The Origins of the Islamic State

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The Origins of the Islamic State  (1916) 
by Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyá al-Balādhurī, translated by Philip Khuri Hitti



Chapter I

Al-Madinah 15

Chapter II

The Possessions of the banu-an-Nadir 34

Chapter III

The Possessions of the banu-Kuraizah 40

Chapter IV

Khaibar 42

Chapter V

Fadak 50

Chapter VI

Wadi-1-Kura and Taima' 57

Chapter VII

Makkah 60

Chapter VIII

The Wells of Makkah 77

Chapter IX

The Floods in Makkah 82

Chapter X

At-Ta'if 85

Chapter XI

Tabalah and Jurash 91

Chapter XII

Tabuk, Ailah, Adhruh, Makna and al-Jarba' 92

Chapter XIII

Dumat al-Jandal 95

Chapter XIV

The Capitulation of Najrin 98

Chapter XV

Al-Yaman 106


TJmin 116

Chapter XVII

Al-Babrain 120

Chapter XVIII

Al-Yamamah 132

Chapter XIX

The Apostasy of the Arabs in the Caliphate of abu-Bakr as-Siddik .'. 143

Chapter XX

The Apostasy of the banu-Wali'ah and al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais ibn-Ma'dikarib ibn-Mu'awiyah-1-Kindi 153

Chapter XXI

Al-Aswad al-'Ansi and those in al-Yaman who Apostatized with him 159


Chapter I

The Conquest of Mesopotamia [al-Jazirah] 269

Chapter II

The Christians of the banu-Taghlib ibn-Wa'il 284

Chapter III

The Fortifications of the Mesopotamian Frontier 287

Chapter IV

Arabic made the Language of the State Registers 301


Chapter I

The Conquest of Armenia 305


Chapter I

The Conquest of Egypt and al-Maghrib [Mauritania] 335

Chapter II

The Conquest of Alexandria 346

Chapter III

The Conquest of Barkah and Zawilah 352

Chapter IV

The Conquest of Tripoli 355

Chapter V

The Conquest of Ifrikiyah .................................. 35

Chapter VI

The Conquest of Tanjah [Tangiers] ......................... 3&*


Chapter I

The Conquest of Andalusia ................................ 3$5


Chapter I

The Conquest of Certain Islands in the Sea .................. 375


Chapter I

Terms made with Nubia .................................... 379

Chapter II

The Karatfs ................................................ 33


Chapter I

The Conquest of as-Sawad .................................. 387

The Caliphate of abu-Bakr as-Siddik. Chapter II

The Caliphate of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab ...................... 401

Chapter III

The Battle of Kuss an-Natif, or the Battle of al-Jisr ......... 403

Chapter IV

The Battle of Mihran or an-Nukhailah ...................... 405

Chapter V

The Battle of al-Kadisiyah ................ 409

Chapter VI

The Conquest of al-Mada'in ............ 417

Chapter VII

The Battle of Jalula' ...................... 420

Chapter VIII

The Founding of al-Kufah ...................... 434

Chapter IX

Wasit al-'Irak 449

Chapter X

Al-Bata'ih 453

Chapter XI

Madinat as-Salam 457

Chapter XII

Arabic made the Language of the Register 465


Chapter I

IJulwan 469

Chapter II

The Conquest of Nihawand 471

Chapter III

Ad-Dinawar, Masabadhan and Mihrijankadhaf 478



ALTHOUGH rudimentary elements of historiography can be traced back to the description of the " days ", i. e., the battles between the tribes, and such stories as the " Ma' rib dam ", " the owners of the elephant " and the digging of the " Zamzam well " all of pre-Islamic antiquity , yet Arabic historical writing, in the strict sense of the term, is a branch of Islamic literature. Interest in Muhammad necessitated the compilation of traditions (Ar. hadith) relating to the life and campaigns of the Prophet and his companions. The communistic theocracy of warriors under the early caliphs, and particularly 'Umar's system of assigning state pensions to Moslems according to their kinship to the Prophet, gave impetus to the study of genealogy in which even pagan Arabs, who attached special importance to descent, were interested. The elucidation of passages in poetry, one of the earliest and most fully-developed modes of expression among the Arabs, and the necessity of determining persons and places referred to in their religious literature made philologists apply themselves to historical research. The three sources of Arabian history therefore are: (i) pre-Islamic stories, (2) traditions relative to the life and campaigns of the Prophet and the companions, and (3) genealogical lists and poetical compositions. The earliest books of history are: biography (sirah), books of campaigns (maghazi), and books of genealogy and classes (ansab wa-tabakat) .


The domains of theology, law and history in their early rise overlap and are not sharply defined from one another.

No student of Arabic literature fails to be impressed with the fact that the bearers of the torch of learning among the Arabs were in most cases of foreign and particularly of Persian stock. This is to be explained by the fact that public opinion considered it contemptible for the Arab to busy himself with the pursuit of knowledge to the neglect of the noble art of warring. To this general tendency, however, studying anecdotes, transmitting traditions, and remembering stories especially if they commemorated the deeds of heroes, orators and poets, formed a conspicuous example. We read in al-Mas'udi * that Mu'awiyah the founder of the Umaiyad dynasty " devoted one-third of the night to the reading of the news and battles of the Arabs and non-Arabs." We also read in al-Baydn [1] that al-Mansur the Abbasid caliph after long hesitation decided to put abu-Muslim al-Khurasani to death as a result of hearing an anecdote about Sapor the Persian king. One of the favorite sayings in early Islam was the following found in al-Ikd al-Farid [2] : " For kings the study of genealogy and histories, for warriors the study of battles and biography, and for merchants the study of writing and arithmetic."

The chief source from which history writing flowed was tradition (hadith). It was a pious custom that when Moslems met, one should ask for news (hadith), and the other i ild relate a saying or anecdote of Muhammad. Each event is related in words of eyewitnesses or contemporaries and transmitted to the final narrator through a chain of intermediate reporters. The authenticity of the reported fact

1 Vol. v, p. 77, Paris, 1869.


depends on (i) the continuity of the chain and (2) the confidence in each reporter. Thus would al-Baladhuri start his narrative regarding the campaign of the Prophet against Najran: 1 " Bakr ibn-al-Haitham related to me, that 'Abdallah ibn-Salih related to him, on the authority of al-Laith ibn-Sa'd, on the authority of Yunus ibn-Ziyad al-Aili, on the authority of az-Zuhri, who said. . . ."

This form of historic composition is unique in the case of the Arabs and meets the most essential requirements of modern historiography, namely, " back to the source " and " trace the line of authorities." The system, however, has its drawbacks in that it crystallized the record of events and rendered deviation from the trodden path sacrilegious. Aside from the use of judgment in the choice of isnad the series of authorities the Arabian authors exercised very little power of analysis, criticism, comparison or inference, their golden rule being " what has been once well said need not be told again." At-Tabari, in the introduction to his great work, gives expression to that principle, where, conscious of the exception that many of his readers might take to some of his reports, he pleads,[3] " We only transmit to others what has been transmitted to us."

Another way of handling traditions is that in which the compiler combines different traditions into one continuous whole, prefixing a statement of his authorities or contenting himself by interrupting the narrative, wherever need may be, by citing the particular authority. While al-Baladhuri is an exponent of the former type and spares no pains in basing every fact, whenever possible, on an independent isnad, yet he sometimes resorts to the other method as he himself acknowledges in the first lines of his Futuh (p. 15) :

1 Futuh al-Buldan, p. 98.


41 1 have been informed by certain men learned in tradition, biography and the conquest of the lands whose narratives I transmitted, abridged and pieced up together into one whole/' etc. Where his store of authorities fails him, al-Baladhuri introduces his narratives by " they said," or "he said," or " it was said."

On a geographical basis, Moslem tradition may be grouped into two categories : ( I ) that of al-Madinah as represented by Muhammad ibn-Ishak and al-Wakidi, and (2) that of al-'Irak. Notwithstanding the fact that al-Baladhuri lived in Baghdad, the tradition of al-Madinah, which for obvious reasons is more reliable than that of al-'Irak, forms the basis of his works.

History, whose domain in the time of the first four caliphs was not sharply defined, made its full appearance, and was recorded for the first time under the sway of the Umaiyads. According to al-Fihrist? Mu'awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan 2 summoned from al-Yaman one, 'Abid ibn-Shar-yah, and asked him about past events, histories of the Arabs and foreign kings and " ordered that the answers be recorded." This " book of the kings and past events," however, is lost.

The early favorite forms of writing history were biography, genealogy and description of campaigns. The oldest biography is Sirat Rasul Allah written for al-Mansur by ibn-Ishak (d. 151/767). This we do not possess in its original form but only in the recension of ibn-Hisham (d. 213/834). Genealogy borders on biography and, calling for elucidation, both lead on to history. Genealogical books were first written in the Umaiyad period. The genealogical list served as an army roll. The study of tradition

1 p. 89, ed. Flugel. caliph 41-60/661-680.


necessitated the study of the life and character of the reporter on whom the authenticity of the report depends. Thus the reporters were classified into classes (tabakdt), The most famous writer of tabakat was ibn-Sa'd (d. 230), the secretary of al-Wakidi and the compiler of Kitdb at- Tabakat al-Kabir.

Campaigns playing an important role in the life of Muhammad and the early caliphs soon began to assert their claim for special attention and were treated in special books. Besides, the necessity of recording and studying the campaigns arose from the fact that in levying a tax (kharaj) on the conquered land, those in authority were first confronted with the task of determining whether it was taken " by peace ", " by capitulation ", or " by force ", and what the terms in each case were. This gave rise to many books on campaigns (maghazi), one of the oldest of which is al- Wakidi's (d. 207/822). Some books were issued treating of the conquest of one city, most of which books have been lost. Given a number of books on the conquest of different cities, the next step would be to compile them into one whole. That step was taken by al-Baladhuri the last great historian of Moslem campaigns.

Before the Abbasid period no books on general history were attempted. In the golden age of the Abbasid caliphate and under Persian influence, historiography flourished and developed a new form of composition. The translation of such books as the Pehlevi Khuday-Nama by ibn-al-Mu-kaffa' into the Arabic Kitab al-Muluk, coupled with the fact that the Moslem commonwealth was now richly recruited by Persian converts, made the idea of chronological collocation of events, for which the school of al-Madinah had paved the way, develop to the plan of a complete series of annals. The first to undertake such a history was at-TabarL Thus the historian who at the rise of Islam was a tradition-


ist or reporter becomes now a chronicler. The annalistic method of at-Tabari was followed by ibn-al-Athir and abu- l-Fida.

Al-Mas'udi inaugurated a new system of writing history. Instead of grouping events around years as center, he grouped them around kings, dynasties and races. His system was followed among others by ibn-Khaldun, but did not win so much favor as that of at-Tabari.

The first record we have regarding the life of al-Baladhuri is that of al-Fihrist. 1 Other sources for his life are Yakut, Mu'jam al-Udaba, (pp. 127-132)* and al-Kutubi, Fawat al-Wafaydt (Vol. I, pp. 8-9, Bulak, 1283). Ibn-Khallikan refers to him on more than one occasion but does not give his biography. 3 From these sources we learn that Ahmad ibn-Yahya ibn-Jabir al-Baladhuri was a native of Baghdad descended from Persian stock. His grandfather, Jabir, was secretary to al-Khasib, minister of the finances of Egypt under the caliph ar-Rashid. Ahmad was an intimate friend of the caliphs al-Mutawakkil and al-Musta'in and tutored 'Abdallah, the brilliant son of al-Mu'tazz. He distinguished himself in poetry especially satires, tradition and genealogy. The year 279/892 saw his death, mentally deranged as a result of drinking the juice of the anacardia ( balddhur) ; hence-his surname al-Baladhuri. Besides writing 1'utnh al-Buldan, which is a digest of a larger work that has been lost, he wrote Ansab al-Ashrdf, 4 of which only two volumes are preserved, one in the Schefer collection of the

'p. 113, ed. Fliigcl.

1 Leiden, 1907, ed. Margoliouth.

See also de Goeje's introduction to al-Baladhuri; and Hamaker, Specimen Catalog*, p. 7 seq.

4 Lineage of Nobles. See Hajji Khalifah, vol. i, pp. 455 and 274, ed. Fliigel, Leipzig, 1835.


Bibliotheque Nationale, 1 and the other has been autographed by Ahlwardt. 2 Al-Mas'udi 3 quotes al-Baladhuri's ar-Radd- ' ala ash-Shu'ubiyah (Refutation of ash-Shu'ubiyah), 4 which book is also lost.

Of the works of al-Baladhuri the one that claims our special attention is Futuh al-Buldan. 5 The book shares with other books of Arabic history the advantage of tracing the report back to the source. Being a synopsis of a larger work, its style is characterized by condensation whereby it gains in conciseness but loses in artistic effect and clearness. Certain passages are mutilated and ambiguous. It is free from exaggeration and the flaws of imagination. Throughout the work the sincere attempt of the author to get to the fact as it happened and to record it as it reached him is felt. The chapters on colonization, soldier's pay, land tax, coinage and the like make it especially valuable.

The book does not escape the weaknesses common to Arabian histories. The " ipse dixit " which was a source of strength was also a source of weakness. Once the words supposed to have been uttered by a contemporary or eye-witness are ascertained, the author feels his duty fulfilled, and his function as a historian degenerates into that of a reporter. The personal equation is not only reduced but the personality of the author is almost eliminated, appearing only as a recipient of a tradition. Scarcely an opinion or remark is made. The intellect is not brought to bear on the data.

1 De Goeje, ZDMG, XXXVIII, 382-406.

2 Greifswald, 1883. Cf. Noldeke, GGA, 1883, P- 1096 seq.; Thorbecke, Lbl. Or. Phil., vol. i, pp. 155-156.

3 Vol. iii, pp. 109-110.

4 Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, vol. i, p. 166.

5 ed. De Goeje, Leiden, 1866. See Noldeke, GGA, 1863, 1341-1349.


A weak characteristic of Arabic historians is their utter disregard of the social side of national life. Political history to them is history par excellence. It should, however, be said, to the credit of al-Baladhuri, that while from a modern standpoint he is defective in that respect, still he stands superior to other historians.

As one reads Futuh al-Buldan and is struck by the fact that a long chapter is devoted to the " digging of the wells of Makkah ",1 whereas the conquest of Tripoli, Africa, is dismissed with a few words, [4] he cannot help feeling his sense of proportion suffer. Most of the two chapters entitled " The Founding of al-Kufah " [5] and " of al-Basrah " [6] are devoted to the explanation of the names given to baths, canals and castles and only a small part relates to actual colonization.

One might also add that Arabic historians were not very sensitive on the question of indecency of language. In general the language of Futuh is clean, with the exception of the case of al-Mughirah, the governor of al-Basrah under 'Umar. [7]

According to Haji Khalfa, [8] the first writers on biography and campaigns were, among others, 'Urwah ibn-az-Zubair (d. 93) and Wahb ibn-Munabbih (d. 114) ; and we read [9] that Muhammad ibn-Muslim az-Zuhri wrote a book of campaigns. These works are all lost and the first biography we have is that of ibn-Hisham (d. 213) based on ibn- Ishak (d. 151). Az-Zubair and az-Zuhri, as well as ibn-Ishak, are among the sources of al-Baladhuri.

That in most cases the same tradition that underlies the

1 pp. 77-82.


life of Muhammad according to ibn-Hisham is made use of by al-Baladhuri in the first chapters of his Futuh is made evident by a comparison of the chapters on the banu-an-Nadir, Khaibar and Tabuk. 1 Al-Baladhuri makes no mention of ibn-Hisham but quotes ibn-Ishak eleven times. The isnad in Baladhuri being longer, it might be conjectured that he did not get his material at first hand from ibn-Ishak's work but through subsequent reporters. Al-Mada'ini lived from 135-215 (753-830). He wrote a " history of the caliphs " and a book of " campaigns ", both of which are lost and are known only by excerpts through al-Baladhuri, at-Tabari and Yakut. Of these, al-Baladhuri alone has over forty citations from him.

