow thee!
S. Allah, Allah, brother, my teungku, this is of a truth a fine prayer in which thou liftest up thy hands.
D. Whence could I find the money, little brother, for the kanduriʾs which thou wishest to have held? I have already exhausted my means in gifts to thee, whilst thou wert still but young.
Second kisah not in dialogue.We append a brief specimen of another kind of kisah which is recited in slow time intonation (lagèë jareuëng) and is not in the form of a dialogue; the daléms first intone each verse (ajat), and the sadati repeats it after them. The tune is called jamilén and is introduced by the daléms with the following chakrum: alah hayōlah adòë eu jamilén leungò lōnkisah („Alah, hayōlah, little brother, jamilén, hear my story”) these words being likewise repeated by the sadati. The remainder of the recital is as follows:
The Land of Pidië forms a square[96]; four ulèëbalangs hold the balance (i.e. the power) in their hands.
The X Mukims are subject to Béntara Keumangan[97]; Teungku Sama Indra is he who rules the VIII Mukims.
The Laʾseumana (the Chief of Eunjōng) is a fatherless child; he rules the XXII Mukims.
The V Mukims are under the control of (him that is mighty as) midday thunder, Teungku Ujōng Rimba.
Teungku Pakèh has a single mukim; he has watch-towers built at the four corners of his stronghold.
The entrance of its gate is very beautiful; there is a prison there built by Chinese.
The VII Mukims belong to Acheh; they are the property of Panglima Pòlém (the panglima of the XXII Mukims of Acheh).
In Bramòë is Pòchut Siti[98], along the sea-board is Teungku Siah Kuala[99].
On the banks of the salt-water creek is established one who is said to be invincible; he is known as Teuku Nèʾ of Meurasa.
In Pidië they have Teungku Pakeh, in Acheh we have our lord the King.
The XXVI Mukims (of Acheh are subject to) Panglima Chut Ōh[100] the XXV to Siah Ulama.
The XXII under Panglima Pòlém; they are subject to our lord the King.
Distribution of rôles.There is no fixed rule as to the number of kisahs to be recited in succession by one party; this is left to the performers' own choice and gives rise to no differences of opinion between the two sides. When one party gets tired, the other is always ready to take its turn, but as long as they like to do so they may continue. Ordinarily speaking, however, the first party plays its ratéb dòng right through before allowing the other to commence its recital; and the ratéb dòng of the one side will often last until five o'clock in the morning (ʿòh tōt sambang, "after the falling of the morning shot"). Before the opposing side begins, the first performers add some further nasib such as that of which we have already given examples in our description of the ratéb duëʾ.
The opposite party then take the stage and follow essentially the same programme as that which we have just described—fragments of verse, covert allusions, quasi-learned questions, little sneering gibes at the rival party—all sung by the sadati and accompanied by the chakrum or refrain of his daléms.
Brief description of the contents of some kisahs.I shall give but a brief abstract of some few more kisahs in common use in sadati performances, which I took down from the lips of a skilled reciter; they differ too little in character from those given above to lay claim to reproduction in full.
In one of these, which is in dialogue form, the insatiable desire of the sadati for travel again constitutes the main subject; he is himself uncertain whither he will go, and whether he will travel for study or for trade, but of this he is sure, that in life or death he will remain faithful and attached to his daléms. Passing mention is made of a number of seats of religious learning.
Another kisah which is sung by the daléms and repeated by the sadati verse by verse, comprises some remarks on the method of calculating the proper hour for commencing a contest (with special reference to the sadati-contest), a prayer of the sadati for strength to enable him to gain the victory, and certain geographical particulars with regard to the environs of the capital of Acheh.
Another, which is recited in the same way as the last, contains, besides some disconnected allusions, a fragment from the story of Diwa Sangsaréh, which forms the subject of a popular hikayat[101].
A fourth, which is intoned partly by the sadati (with an accompaniment) and partly by the daléms, consists of one or two metaphors (for instance, one regarding the heavenly recompense for ritual prayers), one or two riddles, and finally a challenge addressed to the opposite party.
A fifth, which is sung by the sadati to a slow tune (lagèë jareuëng) and accompanied by the daléms, consist simply of such challenges.
A sixth contains similar challenges recited by the daléms, in succession to a riddle intoned by the sadati.
So the performance goes on during the course of the morning; the second party laying itself out to give mocking or jesting answers to the questions put by the first, and to repay all their sneers two-fold.
The end of the contest.One or two hours before midday the party which has been sitting down and resting stands up once more, and now both sides recite together, each its own kisah in its own way, to that it is impossible to understand what they are saying, especially as each side tries to shout their opponents down.
The sadatis approach closer and closer to one another, and would often come to blows, were it not that the authorities of the gampōngs engaged interfere and put an end to the contest about midday. The initiative to the closing of the performance is given by the master of the house, who has meanwhile caused rice and its accessories to be got ready for the players. At his request two elders one from each gampōng, "separate" (publa, the ordinary word for the separation of fighters) the sadatis and give out that the time for departure has arrived. Each of the elders makes obeisance to the opposite side, and beseeches them for forgiveness for all shortcomings or disagreeable expressions which may have caused them offence. As may be imagined the players, quite worn out with 16 hours of excitement and tension, hurry home to seek repose after partaking of the meal which concluded the performance.
Gradual decay of the sadati performances.Like all forbidden amusements, the sadati performances have fallen off very much in Acheh during the last twenty years.
Within the "linie" and in other parts where the effects of the war have made themselves most felt, the people lack the energy necessary for getting up these contests; while outside these limits the teungkus and ulamas have been preaching reform with all their might, as without repentance, they say, it will never be possible to prevail against the kafirs. Should they show a more complacent spirit towards these popular wickednesses, they would soon lose their prestige and would behold the influence which the war has given them gradually dwindle away.
It is, however, far from being the case that this asceticism, though in theory universally acknowledged as right, and now in practise enforced in the most disaffected parts of the country, is able to meet with general acceptance. A holy war in Java would certainly bring with it the prohibition of gamělan and wayang performances, but it is equally certain that it would take more than twenty years to entirely uproot these popular amusements. Even though the gamělans were silenced and the wayang-poppets consigned to the dust heap, a moment's respite would suffice to bring them to light again. So is it also with the sadati performances. They continue to exist in spite of the teungkus, and when the power of the latter is once broken, these ratébs will without doubt revive and flourish once more.
The sadati performances and morality.The manner of dress and appearance on the stage of the sadatis must be admitted to have some connection with the general prevalence in Acheh of immorality of the worst kind; but as has been already pointed out (p. 222 above) it cannot be said that such immorality is directly ministered to by these performances.
The sadati performance and the Javanese wayang.There are other ways besides in which the significance of the Achehnese sadati performances in regard to the life of the people may be best compared with that of the Javanese wayangs though in actual details the two are entirely different from one another. In the former, as in the latter, the play holds the audience because it deals with all in the way of national tradition, science, religion and art that has grown to be the property of the mass of the people. In both alike, the material handed down by tradition is interwoven with sallies which contain allusions to living persons or those who have but lately passed away, to present events or those in the recent past. Love and war supply both with inexhaustible themes.
The sadati performance has, besides, all the attractions of a trial of skill, even though there is no stake, and though victory and defeat depend on the fiat of the audience alone.
Final issue of the contest of the sadatis.This decision is almost always unanimous. That party which displays in the ratéb duëʾ the most graceful and best studied movements, which intones most correctly and can most successfully imitate its rivals when it comes to their turn to play, is said to "gain the victory in the ratéb" (meunang baʾ ratéb); while that which puts the neatest questions to its opponents, scores the wittiest hits against them, and has command of the greatest variety of kisahs, "gains the victory in the nasib" (meunang baʾ nasib). It seldom happens that either audience or players have any doubt as to who deserves the palm.
