The New York Times/1918/11/11/Peace Conference Now London Topic
PEACE CONFERENCE NOW LONDON TOPIC
Speed a Prime Requisite, it is Believed, in Bringing Plenipotentiaries Together.
QUESTION IS "WHAT NEXT?"
Germany Not Thought Likely to Go to the Extremes Seen in Russia and Austria.
Copyright, 1918, by The New York Times Company.
Special Cable to The New York Times.
LONDON, Monday, Nov. 11.—While it will be necessarily take some time to arrange the preliminaries for a peace conference, since America's plenipotentiaries, for instance, could hardly arrive with requisite agenda under a month, and in some quarters a much longer period is expected to elapse before the conference gets to work, there is a profound feeling here that the utmost expedition is desirable.
The expectation here is that the first step will be to summon a more or less informal conference of the Allies to settle the preliminaries. Much, however, will depend on the question as to what enemy Governments will be in existence to deal with.
The conclusion of hostilities finds England with greatly enhanced prestige in the world and with power such as she never before wielded. The Chronicle says:
"By her alliance with America she is indeed arbiter of war and peace in the universe. Satisfaction is profound in this country that the peace is in every sense a British peace, responding exactly to our desires and providing, if such is possible, some compensation for our sacrifices."
However, the lengths to which the revolution will go in Germany will influence to a large extent the character of the peace. Some fears are expressed that no durable government may at first rise out of the ashes of imperialism. On the other hand, a wide extension of the revolution does not necessarily portend Bolsehvism, as it is considered that the natural discipline of the German people will restrain them from excesses, provided the morale of the army is not too hopelessly compromised by the sweeping movements of the allied troops.
It is clearly within the power of any General who retains the confidence of his troops to restore quiet by suppressing outbreaks. An analogy between Russia and Germany is by no means complete, for the Germans are educated and accustomed to self-control.
The weakness of the position, however, resides in the fact that the middle classess lack initiative and have depended in the past entirely upon the Government.
They are therefore little likely to contribte materially to the re-establishment of order. Again there is not the same reason why Germany should follow the example of Austria and break into constitutent parts.
There are no racial differences to accentuate the political divisions in the German Empire, yet there are undoubted signs of separatism. The effort to form a republic in Schleswig-Holstein is due largely to racial causes, for the Danish element is notoriously anti-German.
Though Ebert belongs to the majority Socialists, who until recently supported the Government in all its proceedings, there is evidence elsewhere that minority Socialists such as Haase and Ledebour at Hamburg are themselves co-operating to restore order. The danger is that tomorrow the public, maddened by its sufferings and by deceptions practiced upon it, will proceed to extreme lengths.