Al-Wakidi (d. 207/823) wrote 28 books recorded in al-Fihrist,2 only a few of which have come down to us. Having lived at Baghdad his works were certainly accessible to al-Baladhuri, who quotes him on 80 different occasions and more than any other source. Most of the quotations are made through ibn-Sa'd, the secretary of al-Wakidi, and one of al-Baladhuri 's teachers. A comparison between the campaigns against banu-an-Nadir 3 and banu-Kuraizah 4 in al-Baladhuri, and the corresponding ones in al-Wakidi's Kitdb al-Maghazi5 shows many points of contact but no absolute interdependence.

Ibn-Sa'd (d. 230) being the disciple of al-Wakidi and the professor of al-Baladhuri acted as a connecting link between the two. In his Futuh, al-Baladhuri has 48 citations from him, many of which were communicated by word of mouth and were recorded verbatim by -Baladhuri. In his book

1 Cf. Hisham, p. 652 and Baladhuri, p. 34; Hisham, p. 779 and Balad- huri, p. 42.

2 P. 99- 3 P. 34-

4 p. 40.

5 PP- 353 and 371, ed. von Kremer, Calcutta, 1856.


at-Tabakdt (the Book of Classes), many striking similarities to the traditions of al-Baladhuri are noticed.

Ad-Dinawari (d. 282/896) was another contemporary of al-Baladhuri. He wrote a number of books of which only one of importance has come down to us, i. e., al-Akhbar at-Tiwal. 1 Contrary to al-Baladhuri, al-'Irak tradition is the basis of his work. It is probable that neither of the two authors was familiar with the work of the other.

In addition to these, al-Baladhuri quotes many other authorities of whom the most favorite ones are: Hammad ibn-Salamah, Bakr ibn-al-Haitham, 'Amir ash-Sha'bi, Suf- yan ibn-Sa'id ath-Thauri, 'Amr ibn-Muhammad an-Nakid and Hisham ibn-al-Kalbi, most of whose works are either unknown to us or have entirely disappeared.

The most illustrious writer on history after al-Baladhuri was at-Tabari (d. 310). According to al-Fihrist and ibn-Khallikan, he traveled in Egypt, Syria and al-'Irak in quest of learning and died in Baghdad. At-Tabari makes no mention of al-Baladhuri.

In the introduction to his remarkable work, Muruj adh-Dhahab, al-Mas'udi (d. 346) cites scores of books from which he drew his material, and among which he mentions al-Baladhuri 's paying it a high tribute in these words, " We know of no better work on the history of the Moslem conquests ". 2

Not only did later historians draw freely from al-Bala-dhuri but subsequent geographers used him extensively as a source. The remarkable work of Yakut, Mu'jam al-Bul-ddn, reproduces a great part of the book. Mukaddasi quotes him,* and so al-Hamadhani, 4 and al-Mas'udi. 5

1 ed. Vladimir Guirgass, Leiden, 1888.

2 al-Mas'udi, p. 14, Paris, 1861.

3 Ahsan at-Takasim, 313.

4 Kitab al-BuIdan, 303, 321. 5 Kitab ot-Tanbih, 358, 360.


The above-sketched attempt to view al-Baladhuri in his historic setting warrants the conclusion that the tradition recorded by him was mostly communicated to him by word of mouth and partly through books that have mostly been lost, and that it was a source for al-Mas'udi and Yakut, and through them for many subsequent Arabic historians and geographers.





The Prophet in al-Madinah. Says Ahmad ibn-Yahya ibn-Jabir :

I have been informed by certain men learned in tradition, biography, and the conquest of the lands, whose narratives I transmitted, abridged and pieced up together into one whole, that when the Messenger of Allah emigrated from Makkah to al-Madinah he was entertained as the guest of Kalthum ibn-Hidm ibn-Amru'i-1-Kais ibn-al-Harith ibn- Zaid ibn-'Ubaid ibn-Umaiyah ibn-Zaid ibn-Malik ibn-'Auf ibn-'Amr ibn-'Auf ibn-Malik ibn-al-Aus * in Kuba'. [10] So much, however, of his discourse was carried on in the home of Sa'd ibn-Khaithamah ibn-al-Harith ibn-Malik of [the tribe of] banu-as-Salim ibn-Amru'i-1-Kais ibn-Malik ibn-al- Aus that some thought he was the guest of the latter. 3

Kuba' Mosque. Of the Companions of the Prophet, the early Emigrants together with those of the Ansdr 4 who had joined him had already built a mosque at Kuba' to pray in, prayer at that time being directed towards Bait-al- Makdis [Jerusalem]. Now, when the Prophet arrived in

1 Ibn-Hajar, Kitdb al-Isabah, vol. iii, pp. 613-614.

8 Ibn-Hisham, Sirat Rasul Allah, p. 334.

4 The Helpers originally applied to the early converts of al-Madinah.


If j

Kuba', he led them in prayer in it. That is why the people of Kuba' say that it is the one meant by Allah when he says : " There is a mosque founded from its first day in piety. More worthy that thou enter therein." * Others report that the " mosque founded in piety " is that of the Prophet [in al-Madinah].

Abu- Amir ar-Rdhib. 'Affan ibn-Muslim as-Saffar from 'Urwah 2 who gave the following explanation to the text : " There are some who have built a mosque for mischief and 3 for infidelity, and to disunite the ' Believers/ and in expectation of him who, in time past, warred against Allah and his Messenger " : The mosque of Kuba' was built by Sa'd ibn-Khaithamah and its site was owned by Labbah s where she used to tie up her donkey. The dissenters therefore said : " Should we pray on a spot where Labbah used to tie up her donkey ? Never. Rather shall we select for ourselves some other place for prayer until abu-'Amir * comes and leads our service." Now, abu-'Amir had fled from the face of Allah and his Prophet to Makkah and thence to Syria where he was converted to Christianity. Hence the text revealed by Allah : " There are some who have built a mosque for mischief and for infidelity and to disunite the ' Believers,' and in expectation of him who, in time past, warred against Allah and his Messenger " referring to abu-'Amir.

Rauh ibn-'Abd-al-Mu'min al-Makri from Sa'id ibn- Jubair : Banu-'Amr ibn-'Auf erected a mosque in which the

1 Koran, 9 : 109.

1 The series of authorities introducing a tradition have been cut short throughout the translation, only the first and last authorities being mentioned.

'"Lajja" in F. Wustenfeld, Geshichte der Stadt Medina, p. 131. 4 Ibn-Hisham, pp. 561-562; and Geschichte der Stadt Medina, p. 53.


Prophet led them in prayer. This aroused the jealousy of their brothers banu-Ghanm ibn-'Auf who said, " If we, too, could erect a mosque and invite the Prophet to pray in is as he prayed in our friends' ! Abu-'Amir, too, may pass here on his way from Syria and lead us in prayer." Accordingly, they erected a mosque and sent an invitation to the Prophet to come and pray in it. But no sooner had the Prophet got up to start, than the following text was revealed to him : " There are some who have built a mosque for mischief and for infidelity and to disunite the 'Believers,' and in expectation of him who, in time past, warred against Allah and his Messenger," the one meant being abu-'Amir, " never set thou foot in it. There is a mosque founded from its first day in piety. More worthy it is that thou enter therein. Therein are men who aspire to purity and Allah loveth the purified. Which of the two is best? He who hath founded his building on the fear of Allah and the desire to please him," etc., referring to the mosque of Kuba'. A

Muhammad ibn-Hatim ibn-Maimun from al-Hasan: When the text, " Therein are men who aspire to purity " was revealed, the Prophet communicated with those who prayed in the mosque of Kuba' asking about the meaning of the purity mentioned in connection with their name, and they replied, "We, Prophet of Allah, wash after voiding excrement and urine."

" The mosque founded in piety." Muhammad ibn- Hatim from 'Amir : Some of the people of Kuba' used to wash with water the place of exit of the excrement. 1 Hence the text, " They aspire to purity."

'Amr ibn-Muhammad an-Nakid and Ahmad ibn-Hisham from Sahl ibn-Sa'd : Two men in the time of the Prophet disagreed regarding the " mosque founded in piety," the one

1 Cf. az-Zamakhshari, Kashshdf, vol. i, p. 564 (ed. Lees).


contending it was the Prophet's mosque, the other, the Kuba' mosque. They finally came and asked the Prophet to which he replied, " It is this mosque of mine." 1

'Amr ibn-Muhammad from ibn-'Umar : The " mosque founded in piety " is the mosque of the Prophet.

Muhammad ibn-Hatim from Ubai ibn-Ka'b : In answer to a question directed to the Prophet regarding the " mosque founded in piety," the Prophet replied : "It is this my mosque."

Hudbah ibn-Khalid from Sa'id ibn-al-Musaiyib who said regarding the " mosque founded in piety " that the great mosque of the Prophet is the one meant.

A tradition to the same effect is reported by 'AH ibn- 'Abdallah al-Madini on the authority of Kharijah ibn-Zaid ibn-Thabit and by 'Affan on the authority of Sa'id ibn-al- Musaiyib, and by Muhammad ibn-Hatim ibn-Maimun as- Samin on the authority of 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-abi-Sa'id al-Khudri's father.

Kuba' mosque was later enlarged and added to. When 'Abdallah ibn-'Umar entered it for prayer, he always turned his face to the " polished column " 2 ; and that was the place where the Prophet always prayed.

The Prophet arrives at al-Madinah. The Prophet spent in Kuba' Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday, riding away on Friday for al-Madinah. Friday prayer he performed in a mosque erected by banu-Salim ibn-'Auf ibn- 'Amr ibn-'Auf ibn-al-Khazraj, that being the first Friday on which he led public prayer. Then the Prophet passed by the houses of the Ansdr one by one a and each one of them offered to entertain him. He kept his way, however, until

1 Baidawi, Anwar at-Tansil, vol. i, p. 401.

  • Geschichte der Stadt Medina, p. 65.
  • Ibn-Hisham, p. 336.


he arrived at the site of his mosque in al-Madinah where his camel knelt. 1 He dismounted. Then came abu-Aiyub Khalid ibn-Zaid . . . 2 ibn-al-Khazraj who took off the saddle of the Prophet's camel. The Prophet took up his abode at abu-Aiyub's. 3 Certain Khazrajis invited the Prophet, but he retorted, " Man is where his camel's saddle is." He remained at abu-Aiyub's for seven months. He took up his residence there after [Friday-] prayer, one month since his departure [from Makkah]. The Ansdr presented to the Prophet all the unoccupied parts of their lands, saying, " O Prophet of Allah, take our own dwellings if thou wish." 6 But he said, "No!"

The mosque of the Prophet. Abu-Umamah 4 As'ad ibn- Zurarah ibn-'Udas ibn-'Ubaid ibn-Tha'labah ibn-Ghanm ibn-Malik ibn-an-Najjar, JVaHfr-in-chief, 5 used to conduct Friday prayers for his Moslem followers in a mosque of his own in which the Prophet, too, used to pray. The Prophet, thereafter, requested As'ad to sell him a piece of land contiguous to this mosque. The land was in the hands of As'ad but belonged to two orphans in his custody whose names were Sahl and Suhail sons of Rafi' ibn-abi-'Amr ibn-'A'idh ibn-Tha'labah ibn-Ghanm. 6 As'ad proposed to offer it to the Prophet and to pay its price to the orphans himself. But the Prophet refused and paid for its price ten dinars?

1 Ibn-Sa'd, Kitdb at-Tabakat, vol. i 1 , p. 160.

8 In this and in other cases to come, the genealogical table has been cut short in the translation.

8 Ad-Diyarbakri, al-Khamis, vol. i, p. 386. 4 Geschichte der Stadt Medina, p. 60.

6 Nakib is the superintendent of a people who takes cognizance of their actions and is responsible for them; ibn-Hajar, vol. i, pp. 61-63.

6 Ibn-Hisham, p. 503.

7 A gold coin worth about ten shillings.


which money he secured from abu-Bakr as-Siddik. By the Prophet's orders, bricks were prepared and used for building the mosque. Its foundations were laid with stones; its roof was covered with palm branches; and its columns were made of trunks of trees. 1 When abu-Bakr became caliph he introduced no changes in the mosque. When 'Umar was made caliph he enlarged it and asked al-' Abbas ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib to sell his house that he might add it to the mosque. Al-' Abbas offered the house as a gift to Allah and the Moslems ; and 'Umar added it to the mosque. In his caliphate, 'Uthman ibn-'Affan reconstructed the mosque with stone and gypsum, making its columns of stone, and its roof of teak-wood. 'Uthrnan also added to the mosque and carried to it small pebbles from al-'Akik. 2 The first caliph to plant in it maksurah* was Marwan ibn-al- Hakam ibn-abi-l-'Asi ibn-Umaiyah who made his maksurahn of carved stones. No change was thereafter introduced in the mosque until al-Walid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan succeeded his father. This al-Walid wrote to his 'dmil [lieutenant, governor] in al-Madinah, 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz, ordering him to destroy the mosque and reconstruct it. Meanwhile, he forwarded to him money, mosaic, marble, and 7 eighty Greek and Coptic artisans from Syria and Egypt. Accordingly, the 'dmil rebuilt it and added to it, entrusting the supervision of its work and the expenditure for it to Salih ibn-Kaisan, a freedman of Su'da, a freedmaid of the family of Mu'aikib ibn-abi-Fatimah ad-Dausi. This took place in the year 87, some say 88. 4 After this, no caliph

1 Al-Hamadhani, Kitab al-Bulddn, p. 24. 8 Hamadhani, Kitab al-Bulddn, p. 25.

  • See JAOS., vol. xxvii, pp. 273-274, Gottheil, "a distinguished fam-

ily of Fatimite Cadis"; and Geschichte der Stadt Medina, p. 71. 4 Geschichte der Stadt Medina, p. 73.


made changes in the mosque down to the time of al-Mahdi's caliphate.

According to al-Wakidi, al-Mahdi sent 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Shabib al-Ghassani and another 1 descended from 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz to al-Madinah to reconstruct its mosque and increase it in size. The governor of al-Madinah was at that time Ja'far ibn-Sulaiman ibn-'Ali. It took these two one year to carry out the undertaking. One hundred cubits [Ar. dhird f ~\ were added to the rear, making its length 300 cubits and its width 200.

According to 'Ali ibn- Muhammad al-Mada'ini, al-Mahdi appointed Ja'far ibn- Sulaiman to the governorship of Makkah, al-Madinah and al-Yamamah. Ja'far enlarged the mosques of Makkah and al-Madinah, the work in the latter being completed in the year 162. Al-Mahdi had visited Makkah before the pilgrimage season, in the year [ i ]6o, and ordered that the mak surah be supplanted and that it be put on the same level with the mosque.

In the year 246, caliph Ja'far al-Mutawakkil ordered that the mosque of al-Madinah be repaired. Much mosaic was subsequently carried to it; and the year 247 marked the completion of the work.

'Amr ibn-Hammad ibn-abi-Hanifah from 'A'ishah : The Prophet said : "All districts or cities were conquered by force, but al-Madinah was conquered by the Koran."

The inviolability of al-Madinah. Shaiban ibn-abi- Shaibah-1-Ubulli from al-Hasan : The Prophet said : " Every prophet can make a place inviolable, so I have made al-Madinah inviolable as Abraham had made Makkah. Between its two Harrahs, 2 its herbage shall not be cut, its trees 8

1 'Abdallah ibn-'Asim; De Goeje's edition of Baladhuri, p. 7, note b.

  • The word means tracts of black stones, i. e., the volcanic region in the vicinity of al-Madinah.


shall not be felled, 1 nor should weapons be carried in it for fight. He, therefore, who does that or harbors in his home one who has done so, may be cursed of Allah and his angels and all men. From him no repentance or ransom shall be accepted."

Rauh ibn-'Abd-al-Mu'min al-Basri-1-Makri from abu- Hurairah : The Prophet said : "My Lord, Abraham was thy servant and messenger, and so am I thy servant and mes- senger. And I have made inviolable all that lies between its two stony tracts as Abraham had made Makkah inviolable/' Abu-Hurairah used to say : "By him who holds my life in his hands, even if I should find the deer in Batihan z I would not care for them."

Shaiban ibn-abi-Shaibah from Muhammad ibn-Ziyad's grandfather (a freedman of 'Uthman ibn-Maz'un and the holder of a piece of land belonging to the Maz'un family in Harrah) who said: " 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab with his robe on his head would sometimes call on me at midnight, take a seat and converse with me. I would then bring him cucumbers and vegetables. But one day he said : ' Go not : I have made thee superintendent of this place. Let no one beat a tree with a stick [that its leaves may fall] or cut off a tree (referring to the trees of al-Madinah) ; and if thou find anyone doing it, take away his rope and ax.' When I asked him, ' Shall I take his robe?' he answered, ' No '."