The ratéb pulèt.Another equally popular variation of the travesty of the true ratéb is the ratéb pulèt[102], also known as ratéb chuëʾ[103] or rateb bruëʾ[104]. The performance takes it name from its special feature, namely playing in rhythmic unison with a number of wooden rings known as bòh pulèt or bruëʾ pulèt. The upper circumference of these rings has a greater diameter than the lower, so that they may be compared to the rim of a funnel cut off horizontally.
Nature of the performance.This ratéb is also of the nature of a contest; two parties, chosen if possible from different gampōngs, take up their position opposite each other in the seuëng (booth) or meunasah. Each party consists of from 8 to 20 players; behind each company sit one or two reciters called radat, as in the ordinary ratéb. There is also a tambourine orchestra which accompanies the songs and gestures of the players. These tambourines are called rapana (compare the Malay rěbana) or else rapaʾi, from the religious performance in which they are much used.
The musicians proper play on large tambourines; the members of the company often have small ones set before them on which they play their own accompaniment in certain portions of the performance.
This ratéb is played entirely in a sitting posture (ratéb duëʾ) and resembles the ratéb sadati in essentials except that the sadatis are missing.
Task of the radat.The radats of the party which commences the recitation set the tunes and intone four ajats to every tune; after this the "companions" (rakan) follow suit. Like the dalém of the sadati performance they accompany their intoning with rhythmic gestures, such as movements of the arms, snapping of the fingers, manoeuvring of kerchiefs and especially with the bòh or bruëʾ pulèt. While all this is going on, the opposite side must join in and keep time, which is made as difficult for them as possible by their opponents.
Nasib and kisah.As soon as one party has intoned a number of lagsèës, there is here also (as in the ratéb sadati) an interval which is filled up by a nasib similarly rounded off with a kisah. The nasib is started by the radats of the leading party, and the members of this party only chime in with the recitation; nor is there any gesticulation or play with kerchiefs etc. in this part of the performance.
At the beginning of the ratéb pulèt the performers recite certain lines in imitation of a real ratéb or dikr, and which give an impression as though the task on hand were a work ordained of the Prophet and the saints—e.g.
"In the name of Allah I now commence, following the fashion handed down from the very beginning. We borrow our tradition from the Prophet; respond, my masters all!"
For the rest the recitation consists mainly of ordinary pantōns, by far the most of which celebrate the joys and sorrows of love.
The ratéb pulèt has not, any more than the ratéb sadati, a religious character.
The ulamas regard it as a forbidden amusement, but are somewhat less severe in their condemnation of the ratéb pulèt than of the ratéb sadati, since the former does not include boys in female dress among its performers.
The rapaʾi performance.The rapaʾi performance may be classed among the ratébs; it bears a religious character in the estimation of the Achehnese public, and can therefore become the subject of a vow. Thus we find people undertaking to give rapaʾi performances in their enclosures, should they escape some threatening danger, or should one of their relations recover from his illness, etc. Such performances are also sometimes given on the occasion of a family feast, whether in accordance with a vow or not, and persons of wealth and rank occasionally organize them without any special reason.
Aḥmad Rifāʾī.The great saint of the mystics, Aḥmad Rifāʾī (ob. 1182), a younger contemporary of the equally celebrated Abdulqādir Jīlānī[105] (ob. 1166), who was held in high honour in Acheh as well as in other parts of the Mohammedan world, was the founder of a wide-spread order (the Rifāʾiyyah), which afterwards split up into a number of subdivisions. If we read the story of his life[106] we find an abundant record of his piety and wisdom, and also of the miracles (karāmāt) which he worked through God's grace, but nothing which bridges over the gulf which separates him from the all but juggling performances which bear his name.
Miracles of certain orders of dervishes.Yet the connection may be traced. Not only in the Rifāʾite but also in other mystic orders cases are quoted from their own tradition where members of the fraternity who have attained a high degree of perfection in mysticism, have through divine grace suffered no hurt from acts which in ordinary circumstances result in sickness or in death; the eating of fragments of glass, biting off the heads of snakes, wounding themselves with knives, throwing themselves beneath the feet of horses, all these and other like acts have proved harmless to the successors of the founders of these orders, and they too have been given the power to endow their true disciples with temporary invulnerability. The stories current about such matters in the mystic tradition must certainly be set down to some extent to pious fiction, but there are also instances where the condition of high-strung transport into which the dervishes work themselves by wakeful nights, by fasting and exhausting exercises, do actually result in temporary or local insensibility to pain.
No matter what explanation science[107] may offer of these matters, or what learned terms (such as mesmerism, paroxysm etc.) our savants may employ to conceal their ignorance with respect to these phenomena of the human consciousness, the fact remains that what the most sober and sceptical witnesses have seen of these dervish-miracles in various Mohammedan countries would cause a European public unprepared for such revelations, to shrug their shoulders in unbelieving amazement.
Deterioration of these miracles into jugglery.For centuries past certain sections of these orders who possessed such mystic powers, have made a sort of trade out of the practice of these arts. The brethren of the craft assemble together at fixed times, and under the guidance of their teacher give themselves up to the recitation of dikirs accompanied by movements of the body which tend to produce giddiness, and thus finally fall into the ecstasy which causes them to perform without fear the dangerous tricks which we have just spoken of. Should one of them fall a victim to his hardihood, it is ascribed to the weakness of his faith; should he wound himself slightly, a little spittle from his teacher's mouth, with an invocation of the name of the founder of the order, suffices to ensure his recovery.
Where these gatherings of dervishes take place in public, and especially at religious feasts, it not unfrequently happens that some of the onlookers are infected with the frenzy of the performers and becoming as it were possessed, voluntarily join in the hazardous game; this also is ascribed to the mystic influence of the founder of the order.
These public performances are apt to degenerate into mere theatrical representations, in fact into mere conjuring, where nothing but the name and a few formalities recall its connection with mysticism. Indeed the most celebrated of these orders have become thus corrupted. The orthodox conception is that while it is wrong to cast any doubt on the possibility of the existence of such phenomena, and while certain chosen mystics have indeed shown by such means how close was their walk with God, these modern performances although bearing sanctified names are really empty if not profane counterfeits.
The general Mohammedan world however does not participate in this censure; superstition and the tendency towards excessive veneration for persons with a reputation for sanctity cause them to accept the appearance for the reality and to be even ready to defend this standpoint with true fanaticism against its assailants. This makes the orthodox teachers somewhat backward in expressing their condemnation of such practices.
Among the performances cloaked in the ceremonial of Rifāʾī, and which are based partly on hysteria and mesmerism, and partly on legerdemain, voluntary self-infliction of wounds takes a leading place[108]. They are (though to a less degree than formerly) universally practised throughout the Eastern Archipelago under the name of dabus-[109], děbus- or gěděbus-performances[110]; from the Arabic dabbus, an iron awl, which serves as the chief instrument for the infliction of the wounds. The Achehnese also speak of dabōïh (the weapon) and meudabōïh (its use) or else call the performance rapaʾi (from Rifāʾī) which word also serves to designate the tambourine which is used in this as well as other dikirs etc.
The meudabōïh.The prevailing opinion among the natives as to these dabōïh-performances is as follows. They should take place under the leadership of a true khalifah, i. e. a spiritual successor of the founder of the order, whose spiritual genealogical tree brings him into connection with Aḥmad Rifāʾī and who has obtained license (ijāzah) from his guru to conduct these otherwise dangerous exercises. When the brotherhood assembles, this khalifah should, after receiving and returning their respectful salutations, recite certain texts. This he sometimes does alone, but occasionally the brethren chime in in chorus. The recitation prescribed by the master of the order is supposed to excite holy visions in the minds of the brethren who are favoured by God's grace, and by degrees they and even perhaps some of the bystanders as well, attain to the ecstatic condition to which is attached the quality of invulnerability. Then by turning their weapons upon their own bodies they show forth to mankind the power of God and the excellence of the master of their order.
