The American Indian/Chapter 13

CHAPTER XIII

MYTHOLOGY

Under the general name of folklore, we have a more or less distinct department of inquiry, with its own particular societies and journals whose supporters consider the whole unwritten literature of the earth as their province, whether it pertains to primitive groups or to the most advanced nations. However, in our country, the American Folk-Lore Society has given its attention almost wholly to the mythology of the aborigines. Every such tribe, so far examined, has been found to possess two kinds of tales, those referring to a previous order of events, and those having to do with the present. The latter take the form of anecdotes, hero tales, etc., and, regardless of the many fictitious elements they contain, have the form of narratives of real events. The former deal with a period in which the world was taking shape and the present order of things evolving. While it may be true that a tribe will regard one of these two classes of tales as worthy of belief as the other, they yet recognize them as different. In this volume we shall designate as myths all tales that deal with this mythical pre-world, or that partake of the mythical style.

In the first place, the myths of the world embody one universal feature: namely, that the animals and heavenly bodies are endowed with human qualities and associate with man indiscriminately. One can scarcely find a well-developed tale in which animals, heavenly bodies, or both, together, do not play the part of human beings. Another peculiarity is that but rarely do any of these tales convey a moral or even pretend to exemplify worthy ideals. In fact, we often find the standard of ethics and morals of the tales much at variance with the tribe of the narrator. On the other hand, these tales frequently profess to convey information as to the origins of specific features in the modern world. Thus, the alternation of day and night is, in some cases, explained as due to the original theft of daylight by a culture hero, who, finding himself closely pursued, casts out the daylight bit by bit. Again, the markings in the bark of the birch trees are explained on the ground that once a culture hero in anger gashed the tree with his knife. Yet, if we take native myths as they come, such explanations much more often apply to peculiarities of the heavens and the markings upon birds and animals than to other classes of phenomena. Another peculiarity is that the initial creation of the world is a single incident, generally disposed of in a single simple narrative, whereas we find many complex independent tales, each accounting for more or less trivial animal markings. Waterman^[1] has discussed this diffuse explanatory character of American tales under the designation, explanatory element. The important problem is as to whether these tales were originally composed as theoretical explanations of natural phenomena in each case, or whether the explanatory applications were mere afterthoughts. Waterman's investigation, in particular, seems to make it clear that in the New World such explanations are quite secondary and could not have been in the mind of the first composer. This conclusion is reached by a comparative study of the myths for many tribes and is, of course, inferential.

The place of the heavenly bodies in aboriginal myth has been investigated by Ehrenreich,^[2] who defended a theory which states that most of the plots in all tales were but variations of a single theme in which the sun and moon were the leading characters. He took as one of his main factors the submitting of a hero to various kinds of tests. This topic also has been made the subject of exhaustive inquiry under the title of The Test Theme.^[3] Here, again, the result is negative, and Ehrenreich's theory has been retired to the historical cabinet.

While such problems are of great interest, their solutions are contingent upon facts of distribution. The data so far accumulated enable us to compare the mythologies of the several tribes occupying large areas. When we do so, we find certain tales in common. For example, take the story of the Dancing Birds:—

A trickster induces a number of birds to dance around him, keeping their eyes closed. The penalty for opening the eyes is that they will become red. As the birds dance, the trickster wrings their necks, one by one. One of the dancers grows suspicious, opens his eyes, and gives the alarm. The rest escape.^[4]

We find this tale among most Algonkin and Siouan tribes and a few of their neighbors. Approximating this distribution is the "Woman who Went to the Sky", the "Crane Bridge", "Snaring the Sun", and the "Deserted Children". Thus, we have what seems to be a mythological area over which a number of distinct tales have traveled.

For another type tale, we may take the "Rolling Rock", which is found among the Shoshoni tribes of the western highlands, and among some of their immediate neighbors. Quite similarly distributed are the "Burning Cannibal", "Eye Juggler", "Ladder of Arrows", "Skin Shifter", and "Blind Dupe". These have one further peculiarity in that they show a tendency to occur on the North Pacific Coast and in eastern Siberia. Thus we have, in contrast to the preceding, a western mythological area.