Abu-Mas'ud ibn-al-Kattat from Ja'far ibn-Muhammad's father : The Prophet declared inviolable all trees growing between Uhud and 'Air, allowing [only] the driver of the water-carrying camel to cut al-ghada & trees and use them for repairing his ploughs and carts.

1 Al-Bukhari, a/-/dmi' as-Sahih, vol. i, p. 40.

2 Also Bathan or Buthan; see al-Hamdani, Sifat Jazirat al-Arab, p. 124, line 9.

1 " Of the genus Euphorbia with a woody stem, often 5 or 6 ft. in height, and innumerable round green twigs" Palgrave's Travels, vol. i, p. 38.


Hima ar-Rabadhah. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from Zaid ibn-Aslam's father who said : " I heard 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab say to one 1 whom he placed in charge oiHima 2 ar-Rabadhah and whose name Bakr forgot, ' Stretch not thy wing* to any 9 Moslem. Beware the cry of the oppressed, for it is answered. Admit [to the Hima] the owner of the small herd of camels and sheep but keep off the cattle of ibn-'Affan and ibn-'Auf ; for if their cattle should perish they resort to sowing, whereas if the cattle of this poor man perish, he comes to me crying, " O, commander of the believers! O, commander of the believers!" To offer grass is easier for the Moslems than to offer money in gold and silver. [11] By Allah, this is their land for which they fought in pre-Islamic time and which was included in their terms when they became Moslem. They would, therefore, certainly feel that I oppress them; and had it not been for the cattle [secured by declaring a place Hima] to be used in the cause of Allah, I would never make a part of a people's land Hima'."

Hima an-Naki ( . Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam abu-'Ubaid from ibn-'Umar: The Prophet declared an-Naki' hima and reserved it for the Moslem cavalry. [12] Abu-'Ubaid told me that it is an an-Naki' [and not al-Baki', as some have it] and that the handakuk plant [sweet trefoil] grows in it.

Mus'ab ibn-'Abdallah az-Zubairi from Sa'd ibn-abi-

1 Whose name was Hunai ; Bukhari, vol. ii, p. 263.

1 Reservation, pasture land reserved for tfce public use of a com- munity or tribe to the exclusion of everyone else. Rabadhah was a district and a village 5 miles from al-Madinah.

3 Treat leniently, see ibn-al-Athir, an-Nihayah, vol. iii, p. 26.

2 4

Wakkas: The latter once found a young servant felling trees in the hima [reserved land]. He beat the servant and took his ax. The servant's mistress, or a woman of his kin, went to 'Umar and accused Sa'd. 'Umar ordered that the ax and the clothes be returned. But Sa'd refused saying, " I will not give up spoils given me by the Prophet whom I heard say, ' Whomever ye find cutting trees in the hima, ye should beat and deprive of what he has.' ' From the ax Sa'd made a shovel which he used in his property to the end of his life.

Al-Ghabah. Abu-1-Hasan al-Mada'ini from ibn-Ju'dubah and abu-Ma'shar : When the Prophet was at Zuraib (probably on his return from the expedition of dhu-Kard) banu- Harithah of the Ansdr said to him referring to the site of al-Ghabah [forest], "This is the place for our camels to go loose, and for our sheep to graze, and for our women to go out." The Prophet then ordered that he who had cut off a tree should replace it by planting a small shoot. Thus was al-Ghabah planted with trees.

Wadi-Mahzur. 'Abd-al-A'la ibn-Hammad an-Narsi from abu-Malik ibn-Tha'labah's father : The Prophet decreed in 10 the case of Wadi-Mahzur * that the water be shut off on the the surface until it rises to the two ankles, at which it should be conducted to the other place, thus preventing the owner of the higher property from holding the water from the owner of the lower one.

Ishak ibn-abi-Isra'il from 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-al-Harith : The Prophet decreed in the case of the Mahzur torrent that the owner of the higher property should hold the water until it rises to the two ankles, at which he must let it go to the holder of the lower land.

1 One of the valleys of Madinah, see al-Bakri, Kitdb Mu'jam Ma-s- ta'jant, vol. ii, p. 562.


'Amr ibn-Hammad ibn-abi-Hanifah from 'Abdallah ibn-abi-Bakr ibn-Muhammad ibn-'Amr ibn-Hazm al-Ansari's father : The Prophet decreed in the case of Mahzur torrent and Mudhainib * that the water be shut in until it reaches the two ankles, then the upper supplies the lower. According to Malik, the Prophet passed a similar judgment in the case of Batihan torrent.

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad al-'Ijli from abu-Malik ibn- Tha'labah ibn-abi-Malik's father : The Prophet was called upon to decide in the case of Mahzur, the valley of banu- Kuraizah, upon which he decreed that water rising above the two ankles cannot be shut in by the higher owner from the lower owner.

Al-Husain from Ja'far ibn-Muhammad' s father: The Prophet decreed in the case of Mahzur torrent that the owners of palm trees have right to the ankle-high water, sowers have right to the water as high as the two straps of the sandal, after which the water is sent to the lower owners.

Hafs ibn-'Umar ad-Duri from 'Urwah: The Prophet n said : " Batihan is one of the channels of Paradise."

'Ali ibn-Muhammad al-Mada'ini abu-1-Hasan from Ju'- dubah and others : In the caliphate of 'Uthman, al-Madinah was threatened with destruction by the Mahzur torrent, which necessitated the erection of a dam by 'Uthman. Abu-1-Hasan added that in the year 156 the torrent brought a terrifying volume of water. The governor at that time. 'Abd-as-Samad ibn-'Ali ibn-'Abdallah ibn- al-'Abbas, sent 'Ubaidallah ibn-abi-Salamah-l-'Umri who, with a big crowd, started after the afternoon prayer to see the torrent which had, by that time, covered the sadakah- lands 2 of the Prophet. An old woman from al-'Aliyah-

111 Mudhainib" in al-Bakri, pp. 518, 562.

2 Mawardi, al-Ahkdm as-Sultdniyah, p. 292. Sadakah is a portion which a man gives from his property to the poor by way of propitiation. It is primarily superogatory, whereas zakdt is obligatory.

2 6

region * pointed out to them a spot to which she had often heard people refer. There they dug and the water found exit through which it passed to Wddi-Batihan. From Mahzur to Mudhainib is a watercourse which empties its water in it.

The Prophet calls al-Madinah Taybah. Muhammad ibn-Aban al-Wasiti from al-Hasan : The Prophet invoked Allah's blessing on al-Madinah and its inhabitants calling it Taybah. 2

Abu-'Umar Hafs ibn-'Umar ad-Duri from 'A'ishah, the mother of the believers: When the Prophet emigrated to al-Madinah, a disease spread among the Moslems in it. Among those taken seriously ill were abu-Bakr, Bilal and 'Amir ibn-Fuhairah. During his illness, abu-Bakr often repeated the following verse : a

" One in the morning may lie amidst his family

and death may be nearer to him than his sandal's strap." 4

Bilal often repeated the following:

" O, would I that I spent a night at Fakh where idhkhir and jalil 5 plants surround me I And would that I some day visit Maj annah-water to drink it, and see Shamah and Tafil [Mts.] !"

'Amir ibn-Fuhairah used to repeat the following :

" I have found death before I tasted it, I2

verily the death of the coward comes from above. 6 [Man struggles according to his own ability,] like the bull that protects his skin with his horn." 7

' Yakut, s.v. 'Aliyah.

2 Al-Hamadhani, Kitab al-BuIddn, p. 23; Geschichte der Stadt Medina, p. 10.

Hisham, p. 414; Azraki, Akhbar Makkah, p. 383.

4 Cf. Freytag, Arabutn Pr overbid, vol. i, p. 492, no. 63.

6 Idhkhir a small plant of sweet smell used for roofing houses. Jalil a weak plant with which the interstices of houses are stopped up.

  • Freytag, Proverbia, vol. i, p. 7, no. 10.

7 Az-Zamakhshari, al-Fa'ik, vol. ii, pp. 5-6.


This was reported to the Prophet and he prayed : " Make al-Madinah, O Allah, wholesome for us as thou hast made Makkah for us, and bless for us its sd f and mudd 1 [grain measures] !"

The water-course of al-Harrah. Al-Walid ibn-Salih from 'Urwah : One of the Ansar had a dispute with az- Zubair ibn-al-'Auwam regarding the water-courses that run from al-Harrah to the plain. The Prophet said, " Zubair, use the water, then turn it to thy neighbor." 2

Al-Akik as fief. Husain ibn-'Ali ibn-al-Aswad al-'Ijli from Hisham ibn-'Urwah's father: As 'Umar was parcelling al-'Akik into fiefs, he came to a part of it regarding which he remarked, " I never gave such a land in fief." To this Khauwat ibn-Jubair replied, " Give it out to me." And 'Umar did.

Al-Husain from Hisham ibn-'Urwah's father: 'Umar gave al-'Akik in fief from its upper to its lower end.

Al-Husain from Hisham ibn-'Urwah: 'Umar accompanied by az-Zubair set out to distribute fiefs, and as 'Umar was giving them out, he passed by al-'Akik and said : " Where are the seekers of fiefs ? I have not yet today passed by a more fertile land." Az-Zubair said : " Give it out to me." And 'Umar did.

A similar tradition was communicated by al-Husain from Hisham ibn-'Urwah's father. 13

Khalaf ibn-Hisham al-Bazzar from Hisham ibn-'Urwah's father who said : "Umar ibn-al-Khattab gave out as fief to Khauwat ibn-Jubair al-Ansari a piece of dead land. This we bought from him."

A similar tradition was communicated to me by al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad on the authority of Hisham's father.

1 Wakidi, al-Maghasi, p. 14; al-Azraki, p. 382.

  • One tradition occurring here and defining certain terms in the previous tradition has been omitted in the translation. Evidently it is a gloss.

2 g

Other fiefs. Al-Husain from 'Urwah : Abu-Bakr gave out as fief to az-Zubair the land lying between al-Jurf l and Kanah. 2 Abu-1-Hasan al-Mada'ini told me that Kanah is a valley stretching from at-Ta'if to al-Arhadiyah and Karkarat al-Kudr and thence it comes to Sudd-Ma'unah from which it runs by the end of al-Kadum and ends at the head of Kubur ash-Shuhadd' [martyrs' tombs] at Uhud.

Abu-'Ubaid al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from certain learned men : The Prophet gave out as fief to Bilal ibn-al-Harith al-Muzani certain mines a in the Furu' district.

'Amr an-Nakid and ibn-Sahm al-Antaki from abu- 'Ikrimah the f reedman of Bilal ibn-al-Harith al-Muzani : The Prophet gave out as fief to Bilal a piece of land having a mountain and mines. The sons of Bilal sold a part of it to 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz in which one mineral (or he may have said two) appeared. The sons of Bilal thereupon said : " What we sold thee is not the minerals but the tillable land." Then they brought forth a statement written for them by the Prophet on a palm leaf which 'Umar kissed and with which he rubbed his eye saying to his steward : " Find out what the income and the expenses are, retain what thou hast expended, and give them back the balance."

Abu-'Ubaid from Bilal ibn-al-Harith : The Prophet gave out all al-'Akik as fief to Bilal.

The zakat on the metals. Mus'ab az-Zubairi from Malik ibn-Anas: The Prophet assigned as fief to Bilal ibn-al- Harith certain mines in the Furu' district. On this, all 14 our learned men agree. Nor do I know of any disagree-

1 Called 'Arsat al-Bakal in al-Wakidi's days, see Wakidi, tr. Wellhausen, pp. 103-104.

  • A valley near Mount Thaib, one day's journey from Madinah.

8 The mines of al-Kabaliyah, see al-Mutarrizi, Kitdb al-Mughrib, vol. ii, p. 108.


ment among our followers regarding the fact that in the case of mines the zakat is one-fourth of the tithe. It is reported that az-Zuhri often repeated that in the case of mines zakat is binding. It is moreover reported that he said that the zakat is one-fifth. That is what the people of al-'Irak say who at present impose on the mines of al-Furu', Naj ran, dhu-1-Warwah, Wadi-1-Kura and others one-fifth in accordance with the view of Sufyan ath-Thauri, abu- Hanifah, abu-Yusuf and the school of al-'Irak. 1

'Ali's fiefs. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Ja'far ibn- Muhammad : The Prophet assigned to 'AH as fief four pieces of land, i. e., the two Fukairs, Bi'r-Kais, and ash-Shajarah. 2

A similar tradition was communicated to me by al-Husain on the authority of Ja'far ibn-Muhammad.

'Amr ibn-Muhammad an-Nakid from Ja'far ibn-Muhammad's father : 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab assigned to 'Ali as fief Yanbu', 3 and another piece was added to it.

A similar tradition was communicated to me by al-Husain on the authority of Ja'far ibn-Muhammad' s father.

The well of 'Urwah, the reservoir of 'Amr and the canal of Banat-Nailah, etc. The next tradition was communicated to me by one in whom I trust on the authority of Mus'ab ibn'Abdallah az-Zubairi : The well of 'Urwah ibn-az-Zubair is named after 'Urwah ibn-az-Zubair ; the 'Amr reservoir is named after 'Amr ibn-az-Zubair; the canal of Banat-Na'ilah is named after children of Na'ilah, daughter of al-Farafisah-1-Kalbiyah and wife of 'Uthman ibn-'Affan ('Uthman had taken possession of this canal and conveyed

1 Malik ibn-Anas, al-Mudauwanah, vol. ii, p. 47; ash-Shafi.'i, Kitdb al-Umm, vol. ii 2 , p. 36.

2 Yakut, vol. iii, pp. 260-261.

3 Yakut, vol. iv, pp. 1038-1039.

3 o

its water to a piece of land at al-'Arsah x which he cultivated and worked) ; the land of abu-Hurairah is ascribed to abu-Hurairah ad-Dausi ; and as-Sahwah in Mt. Juhainah is the sadakah of 'Abdallah ibn-' Abbas.

Kasr-Nafis. It is said that the Naf is castle is ascribed to Nafis at-Tajir [the merchant] ibn-Muhammad ibn-Zaid ibn-'Ubaid ibn-al-Mu'alla ibn-Laudhan ibn-Harithah ibn- Zaid of al-Khazraj, the allies of banu-Zuraik ibn-'Abd- Harithah of al-Khazraj. This castle stands in Harrat- Wakim at al-Madinah. 'Ubaid ibn-al-Mu'alla died as martyr 1 5 in the battle of Uhud. Others say it is Nafis ibn-Muham- mad ibn-Zaid ibn-'Ubaid ibn-Murrah, Mu'alla's freedman. This 'Ubaid and his father were among the captives of 'Ain at-Tamr. 'Ubaid ibn-Murrah died in the battles of al-Harrah. His surname was abu-' Abdallah.

'A'ishah well. The 'A'ishah well is ascribed to 'A'ishah ibn-Numair ibn-Wakif, 'A'ishah being a man's name of al-Aus.

Al-Muttalib well and al-Murtaft well Al-Muttalib well on the 'Irak road is ascribed to al-Muttalib ibn-'Abdallah ibn-Hantab ibn-al-Harith ibn-'Ubaid ibn-'Umar ibn-Makh- zum. Ibn-al-Murtafi' well is ascribed to Muhammad ibn- al-Murtafi' ibn-an-Nadir al-'Abdari.

The Suk in al-Madinah. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from 'Ata ibn-Yasar, the freedman of Maimunah, daughter of al-Harith ibn-Hazn ibn-Bujair of al-Hilal tribe: When the Prophet wanted to found a market in al-Madinah he said : " This is your market and no khardj will be assessed on it."