It is however acknowledged that the salasilahs ("chains" of tradition i.e. spiritual genealogical trees) of those who now-a-days assume the rôle of khalifahs of the Rifāʾiyyah, are of very dubious validity, and that their exercise of the functions of leader cannot therefore be regarded as confirmed by the authority of the master of the order or of one of his rightful successors.
These ripaʾi or rapaʾi exhibitions, where not prohibited by the Dutch local authorities, generally serve as an embellishment to a feast. The 'kalipah' or leader of the company, although ever eager to keep up the pretence of performing a pious work for Allah's sake, nevertheless greedily accepts for himself and the brethren the customary recompense for the performance.
Both in players and on-lookers we may generally discern a curious mixture of belief, self-deception and roguishness. Belief in the possibility of the actual infliction of wounds without danger[111], through the blessed influence of Aḥmad Rifāʾī, a belief which sometimes impels those who take part in the performance to inflict on themselves serious and often fatal hurts; self-deception in respect to certain skilful performers, who are really no more than conjurers; and roguishness on the part of players who pretend to deal themselves heavy blows but who really only momentarily press the point of the awl or dagger against some hard portion of the skin.
The rapaʾi performance in Acheh.Such is the case in Acheh as well as in other Mohammedan countries. The great mass of the people classifies the performance as an example of the eleumèë keubay[112] or science of invulnerability. They are not aware that the name rapāʾī is a corruption of that of the saint of yore, and only connect the word with the tambourines used by the players, although the name of the master of mysticism, as well as that of his holy contemporary Abdulqādir Jīlānī and of various others[113] is actually invoked in the ratéb.
In some districts the brethren perform every Friday evening for their own practice and edification, as well as on other occasions by special invitation.
The brethren divide into two equal sides, which take up their position opposite one another in several parallel rows. At the top, between the two parties, sits the guru, who is respectfully saluted by all present. He begins by reciting the fātiḥah, the Mohammedan Lord's Prayer, and other passages from the holy writ; then he leads off the ratéb, which is intoned to the Achehnese and Malabar tunes, as they are called, alternately slow (jareuëng) and quick (bagaïh) tune. It consists of Achehnese verses, two at a time being sung to each tune, mixed with corrupt Arabic expressions the meaning of which is unknown to the hearers.
The leader sings alone three successive times the words: ya hō alah, ya mèëlòë[114]; then all intone in chorus after him, "o sòydilah[115], oh my lord Amat! (i. e. Aḥmad Rifāʾī)". Thereupon commence the verses, the recitation of which is accompanied by an orchestra of great rapaʾiʾs, while the actual performers occasionally strike smaller tambourines or wave them in the air with graceful motions. We append a translation of some of the verses.
Oh my Lord, we pray thee help us—against the point of the reunchōng (the ordinary Achehnese dagger) whose blade is exceeding sharp?
O sòydilah, O Abdulqādir—the prophet Chidhr lives in the great sea.
His abode is in the waters, yet does his body never become wet—through the favour of the Lord and Master, oh our Lord!
O iron, iron bélah[116]! wherefore art thou refractory?
Now do I exorcise thee with thy own incantation[117]. Blunt be the iron, sharp the incantation!
White is the flower of the confession of faith—the limitless sea is the kingdom of my Lord.
Twenty attributes (hath God), name of God's majesty!—My body is of a truth the possession of my Lord.
A drop of water in the palm of the hand—who knoweth the art of bathing himself in the glitter thereof?
It is my Lord alone who may thus bathe;—none other may bathe himself in the glitter thereof[118].
O sòydilah[119], O Abdulqādir—may all (red-hot) chains be affected by the incantation!
May they be as cold as water, may they be powdered like dust—through the blessed influence of our noble teacher!
Ya hō alah; ya hō mèëlòë[120]—o iron! thou art under the influence of exorcism.
O Allah! There is a conflict in the cause of Allah![121] O for help in the conflict in the cause of Allah!
The sibōn-bōn bush, its flowers are withered—they lie disconsolately round the stalk.
It is unheard of, that a disciple should set himself against his teacher—the lot of such an one shall be hell!
O sòydilah[122] Chèh Nurōdin[123]—may all sikins be blunt of blade!
May their points be turned and their blades curl up—smitten by the blessed influence of a whole walletful of incantations (which the guru has at his command).
It became known that Banta Beuransah[124] had returned—with the princess, whom he brought along with him.
He brought the princess home from the clouds—jéns and pariʾs bore her palace behind her.
O (red-hot) chains, may you quickly grow cool!—O glowing charcoal, lay aside your glow!
May you be cool as water, (pliable) as lead—through the blessed influence of the (confession of faith) "there is no God but Allah".
Stand up, (ye with the) iron awls, let us beat the rapaʾi!—let us in imagination pass in procession round the tomb of the Prophet!
Stand up, ye with the awls, may your hearts be pure—so does the Lord grant forgiveness of sins.
Besides these verses, which are more or less applicable to the task of the performers, they also recite others, chiefly of a religious nature, some of which convey wise lessons while others contain extracts from the sacred history; as for example:
In the name of Allah I commence my dikir—perchance I shall not be able to recite my prayer.
The godless are without reflection—where is the religion of those that know not God?
Abu Jahl, how deeply is he accursed—what shall be his punishment for his resistance to Muḥammad?
When Muḥammad had flung him to the clouds, he appeared to the eye like a tiny beetle.
In the land of Egypt there are firearms set with precious stones;—in the land of Mekka there are firearms ornamented with suasa (a compound of gold and copper).
In Gampōng Jawa there are lamps in a row;—let us make processions round the tomb of the Prophet.
Hamzah perished near the mountain Uḥud, a little distance (from Medina).
When Hamzah was slain, the Prophet resolved to remove his body,—the mountains wept and accompanied him.
The following couplet is properly speaking a salutation at departure, but it is also occasionally repeated during the course of the performance:
O teungkus, go not home yet—sit down opposite the guru and lift up your voices in prayer.
Spread forth both hands (in prayer)—repeat the fātiḥah and a prayer.
The recital grows louder and quicker, and between this and the clashing of the tambourines and the constant motion of head and limbs the desired state of transport is at last reached. Then those possessed with the efflatus rise from the ranks of their fellows and after a respectful salutation to their teacher, receive at his hands the weapon or instrument which he selects. In Acheh the dabōïh[125] is used, the weapon specially appertaining to this performance, but most of the common weapons of the country (rinchōng, sikin and gliwang) are also employed. The performer begins by making various half-dancing movements in unison with the time of the recitation, which continues without a pause; meanwhile he draws his weapon, which he regards from time to time with tender looks and even kisses, in sundry different directions along his hands and arms.
Presently he begins to stab and smite these extremities with (to all appearance) a certain amount of force, and finally attacks other portions of his body, maintaining all the time the same rhythmic movements. The skilful tricksters among the brethren draw a little blood perhaps but generally confine themselves to causing deep depressions in their skin with point or blade, apparently using great force, and so giving the impression that their skin is impenetrable. But actual believers not unfrequently go so far as to inflict deep wounds on their arms, hands or stomachs, to knock holes in their heads or to cut pieces off their tongues.
The red-hot chains.A rapaʾi representation which includes the sawaʾ ranté i.e. "throwing (red-hot) chains round the shoulders[126]" is regarded as particularly complete. The performers seldom escape without burns, but even in this case there appears to be no lack of artificial devices which increase the efficacy of the incantations. Such for instance is the preliminary moistening of the body with lime-juice.