Boas^[5] defines another area, comprising the Nahua, some of the Pueblo tribes, the Caddoan tribes of the Mississippi Valley, and perhaps a few others, in which we find myths recounting successive migrations.

Common to the first two areas and extending far over the Old World, is the "Magic Flight", "Vaginal Teeth", and the "Unfaithful Wife". The former tale extends into South America, making it one of the most widely recurring themes.

One striking trait of Mexico, northwestern South America, eastern Brazil, and southeastern United States, is that we find many Old World themes of which the race between the turtle and rabbit is a good example. Boas^[6] has formulated evidence to show that these tales can be traced to early Spanish and Portuguese sources. The latter, and the institution of negro slavery, he considers responsible for the many African themes encountered.

There is also the suggestion of a tendency for each of the great economic areas we have defined (p. 8) to have a distinct group of myths. For example, in the bison area we have the well-known myths of "Blood-clot Boy", "Stone-Boy", and the "Twins".

The peculiarity of the distribution we have just sketched is that we here have a number of tale groups which are distributed independently of each other. If we had found each tale distributed independently of the others, it would have been clear that the directions and extent of diffusion were mere matters of accident; but, when we find tales in groups which are independent, the case is far from clear. So far, the tales of a group show no signs of logical or functional relations, from which we assume that there are historical reasons for this grouping, but as to their identity we are yet ignorant. It should be noted, however, that these areas are as yet but vaguely defined and that Waterman's list of correspondences leaves very marked gaps for the successive myths. More extended data in the future may greatly modify these results.

When we shift our point of view to the place of these tales in aboriginal life, the most acceptable interpretation is that they are literature; in other words, artistic compositions valued and preserved for the sake of their æsthetic qualities. We have noted that these tales fail to qualify as native theories of origin or as explanatory and test themes, but as literature, some myths rise to the level of sacred narratives and are so regarded by all of the tribe. No very serious attempts have been made to subject large groups of tales to literary analysis, but it is suggested that what is diffused from one tribe to another is a compact definite incident, as the "Magic Flight", the "Eye-Juggler", etc., the whole of which must be taken if at all.^[7] One may, therefore, infer that the causes for the grouping of incidents we have noted arise from the probability that the same historical factors favoring the diffusion of one tale also operated simultaneously with the other. The only antecedent condition, therefore, would be that the group be formed before it was diffused. From such a point of view the phenomenon is intelligible.

That the Inca and the Nahua, at least, had made important advances in literary form is suggested by a few surviving fragments, as noted under Fine Arts (p. 141). The celebrated Inca drama, "Apu Ollantay", has strong claim to being pre-Columbian and certain poetical fragments have come down to us from the Maya and Nahua. That these should have been of a high order is to be expected for, as noted under Fine Arts, we find even among the tribes of the bison area, song rituals of dramatic and poetical merit.^[8] In some cases, conspicuously in some Pueblo and North Pacific Coast ceremonies, well-composed rituals are enacted, staging sacred mythical tales in which the characters are impersonated by the use of masks and other accessories. The purely literary side of these rituals and songs has never been seriously studied.