The 'A rim dam. Al-' Abbas ibn-Hisham al-Kalbi from his grandfather and Sharki ibn-al-Kutami-1-Kalbi : When Nebuchadnezzar destroyed Jerusalem, 2 expelled of the

1 See Yakut, al-Mushtarik, p. 159.

2 Bait al-Makdis or al-Bait al-Mukaddas. See ibn-Khurdadhbih, Kitab a!-Mosa!ik, pp. 78 and 79.


Israelites those whom he expelled, and carried away those whom he carried into captivity, some Israelites fled away to al-Hijaz and settled in Wadi-1-Kura, Taima', and Yathrib. At that time there lived in Yathrib a tribe of Jurhum and a remnant of al-' Amalik who lived on date-planting and wheat-growing. Among these, the Israelites settled and associated with them, and kept increasing in number, as Jurhum and al-' Amalik were decreasing, until the former drove the latter from Yathrib and established their authority over it, taking possession of their cultivated and pasture lands. This was their condition for a long time. Then it came to pass that those of the people of al-Yaman descended from Saba ibn-Yashjub ibn-Ya'rub ibn-Kahtan were filled with the spirit of oppression and tyranny and ignored the grace of their God in regards to the fertility and luxury he bestowed on them. Consequently, Allah created rats that began to bore the dam, which stood between two mountains and had pipes which the people could open when they wished and get as much water as they wanted. This is the 'Arim dam. 1 The rats went on working on the dam until it was 16 broken -through. Thus did Allah let their gardens sink and their trees disappear, changing them into khamt, 2 tamarisk and some few jujube trees. 5

The wanderings of al-Azd. Seeing what happened, Muzaikiyah i. e. 'Amr ibn-'Amir . . . ibn-Amru'i-1-Kais . . . ibn-Ya'rub ibn-Kahtan sold all the property and cattle he possessed, summoned the Azd and started together to the land of the tribe of 'Akk. There they settled. 'Amr remarked : " To seek herbage before knowledge is weakness." The tribe of 'Akk were distressed at the fall of their best

1 Koran, 34: 15.

2 A tree with bitter fruit. 8 GGA, 1863, p. 1348.


lands into the hands of al-Azd and asked the latter to evacuate the land. Thereupon a one-eyed and deaf man of al- Azd, named Jidh', made an attack on a 'Akk party and destroyed them. This resulted in a war between al-Azd and 'Akk. The Azd, after being defeated, returned and charged, in reference to which Jidh' composed the following verse :

" We are the descendants of Mazin there is no doubt, the Ghassan of Ghassan versus the 'Akk of 'Akk,

and they shall see whether we or they are the weaker."

(Previous to this al-Azd had settled near a spring called Ghassan. Hence their name, Ghassan. ) l Al-Azd now set off until they arrived in the land of Hakam ibn-Sa'd al- 'Ashirah . . . ibn Ya'rub ibn-Kahtan. There they fought and won the victory over Hakam. But it occurred to them to move, and they did, leaving a small band behind. The next place they came to was Najran. Here they met resistance from the inhabitants of the place but finally won the victory. After settling in Najran they departed with the exception of a few who had special reasons to stay. Al-Azd then arrived in Makkah which was populated with the Jurhum tribe. They made their abode in Batn-Marr. Tha'labah the son of 'Amr Muzaikiya demanded of Jurhum that the plain of Makkah be given to his people. This request having been refused, a battle ensued in which Tha'labah got control of the plain. Tha'labah and his people, however, realized after this that the place was unwholesome, and found it hard to make their living in it; so they dispersed, one band of them leaving for 'Uman, another for as-Sarat, another for al-Anbar and al-Hirah, another for Syria and 17 one band chose Makkah for abode. This made Jidh' say : " Every time ye go to a place, ye al-Azd, some of you

1 Near Sudd- Ma* rib in al-Yaman ; Hisham, p. 6.


detach * themselves from the rest. Ye are on the point of becoming the tail among the Arabs." That is why those who settled in Makkah were called Khuza'ah. [13] Then came Tha'labah ibn-'Amr Muzaikiya with his son and followers to Yathrib whose people were Jews. They settled outside the city where they grew and increased in number and became so strong as to drive the Jews from Yathrib. Thus they came to live inside the city and the Jews outside of it.

Al-Aus and al-Khazraj. Al-Aus and al-Khazraj are the sons of Harithah ibn-Tha'labah [14] ibn-'Amr Muzaikiya ibn- 'Amir, and their mother was Kailah, daughter of al-Arkam. Some say she was a Ghassanide of al-Azd tribe, others say she was of 'Udhrah tribe.

In pre-Islamic times, the Aus and the Khazraj saw many battles which made them trained in warfare. They became so used to fighting that their valor spread far, their courage became well known, their bravery was often cited and their name became a source of terror in the hearts of the Arabs, who feared them. Their possessions were well guarded against encroachment, and their neighbor was well protected; and all that was preparatory to the fact that Allah wanted to have them support his Prophet and to honor them by lending him aid.

It is reported that at the arrival of the Prophet in al Madinah he wrote an agreement and made a covenant with the Jews of Yathrib. [15] The Jews of Kainuka', however, were the first to violate the covenant, and the Prophet expelled them from al-Madinah. The first land that the Prophet conquered was that of the banu-an-Nadir.

1 Ar. inkhaza'a, see an-Nihayah under khaza'a.


Banu-an-Nadir besieged. The Prophet once accompanied by abu-Bakr, 'Umar and Usaid ibn-Hudair came to the banu-an-Nadir who were Jews and solicited their aid for raising the bloodwit of two men of the banu-Kilab ibn-Rabi'ah who had made peace with him and who were killed by 'Amr ibn-Umaiyah ad-Damn. 1 The Jews intended to drop a stone on him but the Prophet left them and sent them word ordering 18 them to evacuate his city [Yathrib] because of their perfidy and violation of covenant. The Jews refused to comply, and announced hostility. 2 Upon this the Prophet marched and besieged them for fifteen days, at the close of which they capitulated, agreeing to evacuate his town and to be entitled to whatever the camels could carry with the exception of coats of mail and armor, the Prophet taking their land, palm-trees, coats of mail and other arms. Thus did all the possessions of the banu-an-Nadir become the property of the Prophet. The Prophet used to sow their land planted with palm-trees and thus provided for his family and wives for one year. With what could not be consumed, he bought horses and arms.

Fief s assigned. Of the land of banu-an-Nadir, the Prophet gave fiefs to abu-Bakr, 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-'Auf, abu-

Hisham, p. 652; Ibn-Sa'd, vol. ii2 p . 40; Al-Wakidi, d-Maghazi, P- 353-

1 Al-Ya'kubi, Ta'rikh, vol. ii, p. 49. 34


Dujanah 1 Simak ibn-Kharashah as-Sa'idi and others. This occurred in the year 4 of the Hegira.

Mukhairik. According to al-Wakidi, one of the banu-an- Nadir, Mukhairik, was a learned rabbi and he believed in the Prophet and offered him all that he possessed, which was seven palm-gardens surrounded with walls. This the Prophet set apart as sadakah-land. The seven gardens are: al-Mithab, as-Safiyah, ad-Dalai, Husna, 2 Barkah, al-A'waf, Mashrabat umm-Ibrahim, 3 Ibrahim being the son of the Prophet and his mother being Mariyah, the Copt.

Other versions of the conquest. Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from az-Zuhri : The attack on the banu-an-Nadir, the Jews, took place six months after the battle of Uhud. The Prophet pressed the siege until they agreed to evacuate the city stipulating that they take with them whatever utensils their camels could carry with the exclusion of the coats of mail. Hence the text revealed by Allah : "All that is in the heavens and all that is on the earth praiseth Allah! And He is the mighty, the wise ! He it is who caused the unbelievers among the people of the Book ", etc., [16] to " put the wicked to shame."

The next tradition was communicated to us by al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad on the authority of Muhammad ibn-Ishak [17] regarding the above text which Allah hath revealed to his Messenger: Those referred to are banu-an-Nadir. By " Ye pressed not towards it with horse or camel. But Allah giveth his Messengers authority over whomsoever He willeth ", 6 Allah showed that it is wholly assigned to the

1 Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 50.

'"Al-^asna" in Geschichte der Stadt Medina, p. 150.

8 Wakidi, tr. Wellhausen, p. 166.

8 Baidawi, vol. ii, pp. 322-323.


Prophet and to no one else. The Prophet then parcelled 19 out the land among the Emigrants. But when Sahl ibn- Hunaif and abu-Dujanah mentioned their poverty, he gave them a share. As for the text : " The spoil taken from the people of the villages and assigned by Allah to his Messenger, it belongeth to Allah and to the Messenger," etc., to the end of the text, it means that Allah made another division among the Moslems.

According to a tradition I received from Muhammad ibn-Hatim as-Samin on the authority of ibn-'Umar, the Prophet burnt and cut down the palm-trees of the banu-an-Nadir in reference to which Hassan ibn-Thabit says :

" The leading men of the banu-Lu'ai would have regarded it easy, to bring about the great fire at Buwairah." *

According to ibn-Juraij, it was in this connection that Allah revealed the text : " Whatever palm-trees ye have cut down or left standing on their stems was by Allah's permission and to put the wicked to shame."

A similar tradition was communicated to us by abu-'Ubaid on the authority of ibn-'Umar.

Abu-'Amr ash-Shaibani, among other reporters, holds that the above-quoted verse was composed by abu-Sufyan ibn-al-Harith ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib and that its wording is as follows:

" The leading men of the banu-Lu'ai would have regarded it hard, to bring about the great conflagration of Buwairah."

(According to other reports it is Buwailah [and not Buwairah]). 2 Hassan ibn-Thabit in answer to that wrote the following :

1 Al-Bakri, under Buwairah ; Ibn-Hisham, pp. 712-713. 'Yakut, vol. i, p. 765.


" May Allah perpetuate the conflagration and make the fire rage in its parts.

They were given the Book but they lost it.

Thus with respect to the Taurat they are blind and erring." *

The Prophet's special share. 'Amr ibn-Muhammad an-Nakid from Malik ibn-Aus ibn-al-Hadathan : It was stated by 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab that the possessions of the banu-an-Nadir were assigned by Allah to the Prophet, the Moslems having not " pressed toward them with horse or camel/' 20 Thus they were wholly his property. The Prophet used to spend their annual income on his family and invest what was left in horses and arms to be used in the cause of Allah. Hisham ibn-'Ammar ad-Dimashki from Malik ibn-Aus ibn-al-Hadathan: 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab told him [Malik] that the Prophet had three special shares which he appropriated for himself ; namely, the possessions of the banu-an-Nadir, Khaibar and Fadak. The possessions of the banu-an-Nadir he reserved for use in case of misfortunes that might befall him. Those of Fadak were reserved for wayfarers. Those of Khaibar he divided into three portions, two of which he divided among the Moslems and the third he reserved for his and his family's expenses, distributing what was left after the expenses to the needy among the Emigrants.

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from az-Zuhri : The possessions of the banu-an-Nadir were among the things that Allah assigned to his Prophet. The Moslems " pressed not towards them with horse or camel." They were therefore wholly the property of the Prophet; and he divided them among the Emigrants, giving nothing of them to the Ansdr with the exception of two persons who were needy, i. e., Simak ibn- Kharashah abu-Dujanah, and Sahl ibn-Hunaif.

1 Cf. EEassan ibn-Thabit, Diwan, p. 46.


Al-Husain from al-Kalbi : When the Prophet secured the possessions of the banu-an- Nadir, who were the first he made to evacuate the land, Allah said : " He it is who caused the unbelievers among the ' People of the Book ' to quit their homes and join those who had evacuated previously." * Thus these possessions were among the spoils towards which the Moslems " pressed not with horse or camel." The Prophet then said to the Ansdr : " Your brethren, the Emigrants have no possessions. If ye therefore desire, I will divide these [newly acquired possessions] and what ye already possess among you and the Emigrants. But if ye desire, keep ye your possessions and I will divide these [newly acquired ones] among the Emigrants alone." To this the Ansdr replied : " Divide these among them and give them from our possessions whatever thou wishest." Because of this the text was revealed : " They prefer them before themselves, though poverty be their own lot." 2 Thereupon abu-Bakr said : " May Allah give you the good recompense, ye Ansdrs your case and ours is like that referred to by al-Ghanawi where he said,

' May Allah recompense in our behalf the Ja'far, 21 who when our feet slipped in al-Wat'atain and we fell, took ungrudging care of us although our mothers would have murmured if they were in their place.

The rich are many and every hungry man goes to places kept warm and sheltered/ "

The fief of az-Zubair. Al-Husain from Hisham ibn-

'Urwah's father : The Prophet assigned as fief to az-Zubair ibn-'Auwam a piece of the banu-an-Nadir's land planted with palm-trees.

Al-Husain from Hisham ibn-'Urwah's father : The Pro-

1 Koran, 59 : 2. 2 Kor., 59 : 9.


phet gave out of the land of the banu-an-Nadir in fief and he gave a fief to az-Zubair.

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd, 1 the secretary of al-Wakidi, from Anas ibn-'Iyad, and 'Abdallah ibn-Numair from Hisham ibn-'Urwah's father : The Prophet assigned as fief to az- Zubair a piece of the banu-an-Nadir's land planted with palm-trees. Abu-Bakr assigned to az-Zubair as fief al-Jurf. Anas in his tradition says the land was dead. 'Abdallah ibn-Numair says in his tradition that 'Umar gave az-Zubair as fief all of al-'Akik.

1 Ibn-Sa'd, vol. ii 2 , p. 41.


The subjection of the banu-Kuraizah. The Prophet besieged banu-Kuraizah for a few days in dhu-1-Ka'dah, and a few days in dhu-1-Hijjah, of the year 5, the whole time being fifteen days. 1 These banu-Kuraizah were among those who had assisted in the fight against the Prophet in the battle of al-Khandak [the moat] also called battle of al-Ahzab [the confederates]. Finally they surrendered and he installed Sa'd ibn-Mu'adh al-Ausi as their ruler. The latter decreed that every adult 2 be executed, that women and children be carried as captives and that all that they possessed be divided among the Moslems. 5 The Prophet approved of the decree saying : " What thou hast decreed is in accordance with the decree of Allah and his Prophet."

Gabriel appears to the Prophet. 'Abd-al-Wahid ibn- Ghiyath from 'A'ishah : When the Prophet was done with 22 the battle of al-Ahzab, he went into the wash-room in order to wash. There Gabriel appeared to him and said, " Muhammad, thou hast laid down thy arms; but we have not yet. Hasten against the banu-Kuraizah." 'A'ishah upon this said to the Prophet : " O Prophet of Allah, I have seen him [Gabriel] through a hole in the door with the dust around his head!" 4

i Dhu-l-Ka'dah 23 dhu-1-IIijjah 9; cf. Wakidi, tr. Wellhausen, p. 210; fabari, vol. i, p. 1487.

1 Literally " every one on whose beard the razor could be used." 8 Wakidi, Maghdzi, p. 373.

4 Wakidi, Maghdzi, p. 371 ; Ibn-Sa'd, vol. iil, p. 55; Ibn-Hisham, p. 684. 40


The adults executed. 'Abd-al- Wahid ibn-Ghiyath from Kathir ibn-as-Sa'ib : Banu-Kuraizah were presented to the Prophet with the result that those of them who had attained to puberty 1 were executed and those who had not attained to puberty were spared.

Huyai ibn-Akhtab put to death with his son. Wahb ibn- Bakiyah from al-Hasan: Huyai ibn-Akhtab made a covenant with the Prophet agreeing never to assist anyone against him and mentioned Allah as surety for the covenant. When he and his son were brought before the Prophet on the day of Kuraizah, the Prophet remarked : " The one mentioned as surety has done his part." By the order of the Prophet the heads of the man and his son were cut off. 2

The division of the booty. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from Ma'mar who said : I once asked az-Zuhri whether the banu-Kuraizah had any lands, to which he replied directly, " The Prophet divided it among the Moslems into different shares."

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from ibn-' Abbas : The Prophet divided the possessions of the banu-Kuraizah and Khaibar among the Moslems. 8

The conquest according to az-Zuhri. Abu-'Ubaid al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from az-Zuhri : The Prophet pressed the siege against banu-Kuraizah until they surrendered to Sa'd ibn-Mu'adh who decreed that their men be executed, their children be taken as captives and their possessions be divided. Accordingly, a certain number of men were put to death on that day.