§ 4. Music.
In connection with those pastimes with which we have been dealing so far we have only met with very simple musical instruments such as the rude tambourines known as rapaʾi. We must now turn our attention to Achehnese music properly so called[127].
We need only give a passing notice to the instruments used by children, such as the whistle (wa) made from the padi-stalk[128]; the little "german flutes" made from the spathe (peuleupeuëʾ) of the betel-nut tree, and used to imitate the cries of birds; the red earthenware whistles (pib-pib) introduced by the Klings; the plaything called gènggòng, which consists of a thin plate of iron to which is fastened at one side a little iron rod. This latter is held in the mouth and a sort of buzzing noise produced by twisting it to and fro.
Full-grown people also sometimes amuse themselves by blowing on the wa, as for instance to while away the time when watching in a hut (jambō) in the padi-fields to drive away noxious animals. The bangsi.With adults, however, a more favourite instrument is the bangsi[129], a sort of flageolet made of bambu (bulōh) with seven round holes on top and one underneath, and a square hole (also on top) not far below the mouth-piece. With this instrument an adept player can produce all the tunes he fancies, both those to which pantōns are set and those employed in sadati performances etc. In the evenings and nights especially the votaries of this instrument are wont to defer with its strains the hour of sleep for themselves and their companions.
The suléng.The suléng is of finer finish than the bangsi; it is really a sort of flute, and has no mouth-piece, being open at the upper end, and closed below by the division of the bamboo. It has 6 small holes and one somewhat bigger one close to the opening; the performer holds the instrument horizontally in front of his mouth and blows into the larger hole.
The suléng is made of a thinner and finer kind of bambu known as igeuë. It is usually adorned with handsome silver or copper bands encircling the instrument above and below each hole, and the closed end is similarly mounted.
Suléng orchestra.The suléng is played for amusement like the bangsi, but it is more often used in combination with a tambu[130] (our ordinary hand-drum) and two chanangs, copper discs played with a muffled stick. This orchestra is used as a prelude to fights of animals or contests with kites, in processions with alangans (which we shall presently describe), in mimic battles with crackers which the boys from different gampōngs organize on festive occasions, and at certain piasans etc.
The tambu and chanangs are sometimes employed at ram-fights, but as a rule without the suléng.
The srunè[131] is a sort of clarionet with eight holes above and one below; the player of this instrument is always supported by two geundrangs[132], drums slung in front and struck with the hand on the left side and on the right with a drum-stick with a curved end. Properly speaking the above should be accompanied by another and smaller drum long and narrow in shape, the geundrang anaʾ or peunganaʾ.
This music is to be heard almost daily since it not alone serves to enhance the rejoicing at various feasts but also adds éclat to the fulfilment of vows.
Fulfilment of vows with music.A very common form of the expression of a vow, whether it be made on account of an illness or in view of some coming event of importance in the family, is as follows: the maker of the vow promises that as soon as the sick one recovers, or a certain wish is fulfilled or a certain momentous epoch (such as the circumcision or boring of the ears of children) has arrived, he or she will fulfil their vow at the tomb of Teungku N.[133]. By this it is understood, without any further words of explanation, that the person who makes the vow will cause to be brought to the holy tomb indicated an idang of yellow glutinous rice with its accessories (such as tumpòë-cakes etc.), some flowers, and some white cotton cloth to decorate the tombstones. The rice is intended for the parasites who nearly always haunt these tombs; if it is desired to have a special feast there, a separate provision of viands is made for this. The fresh flowers are placed on the tomb, and the visitors take with them "for the sake of the blessing" some of those which have lain and withered there. The new white cotton is wound round the tombstones, and torn fragments of previous coverings are taken away in exchange and fastened round wrist or ankle as charms to bring good luck. Then the visitors to the tomb wash with water from the sacred place the head of the subject of the vow.
The geundrang orchestra.Whoever can afford the luxury adds to such a general vow the qualification "ngòn geundrang", meaning thereby that his party (consisting as a rule of both men and women) shall be preceded on its expedition to the holy tomb by three or four musicians, one with the srunè, two with geundrangs and sometimes another with a geundrang anaʾ. It is ndeed characteristic of the popular conception of Islam, that the saints re honoured with musical performances, which are most rigorously prohibited by the religious law.
The geundrang orchestra is also employed in the alangan processions, wherein it conflicts with the suléng and its accessories and fills the air with a discordant noise; it is also used in what are known as piasans, and at family-feasts—in this last case usually in fulfilment of a vow.
Hareubab orchestra.There is a peculiar Achehnese orchestra composed of the following instruments:
1°. A hareubab[134], i.e. a native violin. The sounding-board (bruëʾ) is of nangka-wood covered with membrane from the stomach of the buffalo, the strings are of twisted silk and the bowstring of fibres of the aerial roots of the sriphië-tree, stretched on a bow of rattan. A leaden bridge (chapéng) keeps the strings apart, they are strung from a little bow of rattan called guda, and tuned by keys called gaséng.
2°. Two or more geudumbaʾs[135] i.e. kettle-drums. The body of the drum is roughly hewn from a single block of nangka-wood, and is almost cylindrical in shape but tapers towards the bottom, then widens again and forms the foot; this last is shaped like an octagonal pyramid with the top cut off, or a truncated cone. The whole is about 27 centimetres in height; the cover is made of goat-skin, is about 13 centimetres in diameter, and is fastened to the body of the drum with
HAREUBAB-ORCHESTRA WITH A DANCING BOY; ON THE LEFT A FIGHTING RAM.
bands: of rattan. These bands are stretched by means of a small wooden wedge.
Meunari and pantōn recitation.This orchestra serves to accompany the recitation of Achehnese pantōns.
These performances are especially popular in Pidië. A woman sings at the same time executes certain dances, which consist more in movements of the upper parts of the body than of the feet. These dances are called meutari in Achehnese or more commonly meunari, in imitation of the Malay word měnari. Beside the singer is a buffoon who amuses the audience by his grimaces, jests and doubles entendres. The musicians do not always confine themselves to playing their instruments, but also chime in and now and then relieve the dancing-girl of her singing part[136].
In the neighbourhood of the capital these performances are only known by the rare visits of travelling companies. They are also to be met with in certain other parts, especially in the coast districts of the XXV Mukims, but with this modification, that the place of the singing woman is taken by a young boy in female attire.
It so chanced that during my residence in Acheh such a company came from the XXV Mukims to the capital. In the illustration on p. 261 will be a representation of such an orchestra with a boy in dancing posture. I took down from the lips of the dirty, opium-smoking musicians a great portion of their répertoire of pantōns. These people were less concerned for the voice of their adòë ("younger brother") than the sadati players. I attended a performance one night, and found that as a matter of fact the task of the boy was principally limited to dancing. He joined to some extent in the choruses but the recitation was mainly performed by the four musicians, and especially the violinist, who officiated as conductor of the orchestra. This appears to be frequently the case, and sometimes they dispense with the boy altogether, whereby a great "rock of offence" is removed.
The pantōns are in the form of dialogues between an older and a younger brother; the first represents the lover, the second his beloved.
In many of these pantōns it is not clear whether the object of the love is male or female, or whether the passion is lawful or unchaste; the expressions used are metaphorical or general, so that the hearer can apply them as suits his fancy. Occasionally however the language used is characteristic of a shameless intrigue, as in the following example where I denote the aduën, abang or dalém by the letter D and the adòë by A. After pressing solicitations on the part of D, to which A returns evasive answers through fear of discovery, the "elder brother" says:
D. My masters, who cut reeds! They (the reeds) must lie three nights before they can be set up for plaiting into mats.
If you can yield to my wish, I shall find means to conceal it, so that you may give yourself to me to-morrow and the day after.