MYTHOLOGY AND RELIGIOUS CONCEPTIONS

Some of the older writers^[9] have noted the wide distribution of a kind of white-man god, and sought to demonstrate its origin in the phenomena of the sun. This interpretation has not survived criticism, but it serves to call attention to an interesting mythical character. As we have noted, in the god systems of the Inca, Chibcha, Maya, and Nahua, there appears a distinctly human god who lives among men and establishes the present order, but after a time departs. The names under which he is known are, respectively: Viracocha, Bochica, Kukulcan, and Quetzalcoatl. In each case, he is regarded as clothed in white cloth or paint, as having arrived from the East, and as having a beard. When Europeans appeared upon the scene, the local term for this god was applied to them, and entered into the future terminology. We thus have the associated characters of whiteness, bearded, human-like, dawn-like, culture leader, and reformer continuously distributed from Chile to the Rio Grande. But this complex extends even farther afield. In the bison area the Cheyenne Vihuk, the Arapaho Nili-an-can, and the Blackfoot Napiwa possess all of these except the beard, yet each in turn forms the term applied to individuals of our race. In South America the Tsuma of Venezuela seems to have been identical with the whole complex, and the Tupi Zume seems to have been but little different. With the exception of the bison area group, we have practically continuity of distribution, and so far the whole complex has not been found outside of these limits. As Brinton has stated, we can find lesser units of this complex more widely distributed, but his effort to show that these facts of distribution prove that each group devised the conception independently to explain the phenomena of the sun, dawn, etc., is not convincing, for it seems far more probable that the complex was evolved in one locality and thence diffused. Perhaps one of the most striking traits of this character is that in contrast to most other gods of the New World, he is a person, not an animal or an astronomical monster. To our mind, this one fact is a strong argument for diffusion as against the independent origin theory.

Another widely diffused concept is that of the culture hero trickster.^[10] The most notorious of these are the Raven of the North Pacific Coast, the Coyote of the great western highlands, and the Rabbit of the eastern forest region. The peculiarity of this character is that while he gives us the order of the world, he stoops to the most vile pranks that can be conceived and frequently passes as the most guileless of dupes. Several investigators^[11] have tried to harmonize these, to us, incompatible traits, but it remains simply a fact of observation and may be set down as one of the general characteristics of New World mythology.

Of lesser imaginary beings, the most unique are the thunderbird and the plumed or horned serpent. The former is widely distributed in the United States and Canada; the latter is found from Chile to Lake Superior.

The conception of a deluge destroying the world and its immediate restoration in the present order, is almost universal. It is found in the highlands of Peru and Mexico as well as in the lowlands of both continents.

We have already commented upon the animal-like beings that visit a supplicant in his lonely fast, which is an aspect of the fundamental belief in the animation of nature. Animism,^[12] in the broadest sense of the term, was universal and fundamental in the beliefs of the New World. The procedures of the shaman we have discussed are an expression of this faith. Of specific beliefs of this class, the most widespread seem to be those of the bear and the jaguar. From California to the Atlantic, we find the idea that shamans who derive their power from the bear can heal wounds and often restore life. Throughout the Amazon and even into the highlands of Peru and Mexico has spread the idea that the jaguar is the patron saint of all shamans, whose form many of them take on at will.

Three well-localized methods of purifying oneself for sacred offices have been noted. In the whole of the United States and Canada, except among the Eskimo and some of their near neighbors, the sweat house is used. From some notes by Bandelier,^[13] the custom seems to have been followed by the Mexicans also, but they in common with the Maya, Chibcha, and Inca resorted to bleeding, or the offering of drops of blood, for the same purpose. In the Amazon Basin and the West Indies, violent emetics were taken for purging the body. The latter lapped over into the sweat house area along the Gulf, and even in the Pueblo area, while the bleeding method is found in the bison area.

The burning of incense, including the highly original use of tobacco, was almost universal.

The conception of renewing the fire was found in most agricultural tribes, often associated with planting and general seasonal rejuvenation. In modern times, the fire is still kindled with the firedrill or other primitive appliances. In the North, the ceremony appears even among the Pawnee, where, as elsewhere, the fire is kindled by a particular shaman or priest.

In the various discussions of ritualism, we have noted the tendency of the group to follow the whole year through with one ceaseless complex of ceremonies. This is far more conspicuous among the maize-growing tribes. Also closely associated with this cycle is the worship of the sun, moon, winds, rain, morningstar, and other heavenly phenomena.