1 Literally every one who "had the dreams and hair" that mark adolescence.

2 Tabari, vol. i, p. 1494.

3 Wakidi, Wellhausen, pp. 220-221.



The capitulation of Khaibar. The Prophet invaded Khaibar * in the year 7. Its people contended with him, delayed him and resisted the Moslems. So the Prophet besieged them for about one month. 2 They then capitulated on the terms that their blood would not be shed, and their children be spared, provided that they evacuate the land, which he permitted the Moslems to take together with the gold and silver and arms except what was on the person of the banu-Khaibar, and that they keep nothing secret from the Prophet. They then told the Prophet, " We have special experience in cultivation and planting palm-trees," and asked to be allowed to remain in the land. The Prophet granted them their request and allowed them one-half of the fruits and grains produced saying : " I shall keep you settled so long as Allah keeps you."

'Umar expels the people of Khaibar. During the caliphate of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab, a pestilence spread among them and they mistreated the Moslems. 'Umar, thereupon, made them evacuate the land, dividing what they had among those of the Moslems who already had a share in it.

The terms made. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Muhammad ibn-Ishak who said : " I once asked ibn-Shihab about Khaibar and he told me that he was informed that the

1 Yakut, vol. ii, p. 503.

2 Diyarbakri, Ta'rlkh al-Khamis, vol. ii, p. 47. 4*


Prophet captured it by force after a fight, and that it was included among the spoils which Allah assigned to his Prophet. The Prophet took its fifth and divided the land among the Moslems. Those of its people who surrendered did 1 so on condition that they leave the land ; but the Prophet asked them to enter into a treaty, which they did."

Huyai hides a bag full of money. 'Abd-al-A'la ibn- Hammad an-Narsi from ibn-'Umar : The Prophet came to the people of Khaibar and fought them until he drove them to their castle and captured their land and palm-trees. They then capitulated on the terms that their blood be not shed, that they evacuate the land and be entitled to all that their camels could carry, and that the Prophet be entitled to the gold and silver and arms. 2 The Prophet made it a condition for them that they hold nothing secret or hidden from him, otherwise they are no more within his protection or covenant. They, however, hid a leather bag in which were kept money and jewels belonging to Huyai ibn-Akhtab. This bag Huyai had brought to Khaibar on the occasion 24 of the expulsion of the banu-an-Nadir. The Prophet asked Sa'yah ibn-'Amr saying, "What has become of the bag which Huyai brought from the banu-an-Nadir?" To this Sa'yah answered, " Wars and expenses have emptied it." But the Prophet remarked, " It was a short time and a big sum of money. Moreover, Huyai was killed before that." The Prophet then turned Sa'yah over to az-Zubair and the latter put him to the torture. At last Sa'yah said : " I saw Huyai roaming about in a deserted place yonder." Search was made in the deserted place and the bag was found. The Prophet, thereupon, put the two sons of abu-1-Hukaik to death, one of whom was the husband of Saf iyah, s the daugh-

1 Hisham, p. 779. 2 Ibn-Sa'd, vol. ii 2 , pp. 79-80.

3 who became one of the wives of Muhammad, see an-Nawawi, Tahdhib al-Asmd', pp. 846-847.


ter of Huyai ibn-Akhtab. Moreover, he captivated their children and women and divided their possessions because of their breach of faith.

'Abdalldh ibn-Rawahah estimates the produce. The Pro- phet also wanted to expel the banu-Khaibar from the land but they said, " Let us stay in the land to repair it and manage it." The Prophet and his companions having no slaves to manage it, and they having no time to do it themselves, he gave them Khaibar on condition that they have one-half of every palm-tree or plant ... 1 as it occurred to the Prophet. 'Abdallah ibn-Rawahah used to come every year and esti- mate by conjecture the quantity of dates upon the palm-trees and rent them one-half. Banu-Khaibar accused him to the Prophet charging him with partiality in estimation and of- fered to bribe him. To this he [' Abdallah] replied saying, "Do ye enemies of Allah mean to give me unlawful money ? 2 By Allah, I have been sent to you by one whom of all men I love best. As for you, I hate you more than monkeys and pigs. My hatred to you and love to him, however, shall never stand in the way of my being just to you." They then said, " Through this [justice] have heavens and earth been established !"

The green spot in the eye of Safiyah, the Prophet's wife. Once the Prophet, noticing a green spot in the eye of Safiyah, daughter of Huyai, asked her about it, and she said, "As my head lay in the lap of ibn-abi-1-Hukaik, I saw in my sleep as if a moon fell in my lap. When I told him of what I saw he gave me a blow saying, 'Art thou wishing to have the king of Yathrib ?' " * Safiyah added, " Of all men the Prophet was the one I disliked most, for he had killed

1 Text not clear. 1 Kor., 5 : 67 and 68. "Tabari, vol. i, p. 1582.



tny husband, father and brother. But he kept on saying, ' Thy father excited the Arabs to unite against me and he did this and that/ until all hatred was gone away from me."

The Prophet used to give annually each of his wives 80 25 camel-loads of dates and 80 loads of barley from Khaibar.

'Umar divides Khaibar. It was stated by Nan' that dur- ing the caliphate of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab, the people of Khaibar mistreated the Moslems and deceived them and broke the hands of the son of 'Umar * by hurling him from the roof of a house. Consequently, 'Umar divided the land among those of the people of Hudaibiyah who had taken part in the battle of Khaibar.

The forts of Khaibar. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from 'Abdallah ibn-abi-Bakr ibn-Muhammad ibn-'Amr ibn- Hazm: The Prophet besieged the people of Khaibar in their two fortresses al-Watih and Sulalim. When they felt that their destruction was sure, they requested the Prophet to let them off and spare their lives. This he did. The Prophet had already taken possession of all their property 2 including ash-Shikk, an-Natat and al-Katibah together with all their forts except what was in the above-mentioned two.

"Speedy victory" The following tradition regarding the text : 3 "And rewarded them with a speedy victory " was transmitted by al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad on the authority of 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-abi-Laila : Khaibar and another are meant who could not be subdued by the Persians and Greeks.

The division of Khaibar. 'Amr an-Nakid from Bushair ibn-Yasar: The Prophet divided Khaibar into thirty-six shares and each share into a hundred lots. One-half of the shares he reserved for himself to be used in case of

1 Hisham, p. 780.

2 Six fortresses mentioned by Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 56.

8 Kor., 48:18.

4 6

accident or what might befall him, and the other half he distributed among the Moslems. According to this, the Prophet's share included ash-Shikk with an-Natat and whatever was included within them. Among the lands turned into wakf 1 were al-Katibah and Sulalim. When the Prophet laid his hands on these possessions, he found that he had not enough 'amils 2 for the land. He therefore turned it over to the Jews on condition that they use the land and keep only one-half of its produce. This arrange- ment lasted throughout the life of the Prophet and abu-Bakr. But when 'Umar was made caliph, and as the money be- came abundant in the lands of the Moslems, and the Moslems became numerous enough to cultivate the land, 'Umar expelled the Jews to Syria and divided the property 26 among the Moslems.

Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from az-Zuhri : When the Prophet conquered Khaibar the fifth share of it [reserved for him- self] was al-Katibah; as for ash-Shikk, an-Natat, Sulalim and al-Watih they were given to the Moslems. The Pro- phet left the land in the hands of the Jews on condition that they give him one-half of the produce. Thus the part of the produce assigned by Allah to the Moslems was divided among the Moslems until the time of 'Umar who divided the land itself among them according to their shares.

Abu-'Ubaid from Maimun ibn-Mihran : The Prophet be- sieged the inhabitants of Khaibar between twenty and thirty days.

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Bushair ibn-Yasar: The Prophet divided Khaibar into thirty-six shares eighteen for the Prophet to meet the expenses of accidents, visitors,

1 Unalienable legacy to the Moslem general community.

2 Governors whose chief function it was to collect taxes and conquer more lands.



and delegates, and the remaining eighteen shares to be divided each among one hundred men. 1

Al-Husain from Bushair ibn-Yasar : Khaibar was divided into thirty-six shares, each one of which was subdivided into one hundred lots. Eighteen of these shares were divided among the Moslems including the Prophet, who had in addition eighteen shares to meet the expenses of visitors and delegates and accidents that might befall him.

'Abdalldh ibn-Rawdhah estimates the produce. ' Ann- an- Nakid and al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from ibn-'Umar: The Prophet sent ibn-Rawahah to Khaibar who made a conjectural estimation of the palm-trees and gave the people their choice to accept or refuse, to which they replied : " This is justice; and upon justice have heaven and earth been established."

The sons of abu-l-Hukaik put to death. Ishak ibn-abi- Isra'il from an inhabitant of al-Madinah: The Prophet 27 made terms with the sons of abu-l-Hukaik stipulating that they conceal no treasure. But they did conceal; and the Prophet considered it lawful to shed their blood.

Abu-'Ubaid from Maimun ibn-Mihran: The people of Khaibar were promised security on their lives and children on condition that the Prophet get all that was in the fort. In that fort were the members of a family strongly opposed to the Prophet. To them the Prophet said : " I am aware of your enmity to Allah and to his Prophet, but this is not to hold me from granting you what I granted your com- panions. Ye, however, have promised me that if ye conceal a thing your blood will become lawful to me. What has be- come of your utensils?" " They were all " they replied, " used up during the fight." The Prophet then gave word to

  • Cf. Wakidi, tr. Wellhausen, p. 285; Tabari, vol. i, p. 1588; Athir,

vol. ii, p. 171.


his Companions to go to the place where the utensils were. The vessels were disinterred and the Prophet struck off their heads.

'Abdallah ibn-Rawahah. 'Amr an-Nakid and Muham- mad ibn-as-Sabbah from ibn-' Abbas : The Prophet turned Khaibar over with its soil and palm-trees to its inhabitants allowing them half of the produce.

Muhammad ibn-as-Sabbah from ash-Sha'bi : The Pro- phet turned Khaibar over to its inhabitants for one-half of the produce and sent 'Abdallah ibn-Rawahah to estimate the dates (or perhaps he said the palm-trees). This he estimated and divided into two halves and asked them to choose whichever one they wanted. Upon this they said, " It is by this that heavens and earth have been established."

A certain friend of abu-Yusuf from Anas: 'Abdallah ibn-Rawahah said to the people of Khaibar, " If ye wish, I will estimate and let you choose; otherwise, ye estimate and let me choose." Upon this they said, " It is by this that heavens and earth have been established."

The division of Khaibar. Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from az-Zuhri : The Prophet took Khaibar by force as a result of a fight; and after taking away one-fifth, he divided the remaining four-fifths among the Moslems.

The Jews of Khaibar expelled. 'Abd-al-A'la ibn- 2 g Hammad an-Narsi from ibn-Shihab: The Prophet said: ' There can be no two religions at the same time in the Arabian peninsula." 1 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab investigated until he found it certain and assured that the Prophet had said, " There can be no two religions at the same time in the Arabian peninsula." Accordingly, he expelled the Jews of Khaibar.

1 Gottheil, " Dhimmis and Moslems in Egypt" in 0. T. and Semitic Studies, vol. ii, p. 351.


The Prophet gives his share. Al-Walid ibn-Salih from al-Wakidi's sheikhs: The Prophet assigned his share in Khaibar as a means of subsistence, bestowing on each one of his wives 80 camel-loads of dates and 20 loads of barley; on his uncle al-' Abbas ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib 200 loads; and on abu-Bakr, 'Umar, al-Hassan, al-Husain and others including the banu-al-Muttalib ibn-'Abd-Manaf a certain number of loads. To this end, he drew up for them a document.

Al-Walid from Aflah ibn-Humaid's father who said : " I was made by 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz governor of al- Karibah ; and we used to give the heirs of the recipients of the Prophet's bestowals their due, those heirs being num- bered and recorded by us.

'Umar divides Khaibar. Muhammad ibn-Hatim as- Samin from Nafi* : The Prophet turned Khaibar over to the hands of its people on condition that they give him one-half of the produce. Thus they held it during the life of the Prophet, abu-Bakr and the early part of the caliphate of 'Umar. Then 'Abdallah ibn-'Umar visited them for some purpose and they attacked him in the night. He ['Umar], therefore, turned them out of Khaibar and divided it among those of the Moslems who were present [in its battle] giv- ing a share to the Prophet's wives. To the latter he said, " Whichever of you likes to have the fruit can have it, and whichever likes the estate can have it, and whatever ye choose will be yours and your heirs' after you."

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from ibn-' Abbas : Khaibar was divided into 1580 shares. The Moslems were 1580 men, of whom 1540 had taken part in the battle of al-Hudaibiyah and forty were with Ja'far ibn-abi-Talib in Abyssinia.

The fief of az-Zubair. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from ibn-'Urwah's father : The Prophet gave as fief to az-Zubair 29 lands in Khaibar planted with palm- and other trees.


The capitulation of Fadak. As the Prophet departed from Khaibar, he sent to the people of Fadak * Muhaiyisah ibn-Mas'ud al-Ansari inviting them to Islam. Their chief was one of their number named Yusha' ibn-Nun the Jew. They made terms with the Prophet, agreeing to give up one- half of the land with its soil. 2 The Prophet accepted. Thus one-half was assigned wholly to the Prophet because the Moslems " pressed not against it with horse or camel." The Prophet used to spend the income on the wayfarers.

f Umar expels the inhabitants. The inhabitants of Fadak remained in it until 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab became caliph and expelled the Jews of al-Hijaz. On that occasion he sent abu-1-Haitham Malik ibn-at-Taiyihan (some say an- Naiyihan), Sahl ibn-abi-Haithamah al-Ansari, and Zaid ibn- Thabit al-Ansari, who estimated justly the value of one- half of its soil. This value 'Umar paid to the Jews and expelled them to Syria.

Sa'id ibn-Sulaiman from Yahya ibn-Sa'id : The people of Fadak made terms with the Prophet agreeing to give one-half of the land and the palm-trees. When 'Umar ex- pelled them, he sent some one to estimate their share in land and palm-trees and he gave them their value.

1 Yakut, vol. iii, pp. 856-857. 'Not only the produce.

8 Athir, vol. ii, p. 171 ; Mas'udi, Kitdb at-Tanbih, p. 258. 50


Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from az-Zuhri : 'Umar ibn-al- Khattab gave the people of Fadak the price of one-half of their land and palm-trees.

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from az-Zuhri, 'Abdallah ibn- abi-Bakr and certain sons of Muhammad ibn-Maslamah : Only a remnant of the Khaibar was spared. They betook themselves to the fortifications and asked the Prophet to save their lives and let them go off. The people of Fadak having heard of that surrendered on the same conditions. 1 Thus Fadak became the special share of the Prophet, for the 30 Moslems " pressed not against it with horse and camel."

A similar tradition was transmitted to us by al-Husain from 'Abdallah ibn-abi-Bakr, with one addition, that among those who were intermediary between the two parties was Muhaiyisah ibn-Mas'ud.

Al-Husain from 'Umar : The Prophet had three portions appropriated to himself exclusive of his men: the land of banu-an- Nadir which was unalienable and to meet the ex- penses of the accidents that might befall him, Khaibar which he divided into three parts, and Fadak the income of which was reserved for wayfarers.

The wives of the Prophet demand an inheritance. 'Abdal- lah ibn-Salih al-'Ijli from 'Urwah ibn-az-Zubair : The wives of the Prophet delegated 'Uthman ibn-'Affan to ask abu-Bakr to give them their inheritance from the share of the Prophet in Khaibar and Fadak. But 'A'ishah said to them, " Do ye not fear Allah ? and have ye not heard the Prophet say ' What we leave as sadakah cannot be in- herited?' This property therefore is the property of the people of Muhammad to meet the expenses of the accidents and guests, and when I die it goes to the one in authority after me." On hearing this, the other wives desisted from their request.

1 Diyarbakri, vol. ii, pp. 57 and 64.

5 2

A similar tradition was communicated to us by Ahmad ibn-Ibrahim ad-Dauraki on the authority of 'Urwah.

The banu-Umaiyah confiscate Fadak. Ibrahim ibn- Muhammad ibn-'Ar'arah from al-Kalbi : The banu- Umaiyah confiscated Fadak and violated the law of the Prophet in regard to it. But when 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz became caliph, he reinstated the land in its old condition.

Fatimah demands Fadak. 'Abdallah ibn-Maimun al- Mukattib from Malik ibn-Ja'wanah's father : Fatimah said to abu-Bakr, "The Prophet assigned to me Fadak; thou shouldst therefore give it to me." 1 'Ali ibn-Abi-Talib acted as a witness in her favor. But abu-Bakr asked for another witness; and umm-Aiman testified in her favor. Abu-Bakr, thereupon, said " Thou, daughter of Allah's Pro- 3 l phet, knowest that no evidence can be accepted unless it is rendered by two men or a man and two women." Upon this she departed.