A. Go to the mountains and cut rangginòë-wood and bring us back a piece to make a pillar for a fly-wheel.
If thou, oh brother, canst walk beneath the ground, I shall hide you from my husband and give myself to thee.
D. The ricinus-plant is broken at the top; the people make fast a noose to the end of the suganda-plant.
I cannot approach your house; your husband is as fierce as a tiger of Daya.
A. My masters, who cut daréh-wood (for fences); lay the stem down on the main road.
Be not afraid of my wretched husband, I shall give him the coup de grâce on the nose with a grindstone.
D. My masters, climb ye up into the kapok-tree, but bethink you of the thorns that project therefrom.
When folks ask next day (how your husband has come by his death), they must be told that the cat was playing with the stone and that it fell upon him by accident.
A. A great prahu sails for Asahan laden with durians and manggosteens.
If it cannot go by prahu send (that which I desire) by sampan (i. e. if my wish cannot be fulfilled in one way let it be in an another); if we ourselves may not be united, let me at least hear news of you.
There are however also among these pantōns variations played upon the eternal theme of love which the chaste lover can make his own of, as for instance where the adòë says:
A. A dove sits on the ridge of the roof; an eagle will swoop upon her as he passes.
So long as my head remains joined to my neck, so long shall I continue to follow you in close union.
The tunes.The simeunari (male or female dancer) or his or her musicians intone consecutive sets of more or less connected pantōns, each set having its own tune; the names given to these tunes are generally taken from one or two words which appear in some well-known pantōn which is habitually sung thereto (e.g. lagèë[137] siwaih ladō, lagèë dua lapéh), or from some peculiarity in or the origin of the tune itself (e.g. lagèë jawòe barat Malay tune of the West Coast, lagèë ranchaʾ = merry, lively tune) or from one or two nonsense words with which the pantōn commences (e.g. lagèë taʾli aʾli ōn).
Most, nay indeed all these verses are in the ordinary sanjaʾ metre[138], and in the opening of the two verses which contain the response, the opening of the preceding question is often repeated.
Some exhibit departures from the rule and follow the rhythm of a special dance; as for example the first four pairs of verses of the set sung to the tune taʾli aʾli ōn, which are given below.
D. Taʾli aʾli ōn, glutinous rice folded up in a young plantain leaf.
The day of judgment has come; where shall the women now get pantōns from?
A. Taʾli aʾli ōn, glutinous rice in a punteut-leaf[139].
The day of judgment has come; where shall the women now get words invoking blessings (on the Prophet)?
D. A little, a little keupula (= sawo-tree), a little keupula grows on the gampōng-path.
The wind blows a little, the sweet savour spreads over the whole gampōng.
A. A little, a little keupula, a little keupula grows in the corner.
The wind blows a little, the sweet savour spreads over the whole land.
D. There is a dove, she lays her eggs in the grass.
Alas! they have smitten my darling; but she has escaped from the point of the sword.
A. There is a dove, she lays her eggs on the edge of the plank (which is set against the wall to lay things upon).
Alas, they have smitten my darling; but she has escaped from the point of the javelin.
D. Alas, I see a plantain which was thriving but a moment ago, but whose sprouting leaf has perished.
Alas! I see earrings; but while I gaze, she who wore them is dead.
A. Alas, I see a labu plant; while it is being watered, its sprout dies.
Alas, I see my lord; while I set rice before him, he divorces me![140]
D. Go to the mountains and hew seumantōʾ-wood, let the top of the tree fall on the far side of the stream. My shape is ugly, my clothing is ragged: let me go and dwell in some quiet place.
A. Go to the mountains and hew planks: bring me with you to pick up the chips.
Let us live side by side, let us die together, let us have but one winding-sheet and one coffin.
Violin orchestra.Another orchestra, which is likewise employed to accompany the recitation of pantōns and the dance, is composed of:
1° The biula, i.e. the ordinary European violin, an instrument much beloved by the Achehnese, and on which some of them perform very creditably. The violin is also played alone, without any other instrument, to accompany pantōns, or for the amusement of the player himself or of small parties of friends.
2° A number (say from 5 to 7) of small tambourines called dabs, provided with bells like the rapaʾi or rapana, but smaller than these and made of finer and thinner wood.
3° A gōng, the familiar large metal disc, which is employed in Acheh for official proclamations such as the sranta (vol. I, pp. 226).
Achehnese pantōns are always recited to hareubab music, but the violin-orchestra is used to accompany Malay pantōns also. As a rule these last are sung by the musicians while two dancing boys hum the tune while they display their grace and skill in the meunari.
Where Achehnese pantons are sung in the violin orchestra the dancer (a boy or a woman) is generally singer also, or else takes turns with the musicians in singing.
§ 5. Processions and Popular Feasts.
Alangan processions.We have already more than once made mention of alangan-processions. These are held in connection with the marriages of persons of high rank or great wealth, on the occasion of the "offering of the betel-leaf"[141], or the fetching of the pagalō-rice. This last is a custom observed by persons of consideration a couple of days before the wedding; it consists in the conveyance with much ceremony by the bridegroom's party to the house of the bride of an idang of yellow glutinous rice with its accessories, all round which are planted little sticks with coloured eggs impaled on them. Sadati or rapaʾi-players are also sometimes escorted to their destination with an alangan-procession by the people of the gampōng where they are about to give a performance. It has even occurred that when a particularly fine kite has got loose on the occasion of a kite-competition, and been driven by the wind into another district, it has been after previous notice brought bade by the people of that district to the gampōng of the owners with an alangan procession.
The music.Almost the whole male population of the gampōng or gampōngs. which take part in the procession assemble in their best clothes or sometimes in a peculiar uniform such as red jackets reaching to below the knees. A geundrang and srunè orchestra together with a suléng and its accompanying instruments adds to the noise made by the continuous shouting (suraʾ) of the crowd. The peculiarity however to which these processions owe their name, is that all the boys leap along armed with sugar canes unshorn of their leaves (teubèë meuʾ ōn); these natural banners are called alangan.
Many of those who form the procession are adorned with little flags of various colours.
When an alangan-procession takes place, previous notice is always given to the gampōng whither it is about to proceed, and it is then the duty of the male population of the latter to go forth likewise in procession and meet (ampeuëng) the visitors. As soon as they meet the two sides draw up in line at some distance from each other, and sometimes expert champions step forth from either party and wage a mimic battle with sikin or gliwang in the midst.
The jeunadah.We have already seen (Vol. I p. 425) that a structure in the form of an ark or small house is frequently employed to add grandeur to the gifts which are thus taken in procession (yellow glutinous rice, betel-leaf etc.). This ark is called jeunadah.
Before holding an alangan-procession the people of the gampōng 
GROUP OF WOMEN FROM LHŌNG (SOUTHERN DISTRICTS OF ACHÈH PROPER).
WOMAN FROM THE XXV MUKIMS.
Piasans[142] (see Vol. I p. 323) are properly speaking secular festivities of every description. Sadati-plays, rapaʾi-performances and the like may be all included in this category, but the name specially suggests an abundance of fireworks, illuminations and noise.
Fire works and illuminations.A wooden frame, the upper part of which is surrounded with paper lanterns and revolves automatically (tanglōng meugisa), merry-go-rounds (ayōn meugisa), Chinese fireworks and crackers, but especially high conical stacks of firewood which are set in flames (krumbu or kuta bungòng apuy)—all these contribute to festal rejoicing.