The concept of the vow was widely diffused in the same area. In the Andean region, one when ill may promise the ceremony of giving gold ornaments to a sacred lake; in the bison area, to have a sun dance or other rituals performed, while between these two outposts it appears in analogous forms. The distinction we have noted between the shaman and the priest has its bearing here, for it is the latter upon whom the patient calls when a vow is made, and upon him devolves the duty of performing the prescribed rites.

Somewhat analogous to this is the confession of sins. In Mexico, this seems to have been a prominent feature, particularly sexual sins. What may be a reverberation of this extends far up into the United States, where many tribes exact periodic public confessions of sexual irregularities at which all adults must declare themselves in turn. In a wider sense, the concept is found among the Eskimo who have developed many curious taboos respecting every phase of life, the violation of which brings illness, etc., unless promptly confessed. In Peru, special confessions were required.

While there are many other concepts of greater or more restricted distribution, we may close this enumeration with reference to one special group of ideas. A kind of abstract notion of a sacred quality is entertained which develops specific terms. The best known of these is the wakan^[14] of the Siouan stock, which has its parallels in a number of other languages. In old Peru, the term was huaca. The conception seems to be the attribute of possessing or directly associating with extra-human power. In function the terms resemble our sacred, holy, etc., except that they are applied to anything mysterious.

Another abstract idea is that of the four world quarters, or four directions. This is sometimes expressed by crosses and swastika-like symbols. The number four, whether for this reason or otherwise, is to a large extent the sacred number of the New World. Even in Inca and Nahua organizations, we find it often taken as the numerical unit. In many parts of both continents, smoke is offered to the four directions, and most ceremonial acts are repeated in sets of fours.

There appears a tendency for certain tribes to divide into two halves, usually designated as summer and winter groups, whose chiefs lead alternately according to the season. This is quite conspicuous in the Mississippi Valley, whence it extends into Mexico, and has its counterparts in Peru. The mere social cleavage into two parts, or moieties, we have considered elsewhere (p. 159), but, like certain other social traits, this, also, has its ceremonial associations which greatly expand the complex. These mythical and religious concepts offer a fine field for further study. We have here but mentioned a few of the best known, but for no one of them can so much as a complete distribution be stated. The whole subject of mythical thought, philosophical and religious conceptions as a New World contribution to man's history is still before us.

UNITY OF NEW WORLD CULTURE

Our initial task, a general review of the most important traits of culture for the various native social units of the New World is now finished. The one striking suggestion is that notwithstanding the great diversity we have found, there are, on every hand, the unmistakable signs of unity. The higher cultures of Mexico and Peru are, after all, merely the great centers where the fundamental elements in New World culture were full blown. Thus, we found that agriculture, metal work, ceramics, architecture, and sculpture, all centered there. In addition, there were a number of specific instances of miscellaneous traits that radiated from these centers. Confronted as we are by the undeniable evidences for the local diffusion of culture traits in all parts of both continents, it would be difficult to conceive of the existence of these virile centers in entire isolation.

But passing on to less material traits, we find even stronger claims to unity of culture. Thus, society itself was almost everywhere composed of the same kind of units, whose conceptions of property and political rights were the same. Ritualism, priestcraft, and shamanism, mythological conceptions, and religious attitudes also show many specific cases of uniformity. Hence, we are fully justified in regarding the New World as one distinct culture province. These considerations, however, lead us into problems best deferred to the end of this work.

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1. Waterman, 1914. I.
2. Ehrenreich, 1905. I.
3. Lowie, 1908. I.
4. Waterman, 1914. I, p. 44.
5. Boas, 1914. I.
6. Boas, 1914. I.
7. Boas in Teit, 1898. I; Radin, 1915. I; Alexander, 1916 I.
8. Fletcher, 1904. I.
9. Brinton, 1882. I.
10. Boas, 1914. I.
11. Boas, 1914. I.
12. Tylor, 1889. I.
13. Bandelier, 1884. I.
14. Jones, W., 1905. I.