Rauh al-Karabisi from one supposed by Rauh to have been Ja'far ibn-Muhammad : Fatimah said to abu-Bakr, " Give me Fadak, the Prophet has assigned it to me." Abu- Bakr called for evidence and she presented umm-Aiman and Rabah, the Prophet's freedman, both of whom testified in her favor. But abu-Bakr said, " In such a case no evi- dence could be accepted unless it be rendered by a man and two women."

Ibn-'A'ishah at-Taimi from umm-Hani : Fatimah, the Prophet's daughter, called on abu-Bakr and asked : " Who will inherit thee when thou art dead ?" to which he replied, " My son and family." " Why then," asked she, " hast thou and not we inherited the Prophet's possessions?" " Daughter of Allah's Prophet," answered abu-Bakr, " by Allah, I have inherited from thy father neither gold nor

1 Bukhari, vol. iii, p. 131.


silver, neither this nor that." " But," said she, " thou hast inherited our share in Khaibar and our sadakah in Fadak." To this abu-Bakr replied, " Daughter of Allah's Prophet, I heard Allah's Prophet say, ' This is but something assigned by Allah as a means of subsistence to use during my life; on my death it should be turned over to the Moslems.' '

'Uthman ibn-abi-Shaibah from Mughirah: 'Umar ibn- 'Abd-al-'Aziz once summoned the banu-Umaiyah and ad- dressed them saying : " Fadak belonged to the Prophet and by the income from it he met his own expenses, supplied the needy among the banu-Hashim and helped the unmarried among them to marry. Fatimah asked him to bestow it on her, but he refused. After the Prophet's death, abu-Bakr used it in the same way. And so did 'Umar when he be- came caliph. And now I am going to put it back to its original use; and ye will be my witnesses."

Kura 'Ar ably ah. The following tradition was trans- mitted to us by Suraij ibn-Yunus from az-Zuhri in explana- tion of the text, "Against which ye pressed not with horse or camel " : J The places referred to are Kura 'Arabiyah 2 that belong to the Prophet, i. e., Fadak, and this and that.

'Umar expels the Jews of Fadak. Abu-'Ubaid from az- 32 Zuhri or someone else : 'Umar expelled the Jews of Khaibar and they evacuated the place. As for the Jews of Fadak, they retained half the fruits [produced] and half the soil, in accordance with the conditions on which they made terms with the Prophet. 'Umar paid them the price of half the products and half the soil in gold, silver and pack-saddles, and then expelled them.

The khutbah of 'Umar ibn- Abd-al- Aziz. 'Amr an- Nakid from abu-Burkan : The following is taken from the

1 Kor v 59:6.

1 Bakri, pp. 657-658 ; Wakidi, Maghazi, p. 374.


speech of 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz on his installment in the caliphate : " Fadak was among the spoils that Allah assigned the Prophet and the * Moslems pressed not against it with horse and camel.' When Fatimah asked him to give her the land, he said, ' Thou hast nothing to demand from me, and I have nothing to give thee.' The Prophet used to spend the income from it on wayfarers. Then came abu- Bakr, 'Umar, 'Uthman and 'AH who put it to the same use as the Prophet. But when Mu'awiyah became caliph he gave it as fief to Marwan ibn-al-Hakam ; and the latter bestowed it on my father and on 'Abd-al-Malik. Thus it was handed down to al-Walid, Sulaiman and myself. When al-Walid became caliph, I asked him to give me his share, which he did. In like manner, I asked Sulaiman for his share and he gave it. Thus I brought it into one whole again. And nothing that I possess is dearer to me than it ! Be ye therefore my witnesses, that I have restored it to what it was."

Al-Ma'mun gives Fadak to the descendants of Fatimah. In the year 210, the commander of the believers al-Ma'mun 'Abdallah ibn-Harun ar-Rashid ordered that Fadak be de- livered to the children of Fatimah. To that effect he wrote to his 'amil in al-Madinah, Kutham ibn-Ja'far, saying, " Greetings ! The commander of the believers, in his position in the religion of Allah and as caliph [successor] of his Prophet and a near relative to him, has the first right to enforce the Prophet's regulations and carry out his or- ders and deliver to him, whom the Prophet granted some- thing or gave it as sadakah, the thing granted or given as such. In Allah alone does the success as well as the strength of the commander of the believers lie, and to do what makes him win His favor is his [the commander's] chief desire.

The Prophet had given Fatimah, his daughter, Fadak and bestowed it as sadakah on her. That was an evident and



well-known fact on which there was no disagreement among 33 the relatives of the Prophet, who do not cease to lay claim on what was given to Fatimah as sadakah and to which she is entitled. Consequently, the commander of the believers has deemed it right to return it to the heirs of Fatimah and deliver it to them, seeking thereby to win the favor of Allah by establishing his right and justice, and of Allah's Prophet by carrying out his command and his wish regarding his sadakah. This the commander of the believers ordered re- corded in his registers and sent in writing to his 'dmils. And since, after the death of the Prophet, it has been cus- tomary on every mausim 1 to have any person claim a grant, or sadakah or promise, 2 and to have his claim accepted, then Fatimah' s claim on what the Prophet has bestowed on her should above that of every one else be accepted as true.

The commander of the believers has written to al- Mubarik at-Tabari, his freedman, ordering him to give Fadak back to the heirs of Fatimah, the Prophet's daugh- ter, with all its boundaries and the rights attached to it, and including its slaves and products and other things, all to be delivered to Muhammad ibn-Yahya ibn-al-Husain ibn-Zaid ibn-'Ali ibn-al-Husain ibn-'Ali ibn-abi-Talib and to Muham- mad ibn-'Abdallah ibn-al-Hasan ibn-'Ali ibn-al-Husain ibn- 'Ali ibn-abi-Talib, both of whom the commander of the believers has put in charge of the land in behalf of its owners.

Know therefore that this is the opinion of the commander of the believers and what Allah has inspired him to do as His will, and what He has enabled him to do in the way of winning His favor and His Prophet's favor. Let those under thee know it; and treat Muhammad ibn-Yahya

1 Meeting time of the pilgrims, see an-Nihdyah, vol. iv, p. 211, and Mutarrizi, al-Mughrib, vol. ii, p. 250.

2 Ar. 'idat, see Bukhari, vol. ii, p. 285 ; vol. iii, p. 168.

5 6

and Muhammad ibn-'Abdallah as thou hast treated al- Mubarik at-Tabari; and help them in any way that makes for the fertility, interest and productivity of the land. May it be Allah's will, and peace be unto thee.

Written on Wednesday, two days after the beginning of dhu-1-Ka'dah, year 210."

Al-Mutawakkil restores Fadak to its old condition. When al-Mutawakkil, however, became caliph, he ordered that the land be reinstated in the condition in which it had been before al-Ma'mun.



Wadi-l-Kura taken by assault. When the Prophet de- parted from Khaibar, he came to Wadi-l-Kura * and invited its people to Islam. They refused and started hostilities. 34 The Prophet reduced the place by force; and Allah gave him as booty the possessions of its inhabitants. To the lot of the Moslems fell pieces of furniture and other commodi- ties of which the Prophet took away one-fifth. The Pro- phet left the land with its palm-trees in the hands of certain Jews on the same rent terms which he had made with the people of Khaibar. 2 Some say that 'Umar expelled its Jews and divided it among those who fought for its con- quest. Others, however, say that 'Umar did not expel them, for it is not included in al-Hijaz. Today it is annexed to the administrative district of al-Madinah and is included among its suburbs.

Mid' am condemned to fire. I was informed by certain scholars that the Prophet had a slave, named Mid'am, whom Rifa'ah ibn-Zaid al-Judhami had presented to him. Dur- ing the invasion of Wadi-l-Kura, Mid'am was shot by an arrow from an unknown quarter as he was putting down the saddle of the Prophet's camel. When someone re- marked, " Blessed, O prophet of Allah, is thy slave, for he was shot by an arrow and suffered martyrdom," the Pro-

1 Yakut, vol. iv, p. 678.

2 Wakidi, tr. Wellhausen, p. 292.


5 g

phet replied, " Nay, the mantle he took from the spoils on the day of Khaibar shall verily burn on him like fire." *

Shaiban ibn-Farrukh from al-Hasan : Someone remarked to the Prophet, " Thy lad, so and so, has suffered martyr- dom," to which the Prophet replied, " Rather he is dragged to fire in a mantle he unlawfully took from the spoils."

'Abd-al-Wahid ibn-Ghiyath from al-Hasan: Some one remarked to the Prophet, " Happy art thou, for thy lad, so and so, has suffered martyrdom!" to which he replied, " Rather he is dragged to fire in a mantle he unlawfully took from the spoils." 2

Taima capitulates. When the people of Taima' heard how the Prophet had subjugated the people of Wadi-1- Kura, they made terms with him, agreeing to pay poll-tax, and they settled in their homes with their lands in their possession. 8 The Prophet assigned 'Amr ibn-Sa'id ibn- al-'Asi ibn-Umaiyah as governor to Wadi-1-Kura, and as- signed Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan after its conquest, the latter having become Moslem on the day of the conquest of Taima'.

'Umar expels the inhabitants. 'Abd-al-A'la ibn-Ham- mad an-Narsi from 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz : 'Umar ibn- al-Khattab expelled the people of Fadak, Taima' and 35 Khaibar. The fight between the Prophet and the people of Wadi-1-Kura took place in Jumada II, year 7.

The fief of Hamzah ibn-an-Nu ( mdn. Al-' Abbas ibn- Hisham al-Kalbi from his grandfather : The Prophet gave as fief to Hamzah ibn-an-Nu'man ibn-Haudhah-l-'Udhri his whip's throw 4 in Wadi-1-Kura. This Hamzah was the

1 Hisham, p. 765.

  • Bukhari, vol. iii, pp. 129-130.
  • Diyarbakri, vol. ii, p. 65.

4 Mawardi, p. 330.


chief of the banu-'Udhrah and the first of the people of al- Hijaz to offer the Prophet the sadakah of banu-'Udhrah.

The fief of f Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwdn. 'Ali ibn-Muham- mad from al-' Abbas ibn- 'Amir's uncle : 'Abd-al-Malik ibn- Marwan called on Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah and said, "O 1 com- mander of the believers, Mu'awiyah in his caliphate bought from certain Jews a piece of land in Wadi-1-Kura and made many improvements in it. Thou hast let that land fall into negligence. It is therefore lost, and its income has de- creased. Give it therefore as fief to me, and I shall take care of it." To this Yazid replied : " We are not stingy in big things, nor can a trifling escape our eye." 'Abd-al-Malik then said, " Its income is so much . . . ' " Thou canst have it," said Yazid. 1 When 'Abd-al-Malik departed Yazid remarked, "It is said that this is the man that will rule after us. If that is right, we would have done him favor and expect to receive something in repay; if it is false, we have granted him a gift."

1 L. Caetani, Annali dell Islam, vol. ii, p. 50, note 7.


The cause of its invasion. When the Prophet made ar- rangements with the Kuraish in the year of al-Hudaibiyah and wrote down the statement of the truce 1 to the effect that he who desires to make a covenant with Muhammad can do so, and he who desires to make a covenant with Kuraish can do so; and that he of the Companions of the Prophet who comes to Kuraish should not be returned, and he of the banu-Kuraish or their allies who conies to the Prophet should be returned, then those of Kinanah who were present rose and said, " We will enter into a covenant with Kuraish, and accept their terms " ; but Khuza'ah said, " We will enter into the covenant of Muhammad and his contract." Since between 'Abd-al-Muttalib and Khuza'ah an old alliance existed, 'Amr ibn-Salim ibn-Hasirah-1-Khuza'i composed the following verse :

" O Allah ! I am seeking from Muhammad

the hereditary alliance of our father and his." 2

One of the clan of Khuza'ah hearing one of the clan of Kinanah sing a poem satirizing the Prophet, attacked him and crushed his head. This incident provoked evil and fighting between the two parties. Kuraish reinforced banu- Kinanah and together they attacked Khuza'ah in the night time, thus violating the covenant and the arrangement.

1 Wakidi, Maghasi, p. 387 ; Hisham, pp. 746-747, 803. 1 Hisham, p. 806; Wakidi, Maghazi, p. 402; Fakihi, p. 42. 60


Thereupon, 'Amr ibn-Salim ibn-Hasirah-1-Khuza'i came to the Prophet and solicited his aid. This led the Prophet to invade Makkah.

The following is taken from a long tradition communi- cated to us by abu-'Ubaid al-Kasim ibn-Sallam on the au- thority of 'Urwah: Kuraish made terms with the Pro- phet, stipulating that both parties promise each other secur- ity against treachery and stealth, 1 so that a man coming on pilgrimage to Makkah or to visit there, or passing on his way between al-Yaman and at-Ta'if is safe; and he of the " polytheists " who passes through al-Madinah on his way to Syria and the East is safe. In this covenant the Prophet included banu-Ka'b ; and Kuraish included in their covenant their allies of the banu-Kinanah.

Abu-Sufydn as an envoy. 'Abd-al- Wahid ibn-Ghiyath from 'Ikrimah : The banu-Bakr of Kinanah were included in the peace terms of Kuraish, and the Khuza'ah were in- cluded in the peace terms of the Prophet. But a fight took 37 place between the banu-Bakr and Khuza'ah at 'Arafah. 2 Kuraish provided banu-Bakr with arms, and gave them water to drink, and shelter. Some of the Kuraish objected saying, " Ye have violated the covenant," yet the others replied, " We have not. By Allah, we did not fight. We only gave them provision, water, and shelter."

They, thereupon, said to abu-Sufyan ibn-Harb, " Go and renew the alliance and reconcile the parties " Abu-Sufyan proceeded to al-Madinah where he met abu-Bakr and said to him, "Abu-Bakr, renew the alliance and reconcile the parties."

Abu-Bakr asked him to see 'Umar. Accordingly he met 'Umar and said, " Renew the alliance and reconcile the

1 Hisham, p. 747; Caetani, vol. ii, p. 106; Wakidi, tr. Wellhausen, p. 257, note i ; and Fa'ik, vol. ii, p. 114.

  • Hisham, p. 803 ; Fakihi, pp. 49 and 144-145 ; Yakut, vol. iii, p. 646.


parties," to which 'Umar replied, " May Allah cut off the alliance what is still connected and wear out what is still new." Abu-Sufyan then said, " By Allah I never saw a worse head of a tribe than thou!" Thence he went to Fatimah who asked him to meet 'AH. This he did and made the same request. 'AH replied, " Thou art the sheikh of Kuraish and its chief. Renew therefore the alliance and reconcile the parties." Abu-Sufyan then clapped his right hand against the left saying, " I have renewed the alliance and reconciled the parties."

He then left and came to Makkah. The Prophet had said, "Abu-Sufyan is coming. He returns satisfied without having effected any result." When he returned to the people of Makkah he told them what had happened and they said, " By Allah we know none more foolish than thou. Thou dost bring us neither war that we may be warned, nor peace that we may feel safe."

Khuza'ah then came to the Prophet and complained of what had befallen them. The Prophet said, " I was ordered to secure one of the two towns Makkah or at-Ta'if." Thereupon, the Prophet ordered that the march be com- menced. Thus he set out with the Companions saying, " O Allah, strike upon their ears [with deafness] that they may not hear, 1 so that we may take them by surprise!" The Prophet pressed the march until he camped at Marr az- Zahran. Kuraish had asked abu-Sufyan to return. When he [abu-Sufyan] got to Marr az-Zahran and saw the fires and the tents he said, " What is the matter with the people ? They seem like the people celebrating the night of 'Arafah." Saying this, he was surrounded by the Prophet's horsemen, who took him prisoner ; and he was brought before the Pro- phet. 'Umar came and wanted to execute him, but al-

1 Cf. Kor., 18 : 10.


'Abbas prevented him and he [abu-Sufyan] embraced Islam and presented himself before the Prophet. When the time for morning prayer came, the Moslems bestirred themselves for ablution before prayer. "What is the matter?" said abu-Sufyan to al-'Abbas ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib, "Do they 38 mean to kill me?" " No," answered al-' Abbas, " they have risen for prayer." As they began to pray, abu-Sufyan noticed that when the Prophet knelt they knelt; when he prostrated himself, they prostrated themselves ; upon which he remarked, " By Allah I never saw, as I did to-day, the submissiveness of a people coming from here and there not even in the case of the noble Persians, or the Greeks who have long fore-locks." *

Al-' Abbas asked the Prophet saying, " Send me to the people of Makkah that I may invite them to Islam." No sooner had the Prophet sent him than he called him back saying, " Bring my uncle back to me, that the * polytheists ' may not kill him." Al-' Abbas, however, refused to return until he came to Makkah and made the following statement : " O ye people, embrace Islam and ye shall be safe. Ye have been surrounded on all sides. Ye are confronted by a hard case that is beyond your power. 2 Here is Khalid in the lower part of Makkah, there is az-Zubair in the upper part of it, and there is the Prophet of Allah at the head of the Emigrants, Ansdr and Khuza/ah." To this Kuraish replied, "And what are Khuza/ah with their mutilated noses !"