Persons of rank and wealth give piasans at their family feasts; gampōngs or districts unite in organizing them at the great annual feasts, or sometimes without any particular reason, or only to excite one another's jealousy and envy.
§ 6. Hikayats.
Although we have dealt with this subject in our chapter on literature, the reading or rather the recitation of and hearkening to hikayats ought not here to pass unnoticed as one of the chief mental recreations of the Achehnese, especially as this form of amusement has an improving and educational influence which others cannot claim.
Chiefs and peasants, old and young of both sexes, all literally doat upon the hikayats, with the exception of some few pretended purists, who regard even this pleasure as too worldly or the contents of some of the stories as savouring too little of Islam.
Women and literature.After the remarks which we have already made (Vol. I, p. 371) as to the position of women in Acheh, it can occasion no surprise that they are superior to the men in their love for, and by no means behind them in their knowledge of, the literature of their country. They often divert their female and sometimes even their male guests by the recitation of a hikayat, and each and all are willing to sacrifice their night's rest as the price of the entertainment.
- ↑ Mal. kělèntong (Translator).
- ↑ The Malay word is identical with the Achehnese (gaseng). Among the Malays both old and young delight in spinning tops. Skeat mentions (Malay Magic p. 485) a bamboo humming top, said however to have been borrowed from the Chinese. (Translator).
- ↑ Those for children the wood of which is brought to a point are called "female" tops (gaséng inòng); those with round iron spindles gaséng bulat, those with a chisel-shaped point gaséng pheuët. There is a certain game with this last in which there are two parties, as a rule from different gampōngs, and the conquerors are allowed to "hack" the tops of the losers. (I have seen a game very like this played by school-boys with similar "peg. tops" in the North of Ireland). (Translator).
- ↑ Mal. layang-layang (in Penang wan). See Skeat's Malay Magic pp. 484–485. (Translator).
- ↑ The Malays have a game called porok somewhat similar to this (Translator).
- ↑ The general meaning of simbang is to throw something up and catch it on the open palm or in the closed hand. (This game is also played among the Malay and by them known as main sěremban). (Translator).
- ↑ See Vol. I, p. 307.
- ↑ See Vol. I, p. 186.
- ↑ For instance A lays a leaf on his head and then throws it on the ground with a challenging air; B one of the opposite party tramples or spits upon it, after which the war begins.
- ↑ In sundry games an object which is, as it were, guarded by one side or by one player is called bu; the comparison being the care with which men tend the staff of life.
- ↑ The Malay game of sepak raga resembles the meulagi as here described, except that the ball is kept going with the foot and not with the hand, The Malays sometimes attain extraordinary skill in this game. I have seen a party of 10 Province Wellesley Malays keep the ball up 120 times without once allowing it to drop. They kick it upwards with the ball of the foot, and skilful players in so doing often bring the foot up level with the breast, a feat quite impossible to the ordinary European, who can make nothing of the game. The Chinese play a similar game with large shuttlecocks. (Translator).
- ↑ The Malay game of hide and seek is called sorok-sorok, see Skeat's Malay Magic, p. 500. (Translator).
- ↑ The first name has reference to the shutting of their eyes by the one party, whilst the other hides; the second to the call "kō", when they have all hidden themselves ["kō" reminds us of "cosey", the cry in the English game of hide and seek]. (Translator).
- ↑ This word properly means, "combing each other", and is applied to this game simply because the children who play in it take their places one behind the other, as women are wont to do when combing each other's hair.
- ↑ Main sesel or kachau kueh (vide Skeat, Malay Magic, p. 494) appears to be the Malay equivalent. (Translator).
- ↑ Schoolboys in some parts of Great Britain and Ireland play a similar "hacking" game with horse-chestnuts. (Translator).
- ↑ See the Tijdschrift Teysmannia for 1893, p. 786 et seq.
- ↑ This game is also common among the Malays who play it with marbles. It is very much the same as what is called in Ireland "three-hole span". The Malay name is main guli; it is played as here described, except as regards the penalty imposed on the loser, who is compelled to place his bare knuckles level with the rim of one hole, while all the winners take shots at them in turn from the next. (Translator).
- ↑ We have noticed this tree above Vol. I, pp. 411–412 as the dread abode of jéns, who cause goitre and other diseases.
- ↑ A variation of this game is played by the Malays of the Peninsula under the name galah panjang (Translator).
- ↑ The name galah given to the principal euë or boundary is taken from galah the pole with which prahōs or other vessels are propelled up a river.
- ↑ Eumpiëng is a sweetmeat made of grains of rice dried by tossing and then pounded in a mortar and sieved. It is eaten with a kind of jujube or some other titbit.
- ↑ The game of pachih which we shall describe presently is only played by men; thus meugeuti though in no way resembling the other, is called the womens' pachih.
- ↑ Chatō (chatur) is also the name for the ordinary game of chess, which is only played by the greater chiefs. In some places it is used to signify one of the forms of the tiger-game (meurimuëng-rimuëng).
- ↑ I have seen this game of chatō as here described played by Kling (Tamil) immigrants in Province Wellesley. The Malays call it main chongkak. It is described by Skeat, Malay Magic, p. 486. (Translator).
- ↑ The name is derived from pacchīs the Hindustani for 25 that being one of the highest (according to Herklots' description the highest) throw of the game.
- ↑ Mogol-Puttʾhān.
- ↑ Mudranggam.
- ↑ From the Arabic ḍauq ((Arabic characters)) = savour or taste in general, and in particular the savour of the divine things of the mystics which sometimes causes a temporary loss of consciousness.
- ↑ For the "ape-suggestion" they sing the following verse: chhòʾ kalichhèʾ, kalichhòʾ, kanji rumi, meuteumeung kayèë cheukòʾ, jigòʾ-gòʾ lé si banggi, i.e. "Chhòʾ, the paste of Stambul is already slippery, already slippery, he finds a crooked tree. Opium smoker (nickname of the eungkòng, owing to his constant yawning) shakes him". The verse containing the elephant suggestion is almost entirely untranslateable.
- ↑ The Malay pitch and toss is called main bunga kepala, as the copper coins in use have all a head (kepala) on one side and some conventional ornamentation (bunga) on the other.
- ↑ Among te Malays, one of the commonest gambling games played with coins is that known as tuju lubang (= "aim-at-the-hole"). It is mentioned but not described by both Newbold and Skeat; the former erroneously calls it tujoh lubang (= "sevenholes"). It is played as follows: a hole is made in the ground and each of the two players puts up a certain number of coins, say five a-piece. The first player stands at a prescribed distance and tries to throw all the coins into the hole. Should he fail to get any in, his opponent selects one as they lie and the first player has a shot at it with a spare coin. Should he hit it he has another turn; otherwise the turn passes to his opponent. Should the first player get all the coins into the hole, they all become his property; where some fall in and some remain outside, he gets a shot at one of the latter selected by the adversary, and if he can hit it without touching another (bacha) he wins them all; otherwise he only wins such as fall into the hole. In Malacca this game is known as main kôba, (Translator).
- ↑ This resembles the Chinese game of poh, which is however slightly more complicated, as the players are allowed to bet on the lines separating the spaces, somewhat as in roulette. Instead of a coin the Chinese spin a little heavy brass box with a lid fitting over it, containing a die coloured red and white. The box which has a slightly rounded bottom is spun in the centre of the table. The lid is drawn off when the revolutions cease and the winners are those to whose side the red inclines. (Translator).
- ↑ This game is practically identical with the Chinese fantan, the most popular of all gambling games in China, Counters are generally used by the Chinese in place of coins, and the handful is carefully divided into fours with a small bamboo wand. (Translator).
- ↑ Malay sakopong. For an account of the Malay card games, see Skeat's Malay Magic pp. 487–493. (Translator).