The entrance into Makkah. 'Abd-al- Wahid ibn-Ghiyath from abu-Hurairah : The spokesman of Khuza'ah repeated the following verse before the Prophet :

J Fakihi, p. 155; Wakidi, Maghazi, p. 405. 'Fakihi, p. 150; Fa'ik, vol. i, p. 338.

(> 4

" O Lord, I am seeking from Muhammad

the hereditary alliance between our father and his. Reinforce therefore, with Allah's guidance, a mighty victory,

and summon the worshippers of Allah, and they will come for help." *

Hammad states on the authority of 'Ikrimah that Khuza'ah called the Prophet as he was washing himself, and the Prophet replied, " Here I am!"

According to al-Wakidi among others, a band of Kuraish took up arms on the day of the conquest [of Makkah] saying, " Never shall Muhammad enter the city except by force." Accordingly, Khalid ibn-al-Walid led the fight against them and was the first to receive the order of the Prophet to enter. 2 So he killed twenty-four men from [the tribe of] Kuraish and four from [the tribe of] Hudhail. Others state that twenty-three men from Kuraish were killed on that day and the rest took to flight seeking refuge 39 in the mountain heights which they climbed. Of the Com- panions of the Prophet, Kurz ibn-Jabir al-Fihri, and Khalid al-Ash'ar al-Ka'bi suffered martyrdom on that day. According to Hisham ibn-al-Kalbi, however, the latter of the martyrs was Hubaish al-Ash'ar ibn-Khalid al-Ka'bi 8 of the tribe of Khuza'ah.

Abu-Hurairah describes the conquest. Shaiban ibn-abi- Shaibah-1-Ubulli from 'Abdallah ibn-Rabah : A number of deputations came to call on Mu'awiyah. It was in Ramadan, and we used to prepare food for one another. Abu- Hurairah was one of those who often invited us to his dwel- ling-place. I [ibn-Rabah] therefore prepared a meal and invited them. Then abu-Hurairah asked, " Shall I, O Ansdr, amuse you with a narrative concerning you?" and

1 Tabari, vol. i, pp. 1621-1622.

1 Fakihi, p. 153, seq.

1 " Khunais ibn-Khalid " in Hisham, p. 817.


he went on to describe the conquest of Makkah as follows : " The Prophet advanced until he came to Makkah. At the head of one of the two wings of the army, he sent az-Zubair, at the head of the other, Khalid ibn-al-Walid, and of the infantry abu-'Ubaidah ibn-al-Jarrah. The way they took was through the bottom of the valley. The Prophet was at the head of his cavalry detachment. On seeing me the Prophet called, 'Abu-Hurairah,' and I replied, ' Here I am, Prophet of Allah/ 'Summon the Ansdr,' said he, 'and let no one come but my Ansdr.' I summoned them and they came around. In the meantime, Kuraish had gathered their mob and followers saying, ' Let us send these ahead. If they win, we will join them; and if defeated, we shall give what- ever is demanded.' ' Do ye see ' said the Prophet, ' the mob of Kuraish ?' ' We do/ answered the Ansdr. He then made a sign with one hand over the other as if to say, ' kill them.' To this the Prophet added, ' Meet me at as-Safa.' Accordingly we set out, each man killing whom- ever he wanted to kill, until abu-Sufyan came to the Pro- phet saying, ' O Prophet of Allah, the majority of Kuraish is annihilated. There is no more Kuraish after this day.' 1 The Prophet thereupon announced, 'He who enters the house of abu-Sufyan is safe, he who closes his own door is safe, 40 and he who lays down his arms is safe.' On this the Ansdr remarked one to the other, 'The man is moved by love to his relatives and compassion on his clan.' The Prophet at this received the inspiration which we never failed to observe whenever it came. He therefore said : * O ye Ansdr, ye have said so and so . . v ' ' We have, Prophet of Allah,' replied the Ansdr. ' Nay,' said the Prophet, ' I am the slave of Allah and his Prophet. I have immigrated to Allah and to you. ' My life is your life ; my death is your death !'

, p. 154.


Hearing this, the Ansdr began to weep saying, 'By Allah, we said what we said only in our anxiety to spare the Prophet of Allah.' The people then crowded to the house of abu- Sufyan and closed its doors laying down their arms. The Prophet proceeded to the ' stone ' and laid hold of it. He then made the circuit of the ' House ' and came, with a bow in his hand held at its curved part, to an idol at the side of the Ka'bah. He began to stab the eye of the idol saying, 'Truth has come and falsehood has vanished, it is the prop- erty of vanity to vanish.' * When the circuit was done, he came to as-Safa, climbed it until he could see the ' House/ and he raised his hand praising Allah and praying."

The Prophet's orders. Muhammad ibn-as-Sabbah from 'Ubaidallah ibn-'Abdallah ibn-'Utbah : On the occasion of the conquest of Makkah, the Prophet made the following statement, " Slay no wounded person, pursue no fugitive, execute no prisoner; and whosoever closes his door is safe."

Ibn-Khatal proscribed. Al-Wakidi states that the in- vasion in which the conquest was effected was carried on in the month of Ramadan in the year 8. On that occasion the Prophet remained in Makkah to the time of the festival at the end of Ramadan, after which he proceeded to invade Hunain. To the governorship of Makkah he assigned 'Attab ibn-Asid ibn-abi-l-'Ts ibn-Umaiyah, and ordered the de- molishing of the idols and the effacement of the pictures that stood in the Ka'bah. He also said, "Put ibn-Khatal to death, even if ye find him holding the curtains of the Ka'bah." Ac- cordingly, abu-BarzahM-Aslami put him to death. Accord- 41 ing to abu-al-Yakzan, however, the name of ibn-Khatal was Kais, and the one who put him to death was abu- Shiryab al-Ansari. This ibn-Khatal had two female slave-

iRor., 17:83.

2 Al-Wakidi, p. 414, calls him abu-Bardah; cf. ibn-Duraid, Kitab al-Ishtikdk, p. 66; Nawawi, Tahdhib al-Asma', p. 788; Hisham, p. 819.


singers who always sang poems satirizing the Prophet. One of them was killed, and the other lived to the time of 'Uthman when a rib of hers was broken and caused her death.

Mikyas ibn-Subdbah proscribed. Numailah ibn-'Abdal- lah al-Kinani killed Mikyas ibn-Subabah-1-Kinani, the Pro- phet having announced that whosoever finds him may kill him. The Prophet did this for the following reason: Mikyas had a brother, Hashim ibn-Subabah ibn-Hazn, who embraced Islam and witnessed with the Prophet the invasion made on al-Muraisi'. Hashim was mistaken by one of the Ansdr for a " polytheist " and killed. Mikyas thereupon came to the Prophet and the Prophet decreed that the rela- tives of the slayer responsible for the bloodwit should pay it. Mikyas received the bloodwit and became Moslem. Later he attacked his brother's slayer, slew him and took to flight, after which he apostatised from Islam and said :

" My soul has been healed by having him lie,

deep in the blood flowing from his veins his clothes soaked, I took revenge on him by force leaving it,

for the leaders of banu-an-Najjar, the high in rank, to pay his

bloodwit, thereby I attained my ambition, and satisfied my vengeance,

and I was the first to forsake Islam." x

Al-Huwairith proscribed. 'Ali ibn-abi-Talib killed al- Huwairith ibn-Nukaidh ibn-Bujair 2 ibn-'Abd ibn-Kusai, the Prophet having declared that whosoever finds him may kill him.

Ibn-Khatal's slave-singers. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from al-Kalbi : A female slave-singer owned by Hilal ibn-'Abdal- lah, i. e., ibn-Khatal al-Adrami of the banu-Taim, came to the Prophet in disguise. She embraced Islam and acknowl-

1 Mawardi, pp. 229-230.

2 Hisham, p. 819.


edged the Prophet as chief. Not knowing who she was, the Prophet did not molest her. The other singer of Hilal was killed. Both singers, however, used to sing satires against the Prophet.

Ibn-a2-Ziba f ra embraces Islam. Ibn-az-Ziba'ra as-Sahmi embraced Islam before the Moslems had chance to kill him, and sang poems in praise of the Prophet. On the day of 42 the conquest of Makkah the Prophet declared his blood law- ful, but he was not molested.

The Prophet's khutbah. Muhammad ibn-as-Sabbah al- Bazzaz from al-Kasim ibn-Rabi'ah : On the day of the battle of Makkah the Prophet delivered the following khutbah [speech] : " Praise be to Allah who made his promise true, and gave his army victory * and all alone defeated the ' confederates.' Verily every privilege of pre-Islamic time and every blood and every claim lie under my feet with the exception of the custody of the ' House ' 2 and the provid- ing of the Pilgrims with beverage."

Khalaf al-Bazzar from 'Abdallah ibn-'Abd-ar-Rahman's sheikhs : On the day of the conquest of Makkah the Prophet asked Kuraish, " What think ye?" 8 to which they replied, " What we think is good, and what we say is good. A noble brother thou art, and the son of a noble brother. Thou hast succeeded." The Prophet then said, " My answer is that given by my brother Joseph, 4 ' No blame be on you this day. Allah will forgive you; for he is the most merciful of the merciful/ Verily every debt, possession, and privi- lege of pre-Islam lie under my feet with the exception of the custody of the ' House ' and providing the pilgrims with beverage."

l Hisham, p. 821.

2 The sanctuary at Makkah; Azraki, p. 17 seq.

"Tabari, vol. i, p. 1642.

4 Kor., 12 : 92.


Shaiban from 'Abdallah ibn-'Ubaid ibn-'Umair: The Prophet said in his khutbah, " Yea, all Makkah is inviolable. What is between its two rugged mountains was not lawful for any one before me, nor will it be made for any after me. To me it was made lawful for only one hour on one day. Its fresh herbage shall not be cut, its thorny trees shall not be felled, its game shall not be chased, what is found 1 in it shall not be kept unless previous announce- ment has been made of the find." Al-' Abbas said, " From this should be excluded the idhkhir plant 2 to be used by our jewelers, blacksmiths and as a means of cleansing* our houses." The Prophet then added, " The idhkhir is ex- cluded."

Yusuf ibn-Musa-1-Kattan from ibn-' Abbas : The Prophet said, " The fresh herbage of Makkah shall not be cut, its trees shall not be felled." " With the exception of the 43 idhkhir plant," remarked al-'Abbas, " which is for the black- smiths 4 and for the cleansing of the houses." This the Prophet allowed.

'Umar advised not to confiscate the treasure. Shaiban from al-Hasan : 'Umar wanted to seize the treasure of the Ka'bah to use it in the cause of Allah. But Ubai ibn-Ka'b al-Ansari turned to him and said : "Before thee, 'Commander of the Believers ' came thy two companions ; 5 who would have surely done so, if it were an act of virtue." 8

Makkah inviolable. 'Amr an-Nakid from Mujahid : 7

1 Abu-Ishak ash-Shirazi, at-Tanbih, p. 156.

  • A sweet rush resembling papyrus used for roofing houses.

3 Ar. tuhur, according to other readings zuhur " and for the roofs." See Wakidi, tr. Wellhausen, pp. 338-339.

  • Ar. kuyun ; Azraki, p. 85, has kubur " graves ".

6 Muhammad and abu-Bakr.

6 Caetani, vol. ii, p. 129, note i.

7 ibn- Jabr ; see an-Nawawi, p. 540.


" Makkah is inviolable," said the Prophet, " It is not legal either to sell its dwellings or to rent its houses."

The dwelling places of Makkah not to be rented. Muhammad ibn-Hatim al-Marwazi from 'A'ishah who said, " Once I said to the Prophet, ' Build for thee, Prophet of Allah, a house in Makkah that will protect thee against the sun/ to which he replied, * Makkah is the dwelling place only of those who are already in it.' '

Khalaf ibn-Hisham al-Bazzar from ibn-Juraij who said, " I have read a letter written by 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz in which the renting of houses in Makkah is prohibited."

Abu-'Ubaid from ibn-'Umar: The latter said: " The whole of al-Haram is a place of worship."

'Amr an-Nakid from 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-abi-Sulaiman : A message written by 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz to the chief of Makkah reads : " Let not the inhabitants of Makkah receive rent for their houses because it is not legal for them."

The following tradition regarding the text, "Alike for those who abide therein and for the stranger 2 " was com- municated to lis by 'Uthman ibn-abi-Shaibah from 'Abd-ar- Rahman ibn-Sabit : By the stranger is meant the pilgrims and visitors who go there and who have equal right in the buildings, being entitled to live wherever they want, pro- vided none of the natives of Makkah goes out of his home.

The following tradition regarding the same text was communicated to us by 'Uthman on the authority of Mujahid : The inhabitants of Makkah and other people are alike so far as the dwellings are concerned.

'Uthman and 'Amr from Mujahid : 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab 44 once said to the people of Makkah, " Make no doors for your houses that the stranger may live wherever he wants."

p. 5 seq. 1 Kor.. 22 : 25.


'Uthman ibn-abi-Shaibah and Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from abu-Hasin. The latter said, " I once told Sa'id ibn-Jubair in Makkah that I wanted to 'abide therein ' to which he re- plied, ' Thou art already abiding therein ' and he read, 'Alike for those who abide therein and for the stranger/ '

The following tradition in explanation of the same text was communicated to us by 'Uthman on the authority of Sa'id ibn-Jubair: All people in it are alike whether they are the inhabitants of Makkah or of some other place.

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al-Wakidi : Many cases were brought before abu-Bakr ibn-Muhammad ibn-'Amr ibn- Hazm regarding the rents of the houses of Makkah, and abu-Bakr in each case judged against the tenant. This too is the view of Malik and ibn-abi-Dhi'b. But according to Rabi'ah and abu-az-Zinad, there is no harm in taking money for renting houses or for selling dwellings in Makkah. 1

Al-Wakidi said, " I saw ibn-abi-Dhi'b receiving the rent of his house in Makkah between as-Safa and al-Marwah."

It was said by al-Laith ibn-Sa'd, " Whatever has the form of a house its rent is legal for its proprietor. As for the halls, the roads, the courts, and the abodes that are in a state of ruins, he who conies to them first can have them first without rent."

A tradition to the same effect was transmitted to me by abu-'Abd-ar-Rahman al-Awdi on the authority of ash- Shafi'i.

Said Sufyan ibn-Sa'id ath-Thauri : " To rent a house in Makkah is illegal " ; and he insisted on that.

According to al-Auza'i, ibn-abi-Laila and abu-Hanifah, if the rent is made during the nights of the Pilgrimage it is void, but if it is in other nights, whether the one who hires is a neighbor or not, it is all right.

l Cf. Kutb-ad-Din, al-I'lam, p. 17.

7 2

According to certain followers of abu-Yusuf, its rent is absolutely legal. The one " abiding therein " and the " stranger " are alike only as regards making the circuit of the " House."

The plants of the Haram. Al-Husain ibn-'Ali ibn-al- Aswad from 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-al-Aswad : The latter found no harm in gathering vegetables, cutting, eating or making any other use of anything else planted by man in 45 Makkah be it palm-trees or otherwise. He only disapproved of this being done with trees and plants that grow of their own accord without the agency of man. From this cate- gory al-idhkhir was excluded. According to al-Hasan ibn- Salih, 'Abd-ar-Rahman allowed it in the case of rotten trees that have decayed and fallen to pieces.