- ↑ The Malays in the N. of the Straits call them měrěbōʾ the identical word used by the Achehnese, making allowance for the difference in pronunciation. (Translator).
- ↑ In the case of bullocks this symbolical challenge is called pupòʾ (the same name as is given to the combat proper); that of rams is known as peusigòng, and of birds peututòʾ, peuchutòʾ, peuchatòʾ or peuchōh.
- ↑ Fights between animals, though now prohibited by law in the Colony of the Straits Settlements and discouraged by the Government of the Federated Malay States, have till recently and still are in the outlying districts, as popular among the Malays of the Peninsula as in Acheh. Skeat. (Malay Magic pp. 468–483) has collected and given in full the information furnished with regard to these pastimes by Newbold (Malacca vol. II, pp. 179–183 etc.) and Clifford (In Court and Kampong pp. 48–61 etc.). Cockfighting is especially dear to the Malay; the birds are generally armed with an artificial spur in the shape of a sharp steel blade (taji) which inflicts most deadly wounds, and the combats are thus usually à l'outrance. (Translator).
- ↑ To allow oxen, rams and buffaloes to fight is called pupòʿ (the actual fighting is mupòʿ); in the case of birds the terms are peulòt and meulòt; in the case of crickets peukab and meukab.
- ↑ Only so called—"the Kling cricket"—from its dark colour; it is much used for fights.
- ↑ These lines were written in 1893.
- ↑ The root meaning of the word in Arabic is "standing firm"; it is applied to persons with a fixed as opposed to a temporary employment, and to things which are firmly fixed or settled.
- ↑ The distinction between the rātib as a ḍikir chanted in chorus by a number of persons and a ḍikir which can be chanted by a single person, is entirely local. In Arabia every ḍikr, whether recited alone or in chorus at fixed seasons, is called rātib.
- ↑ For further details respecting this teacher and his pupil Abdurraʾuf, also revered as a saint in Acheh, see p. 17 et seq. above.
- ↑ A number of other sacred tales are employed in the same way in the Archipelago as for instance that of the shaving of Muhammad's head, the Biography of Sheikh Abdulqādir Jailāni, called in West-Java Hikayat Sèh (Shaikh) etc., etc.
- ↑ In certain Malayan countries the planting and threshing of padi are performed by the whole of a neighbourhood in coöperation (běrdrao). This system recalls the "bees" of the United States of America. At the threshing a sort of noisy ratib is performed, varied by the occasional distribution of cocoanuts and sugarcane to the threshers. This custom is dying out in Province Wellesley, but is still to be met with in Perak. (Translator).
- ↑ Meuseujidéharam Alahu Alahu, Meuseujidéharam na ureuëng dua dròë—nabiteu sidròë sabatneu dua. Neupeuʾét surat keudéh nanggròë Cham—geuyuë masōʾ éseulam bandum blanda. Kaphé Yahudi han jitém masōʾ—dalam suntōʾ runtōh agama.
- ↑ As we saw above (p. 82 note 3) the popular tradition of the Achehnese is prone to regard the European infidels as followers of the prophet Musa (Moses) and worshippers of the sun.
- ↑ Dalam Cheuruga bukòn peungeuīh lé—meugantung kandé ban siseun lingka. Kandé meugantung hana ngòn talòë—meugantung keudròë Tuhan karōnya.
- ↑ This book is called al-Jawāhir al-khamsah. See Loth's Catalogue of the Arabic Manuscripts of the library of the India Office (London 1877) p. 185–87.
- ↑ This caricature of râtib is unknown among the Malays. (Translator).
- ↑ Probably the Arab. raddād, which properly means "repeater" or "answerer", a name which is used in reference to the performers in other ḍikrs as well as these.
- ↑ Tijdschr. van het Batav. genootschap, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 158 et seq. This contribution adds nothing to the knowledge of the matter indicated by its title.
- ↑ This appears to be a corruption of the Arabic ja sayyidanā, "Oh, our Lord!"
- ↑ Arab. baʾda ʾs-salām i.e. "after the benediction".
- ↑ From çallʾ Allāh, the beginning of the well known prayer for a blessing upon the Prophet.
- ↑ The meaning is "I lay your commands upon my head (in token of obedience) as though they were flowers".
- ↑ See Vol. I, p. 256.
- ↑ See Vol. I, p. 409.
- ↑ This is the name of the great expanse of cultivated land lying on the borders of the Dalam (royal residence and fortified enclosure) of Acheh.
- ↑ Chéʾbréʾ or chibréʾ is the name of a tree known as juar in Java, where it is extensively used as a shade-tree on the roadsides.
- ↑ The words "Here followeth" to "where he may" are in very corrupt Arabic pronounced in the Achehnese fashion.
- ↑ Here the speaker, while apparently alluding to the miraculous deeds of Raja Beureuhat is really referring to the wondrous performance by which he and his party mean to drive their opponents from the field. The sequel is a more or less contemptuous challenge.
- ↑ As to the impression produced in Acheh by this Malay name for the Governor of that country, see Vol. I, p. 171.
- ↑ After first putting a question as to the forms prescribed by the law for ritual ablutions, the speaker now compares his mind to a water-jar, in which is to be found all manner of water (i. e. knowledge).
- ↑ As to the common use and misuse of this formula by the Achehnese, see Vol. I, p. 311, footnote.
- ↑ This is of course meant ironically, for directly afterwards the opposite party is represented as unfitted even to propound questions.
- ↑ See p. 27 above.
- ↑ These four sins are frequently grouped together, especially in mystic works.
- ↑ I. e, "with your pennyworth of learning you dare to take your stand in the great arena of theological controversy".
- ↑ See p. 75 above.
- ↑ The singing of such a refrain is called meuchakrum.
- ↑ A talòë or karang consists of ten flowers tied together; ten talòë form one tungkōy.
- ↑ Here the sadati repeats the complaint with which many Achehnese authors or copyists preface their works.
- ↑ Here the sadati recalls the episode, in the well-known Hikayat Malém Diwa, of the town which was entirely laid waste by the geureuda, the only person saved being the beautiful princess Meureundam Diwi, who was concealed by her father in a drum. See pp. 127, 146 above.
- ↑ See p. 120 above.
- ↑ As to the meaning of this Malayan title (Tuan Běsar) see Vol. I, p. 171.
- ↑ A woman named Chut Nyaʾ Patimah was in fact ulèëbalang of this place for a number of years.
- ↑ The meaning is: "shouldst thou be successful in this sadati contest, no marks of honour are too great for thee".
- ↑ Here we have the daléms' vow.
- ↑ See Vol. I, p. 156.
- ↑ See Vol. I, p. 34.
- ↑ Here commences another geographical disquisition, which takes us from Acheh to the North and East Coasts.
- ↑ See Vol. I, p. 163.
- ↑ This curious erection in the neighbourhood of the Dalam, now incorrectly named Kotta Pechut (Kuta Pòchut) by Europeans, is said by the Achehnese to have been constructed by a former king of Acheh in the form of a mountain to relieve the home-sickness of his consort a native of the highlands of the interior.
- ↑ This ulèëbalang, father of the present chief, was actually driven out of house and home by his enemies from Meureudu.
- ↑ Title given to the chiefs (kějuruan) of settlements at the mouths of rivers.
- ↑ This was a chief subject to Teungku di Bukét, as to whom see Vol. I, p. 156.
- ↑ This island formed part of the sphere of influence of the well-known Tuanku Asém (ob. 1897), the guardian of the young pretender to the sultanate.
- ↑ Pinang represents for the Achehnese "the world" in all its aspects both good and evil.
- ↑ Mal. rumah panjang = house of ill-fame. (Translator)
- ↑ This sort of leuëʾ (see p. 211 above) continually emits short broken sounds, and is regarded as excelling in tameness and skill in fighting. The word ragòë, which we have translated clever, also means tame.
- ↑ As to the greed with which the ulèëbalangs appropriate the rice-fields of their subjects under fictations pretexts, see Vol. I, p. 115.
- ↑ A sailing ship once famous in Acheh, belonging to an Arab named Ali Bannān, which took many pilgrims to Arabia.
- ↑ See Vol. I p. 199.
- ↑ The popular representation of Acheh as a triangle (lhèë sagòë) finds here its counterpart in that of Pidië as a square, the divisions of the latter being in like manner named from the numbers of mukims which make them up.
- ↑ In the Hikayat Pòchut Muhamat (see pp. 92–93 etc. above), the territory of Béntara Keumangan (Pangulèë Beunaròë) is called the IX Mukims which appellation it still retains.
- ↑ The "burōng" worshipped as a saint, see Vol. I p. 379.
- ↑ Abdoraʾōh (see Vol. I p. 156, and above pps 17 etc.) formerly the greatest saint of Acheh, now the second after Teungku Anjōng.
- ↑ Cf. Vol. I footnote to p. 138, The details of this geographical kisah, as the reader may have observed, belong to an earlier period.
- ↑ See p. 148 above.
- ↑ Pulèt properly means "to turn a thing inside out"; the ratéb is so called because the rings used therein are continually twisted by the movements of the player.
- ↑ Chuëʾ is an earthenware bowl or platter used as a receptacle for children's food or for sambals (relishes eaten with curry) etc. The shape of the bowl is like that of the bòh pulèt except that the latter has no bottom.
- ↑ Bruëʾ properly means cocoanut-shell, and is also used for other hemispherical objects.
- ↑ See Vol. I, pp. 130, 165, 191.
- ↑ For instance in the Tiryāq al-muḥibbīn of Abdarraḥmān al-Wasīṭī, printed in Cairo in A. H. 1304. In the works of Ibn Khallikân we however find reference to the methods of the Rifāʾites, and to the animadversion which they aroused in certain theological circles.
- ↑ See the interesting treatise of M. Quedenfelt, Aberglaube und halbreligiose Bruderschaften bei den Marokkanern, in the Zeitschrift für Ethnologie for the year 1886, N°. VI, and especially pp. 686 etc.
- ↑ See for instance Lane's Manners and customs of the Modern Egyptians, 5th edit. Vol. I p. 305; Vol. II pp. 93, 216.
- ↑ Such self wounding is but little resorted to by the Malays, though it is rife among the Klings or Tamil Mohammedans residing in the Peninsula. Wilkinson (Mal. Dict. Vol. I p. 282) gives dabus as the name of the peculiar puncher or awl with a short spike (so as only to inflict a superficial wound) used for this voluntary infliction of wounds. (Translator).
- ↑ In Menangkabau dabuih. This word has been wrongly rendered by Van der Toorn.
- ↑ It happened quite recently in West Java for example that a firm believer had himself initiated by a khalifah into the devotion of Rifāʾī, and subsequently fell a victim to the serious wounds which he inflicted on himself at his very first performance.
- ↑ See p. 34 above.
- ↑ As for example Naqshiband, the allusion to whom in the sadati performance so misled Van den Berg.
- ↑ Oh He, Allah, Oh my Lord! Mèëlòë is corrupted from the Arabic maulāy = maulāya "my Lord."
- ↑ This word is a corruption of the Arabic shaiʾ lillāh "something done for the sake of God" which is frequently found in ḍikirs, and which is used to introduce a fatihah recited in honour of a prophet or saint. As it is here entirely out of place, I have left it untranslated.
- ↑ This word is a corruption of billāhi, i.e. "By God! for God's sake!", but it conveys no meaning to the ordinary Achehnese.
- ↑ It is a great secret of all formulas of exorcism against objects or beings injurious to man, to throw in their teeth their own names, their origin or a description of their nature, or resist them with an incantation in some way derived from that against which it is used.
- ↑ Both these verses contain allusions of a profoundly mystic nature.
- ↑ See page 253.
- ↑ See page 253.
- ↑ The common expression for the holy war.
- ↑ See p. 253.
- ↑ Here is invoked the name of the most distinguished teacher of the law in Acheh during the flourishing period of the kingdom. See pp. 12 etc., above.
- ↑ See the very popular hikayat regarding this hero p, 134 above.
- ↑ See p. 251 above.
- ↑ This also is not customary among the Malays through not uncommonly practised by Mohammedan Klings. (Translator).
- ↑ It will be seen that Van Langen's remarks on Achehnese music in his article in the Tijdschrift van het Koninklijk Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap, longer articles, 2nd series, Part V, p. 468 require correction and expansion.
- ↑ It is in fact a kind of jew's-harp. The Malay instrument of the same name is made of bamboo. A short section is selected and so cut as to leave three or four long prongs projecting from the solid end which is gripped in the mouth. These prongs are made to vibrate by the trituration of the string and produce a musical sound by their reverberation. I learn from the author that a similar instrument is used in Java; it is known as pōpō among the Gayō people and as karinding or rinding in W. Java. (Translator).
- ↑ The Malay bangsi is the same as the instrument here described, It has a danting or chiselled mouth-piece like a penny whistle; another instrument similar in all respects except that it has a straight mouth-piece is called nabat by the Malays. (Translator).
- ↑ The drum used in the mosques to announce the time of prayer and which is called bědug in Java and tabuh in other parts of Sumatra, is also known as tambu in Acheh, or is called tambu raya for the sake of distinction. [The Malays call it gěndang raya]. (Translator).
- ↑ The Malay sěrunai is identical with the instrument here described. The word is of Persian origin, Its bell-shaped mouth is called krongsong. (Translator).
- ↑ The geundrang as here described appears to correspond to the Malay tabuh, a two-ended drum of slightly oval shape. The Malay gěndang is also two-ended, but one end is smaller than the other, and the sides are straight. (Translator).
- ↑ Cf. Vol. I pp. 390 and 393.
- ↑ The Malay rěbah. It somewhat resembles a guitar and is much used in Malay mayongs (Translator).
- ↑ This instrument derives its name from its resemblance (in the imagination of the Achehnese) to the gumbaʾ or topknot of hair worn by the people of the interior. The shape of the gumbaʾ is suggested by the narrowness of the portion between the body and the foot of the drum.
- ↑ In Pidië there is now [1892] a women named Si Buntōʾ who enjoys a great reputation as a singer, especially owing to her skill in improvising pantōns containing covert allusions to the private history of the ulèëbalangs. Her husband Pang Pasi figures as her buffoon, I have been told that this couple had given successful performances at the "Court" at Keumala.
The performance here described has its counterpart in the mayong of the Malays. The orchestra for this is 2 tabuhs or oval drums played with the hand, 2 gongs, 1 sěrunai, a resonant metal bar, and 1 rěbab. The female actress is called putri (princess) and the buffoon, who weard a hideous long-nosed red mask, pěran. There is also an actor called paʾyōng = prince. The woman wears long artificial finger-nails of silver, and often varies her performance by acrobatic feats, such as bending over backwards and picking up a coin from the ground with her lips! (Translator).
- ↑ Mal. lagu (Translator).
- ↑ See above pp. 73 et seq.
- ↑ The leaves of the punteut-tree are eaten as vegetables, and not used to wrap rice in
- ↑ According to another reading: "he chokes to death".
- ↑ S. e. the ranub dòng, which accompanies the tauda kòng narit: see Vol. 1 pp. 300–301.
- ↑ From the Malay pěrhiasan "an ornament", but used as we see in quite a peculiar sense in Achehnese.