According to the view of Malik and ibn-abi-Dhi'b, as stated by Muhammad ibn-'Umar al-Wakidi, regarding the legality or illegality of felling a tree of the Haram, it is wrong at all events; but if the man who does it is ignorant he should be taught and receive no penalty; if he knows but is impious, he should be punished without paying the value of the trees. He who cuts it may have it for his use. According to abu-Sufyan ath-Thauri and abu-Yusuf, he should pay the value of the tree he cuts and cannot have the wood for his use. The same view is held by abu- Hanifah.

According to Malik ibn-Anas and ibn-abi-Dhi'b, there is no harm in cutting the branches of the thumdm plant and the ends of the senna plant from the Haram to be used as medicine or tooth-picks.

According to Sufyan ibn-Sa'id, abu-Hanifah, and abu- Yusuf, whatever in the Haram is grown by man or was grown by him can be cut with impunity ; whatever is grown without the agency of man, its cutter should be responsible for its value.



" I once," said al-Wakidi," asked ath-Thauri and abu- Yusuf regarding the case of one who plants in the Haram something that is not ordinarily grown and which he tends until it grows high, would it be right for him to cut it. They answered in the affirmative. Then I asked about the case of a tree that may grow of its own accord in his garden and that does not belong to the category of trees planted by man, and they said, ' He can do with it whatever he likes.' "

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al-Wakidi : The latter said, " It has been reported to us that ibn-'Umar used to eat in Makkah vegetables grown in the Haram."

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from Mu'adh ibn-Muhammad : The latter said, " I have seen on the table of az-Zuhri vege- tables grown in the Haram."

" No pilgrim or visitor of the Haram," said abu-Hanifah, " shall have his camel graze in the Haram, nor shall he cut grass for it." The same view is held by Zufar. But Malik, ibn-abi-Dhi'b, Sufyan, abu-Yusuf and ibn-abi-Sabrah are of the opinion that there is no harm in having the animals graze, but the man should not cut the grass for them. Ibn- abi-Laila, however, holds that there is no harm in having someone cut the grass.

'Affan and al'Abbas ibn-al-Walid an-Narsi from Laith : 46 'Ata' found no harm in using the vegetables of the Haram as well as what is planted therein including the branches and the tooth-picks, but Mujahid disapproved of it.

The history of the Haram-mosque. The Haram-mosque at the time of the Prophet and abu-Bakr had no wall to sur- round it. When 'Umar, however, became caliph and the number of the Moslems increased, he enlarged the mosque and bought certain houses which he demolished to increase its size. Certain neighbors of the mosque refused to sell their houses and 'Umar had to demolish their houses, the

j 4

prices of which he deposited in the treasury of al-Ka'bah until they took them later. 1 Moreover he raised around the mosque a low wall not higher than a man's stature. On this wall the lamps were put. When 'Uthman ibn-'Affan became caliph, he purchased certain dwellings and thereby enlarged the mosque. Certain people whose dwellings he seized after depositing their prices, met him near the "House" with loud protests, upon which 'Uthman addressed them as follows : " It is only my compassion on you and my leniency in dealing with you that made you venture to do this against me. 'Umar did exactly what I am doing but ye kept silent and were satisfied." He then ordered them to jail where they remained until 'Abdallah ibn-Khalicl ibn-Asid 2 ibn-abi-l-'ts spoke to him on their behalf and they were released.

It is reported that 'Uthman was the first to erect the porches of the mosque, which he did on the occasion of enlarging it.

In the days of Abraham, Jurhum and the 'Amalik, the bottom of the door of the Ka'bah was level with the ground until it was built by Kuraish, at which time abu-Hudhaifah ibn-al-Mughirah said, "Raise, people, the door of the Ka'bah, so that no one may enter without a ladder. Then would no man whom ye do not want to enter be able to do so. In case some one ye hate should come, ye may throw him down, and he will fall injuring those behind." The suggestion was followed by Kuraish.

When 'Abdallah ibn-az-Zubair ibn-al-'Auwam fortified himself in the Haram-mosque, taking refuge in it against al-Husain ibn-Numair as-Sakuni who was fighting with a Syrian army, one of 'Abdallah's followers carried one day

'Azraki, p. 307.

2 or Usaid; see Azraki, p. 307.


burning fibres of a palm-tree on the top of a lance. The wind being violent, a spark flew and attached itself to the curtains of the Ka'bah and burnt them. As a result, the walls were cracked, and turned black. This took place in the year 64. After the death of Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah and the departure of al-Husain ibn-Numair to Syria, ibn-az- Zubair ordered that the stones that had been thrown into it 1 47 be removed, and they were removed. He then demolished the Ka'bah, and rebuilt it on its old foundation, using stones in the building. He opened two doors on the ground, one to the east, and the other to the west ; one for entrance and the other for exit. In building it he found that the founda- tion was laid on al-Hijr. 2 His object was to give it the shape it had in the days of Abraham, as it had been de- scribed to him by 'A'ishah, the mother of the believers, on the authority of the Prophet. ff The doors of the Ka'bah, ibn-az-Zubair plated with gold, and its keys he made of gold. When al-Hajjaj ibn-Yusuf fought on behalf of 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan and killed ibn-az-Zubair, 'Abd- al-Malik wrote to al-Hajjaj ordering him to rebuild the Ka'bah and the Haram-mosque, the stones hurled at it hav- ing made cracks in the walls. Accordingly, al-Hajjaj pulled the Ka'bah down and rebuilt it according to the shape given it by Kuraish, removing all stones thereof. After this 'Abd-al-Malik often repeated, " I wish I had made ibn-az- Zubair do with the Ka'bah and its structure what he volun- tarily undertook to do !" *

The cover of the Ka'bah. In pre-Islamic times the cover

1 Cf. Kutb-ad-Din, p. 81.

2 The space comprised by the curved wall al-ljatim, which encom- passes the Ka'bah on the north-west side.

  • Kutb-ad-Din, p. 81.
  • Ibid., p. 84.


of the Ka'bah consisted of pieces of leather and ma f dfir * cloth. The Prophet covered it with Yamanite cloths, 'Umar and 'Uthman clothed it in Coptic cloths, and Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah clothed it in Khusruwani silk. 2 After Yazid, ibn-az-Zubair and al-Hajjaj clothed it in silk. The Umaiyads during a certain part of their rule, clothed it in robes offered as tribute by the people of Najran. The Umaiyads used to strip s the Ka'bah of its old covers when the cloths of silk were put on. At last came al-Walid ibn- 'Abd-al-Malik who amplified the Haram-mosque and con- veyed to it columns of stone and marble, and mosaic. Ac- cording to al-Wakidi, al-Mansur added to the mosque dur- ing his caliphate and rebuilt it. This took place in the year 139.

The reconstruction of the two mosques. It has been stated by 'Ali ibn-Muhammad ibn-'Abdallah al-Mada'ini, that Ja'far ibn-Sulaiman ibn-'Ali ibn-'Abdallah ibn-al- ' Abbas was made by al-Mahdi governor over Makkah, al- Madinah and al-Yamamah. Ja'far enlarged the two mos- ques of Makkah and al-Madinah and rebuilt them.

Al-Mutawakkil Ja'far ibn-abi-Ishak al-Mu'tasim-Billah 48 ibn-ar-Rashid Harun ibn-al-Mahdi renewed the marble of the Ka'bah, made a belt of silver around it, plated its walls and ceiling with gold which act was unprecedented , and clothed its pillars with silk. 4

1 A tribe in al-Yaman. See Nihayah, vol. iii, p. 109 ; and cf. Yakut, vol. iv, p. 282.

1 Cf. Azraki, p. 176; Ku^b-ad-Din, p. 68. 'Azraki, p. 180. 4 Kutb-ad-Din, p. 54.


BEFORE Kusai brought Kuraish together, and before they entered Makkah, they used for drinking purposes reservoirs, rain-water tanks on mountain tops, a well called al- Yusairah dug by Lu'ai ibn-Ghalib outside the Haram and another well called ar-Rawa dug by Murrah ibn-Ka'b and which lay just beyond 'Arafah. Later, Kilab ibn-Murrah x dug outside of Makkah three wells Khumm, Rumm and Jafr; and Kusai ibn-Kilab dug another which he called al-'Ajul and prepared a drinking place in connection with it. 2

After the death of Kusai a certain man of the banu-Nasr ibn-Mu'awiyah fell into al-'Ajul well and it was no more used.

Badhdhar was a well dug by Hashim ibn-'Abd-Manaf. It lies close to Khandamah at the mouth of abu-Talib's water-course. This Hashim also dug Sajlah & which Asad ibn-Hashim gave to 'Adi ibn-Naufal ibn-'Abd-Manaf abu- 1-Mut'im. It is asserted by some, however, that he sold it to him, and by others that it was 'Abd-al-Muttalib who gave it to him when he dug Zamzam and the water became abundant in Makkah. This Sajlah was later included in 49 the Mosque.

'Abd-Shams ibn-'Abd-Manaf dug out at-Tawi which lay in the upper part of Makkah. He dug out another for his

1 Azraki, pp. 436, 439, 496 ; Hisham, p. 95.

2 A few verses composed in regard to this and other wells have been omitted from the translation.

3 Bakri, p. 766 ; Fakihi, p. 120.



special use called al-Jafr. Maimun ibn-al-Hadram, an ally of the banu-'Abd- Shams ibn-'Abd-Manaf, dug his own well which was the last to be dug in Makkah during the pre- Islamic period. Near by this well, lies the tomb of al- Mansur the " Commander of the Believers." The first name of al-Hadrami was 'Abdallah ibn-'Imad. 1 Besides, 'Abd-Shams dug two wells which he called Khumm and Rumm 2 after Kilab ibn-Murrah's wells. Khumm lay near the dam, and Rumm near Khadijah's house.

Banu-Asad ibn-'Abd-al-'Uzza ibn-Kusai dug a well called Shufiyah, the well of the banu-Asad. 8

Umm-Ahrad was one dug by the banu-'Abd-ad-Dar ibn- Kusai.

Banu-Jumah dug as-Sunbulah well which is the same as 50 the well of Khalaf ibn-Wahb al-Jumahi.

Banu-Sahm dug the well called al-Ghamr which is the well of al-'Asi ibn-Wa'il.

Banu-'Adi dug al-Hafir.

Banu-Makhzum dug as-Sukya, the well of Hisham ibn- al-Mughirah ibn-'Abdallah ibn-'Umar ibn-Makhzum.

Banu-Taim dug ath-Thuraiya which is the well of 'Abdallah ibn-Jud'an ibn-'Amr ibn-Ka'b ibn-Sa'd ibn-Taim.

The banu-'Amir ibn-Lu'ai dug an-Nak'.

Jubair ibn-Mut'im had a well the banu-Naufal well, which has lately been included in Dar al-Kawarir erected by Hammad al-Barbari in the caliphate of Harun ar-Rashid. 4

In the pre-Islamic period, 'Akil ibn-abi-Talib had dug a well which is now included in the house of ibn-Yusuf . 5

Al-Aswad ibn-abi-1-Bakhtari ibn-Hashim ibn-al-Harith ibn-Asad ibn-'Abd-al-'Uzza had at al-Aswad gate near by al-

1 Nawawi, p. 432. a Bakri, pp. 318, 437-438.

1 Azraki, p. 438. * Azraki, p. 437.

  • Azraki, p. 441.


Hannatin [embalmers'] a well that was later added into the Mosque.

'Ikrimah well was named after 'Ikrimah ibn-Khalid ibn- al-'Asi ibn-Hashim ibn-al-Mughirah ; 'Amr well, as well as 4 Amr water-course, after 'Amr ibn-'Abdallah ibn-Safwan ibn-Umaiyah ibn-Khalaf al-Jumahi. At-Talub, which lay in the lower part of Makkah, was the property of 'Abdallah ibn-Safwan. Huwaitib well was named after Huwaitib ibn-'Abd-al-'Uzza ibn-abi-Kais of banu-'Amir ibn-Lu'ai, and 5 1 it lay in the court of his house at the bottom of the valley. Abu-Musa well belonged to abu-Musa-1-Ash'ari and lay at al-Ma'lat. Shaudhab well was named after Shaudhab, Mu'awiyah's freedman, and was later added to the Mosque. Some say that this Shaudhab was the freedman of Tarik ibn-'Alkamah ibn-'Uraij ibn-Jadhimah-1-Kinani, others that he was the freedman of Nafi' ibn-'Alkamah ibn-Safwan ibn-Umaiyah . . . ibn-Shikk al-Kinani, a maternal uncle of Marwan ibn-al-Hakam ibn-abi-l-'Asi ibn-Umaiyah. Bakkar well was named after a man from al-'Irak who lived in Makkah, and it lay in dhu-Tuwa; Wardan well after Wardan, a freedman of as-Sa% x ibn-abi-Wada'ah ibn- Dubairah as-Sahmi. Siraj drinking place lay in Fakh and belonged to Siraj, a freedman of the banu-Hashim. Al-Aswad well was named after al-Aswad ibn-Sufyan . . . ibn-Makhzum and lay near the well of Khalisah, a freed- maid of al-Mahdi the " Commander of the Believers." Al- Barud which lay in Fakh belonged to Mukhtarish 2 al-Ka'bi of [the tribe of] Khuza'ah.

Certain houses and gardens in Makkah. According to ibn-al-Kalbi, the owner of ibn-'Alkamah house in Makkah was Tarik ibn-'Alkamah ibn-'Uraij ibn-Jadhimah-1-Kinani.

1 Azraki, p. 442, gives al-Muttalib ; cf. Hisham, p. 462.

2 Azraki, p. 442, gives Khirash.


According to abu-'Ubaidah Ma'mar ibn-al-Muthanna, 'Abd- al-Malik ibn-Kuraib al-Asma'i and others, ibn-'Amir garden was the property of 'Umar ibn-'Ubaidallah . . . ibn-Lu'ai and was by mistake called ibn-'Amir or the banu-'Amir garden. In reality, it is ibn-Ma'mar's garden. Others say that it was so called after ibn-'Amir al-Hadrami ; still others, after ibn-'Amir ibn-Kuraiz, and all that is mere guessing.

I was told by Mus'ab ibn-'Abdallah az-Zubairi that Makkah in pre-Islamic times was called Salah.

Ibn-Siba' jail. The following was told to me by al-' Abbas ibn-Hisham al-Kalbi : A certain Kindi inquired in writing from my father about the one after whom ibn-Siba' jail of al-Madinah was named, about the story of Dar an- Nadwah, Dar al-'Ajalah, and Dar al-Kawarir in Makkah. My father wrote back the following answer : "As for ibn- Siba* jail, it was a house for 'Abdallah ibn-Siba/ ibn-'Abd- al-'Uzza ibn-Nadlah ibn-'Amr ibn-Ghubshan al-Khuza'i. Siba/ was surnamed abu-Niyar and his mother was a midwife in Makkah. In the battle of Uhud, he was challenged by Hamzah ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib who cried, ' Come, thou son of the female circumciser ! ' 1 and killed him. As Hamzah stooped on his victim to take his armor, he was thrust with a spear by Wahshi. The mother of the poet Turaih ibn- Isma'il ath-Thakafi was the daughter of 'Abdallah ibn-Siba', an ally of the banu-Zuhrah.

Par an-Nadwah. As f or an-Nadwah [council-chamber], it was built by Kusai ibn-Kilab, and people used to meet in it and have the cases decided. 2 Later, Kuraisji used to assemble in it to consult about war and general affairs, to assign the standard-bearers and to contract marriages. This was the first house established in Makkah by Kuraish.

1 " An expression of contumely used by the Arabs whether the mother is really a female circumciser or not." (Taj al-'Arus.)

J Azraki, pp. 65, 66; Diyarbakri, vol. i, p. 175; Tabari, vol, i, p. 1098; Istakhri, p. 16.


Par al-Ajalah. Then comes Dar al-'Ajalah which belonged to Sa'id ibn-Sa'd ibn-Sahm. The banu-Sahm claim that it was built before an-Nadwah; but this is a false claim. An-Nadwah remained in the hands of the banu-'Abd-ad-Dar ibn-Kusai until it was sold by 'Ikrimah ibn-Hashim ibn- 'Abd-Manaf ibn-'Abd-ad-Dar ibn-Kusai to Mu'awiyah ibn- abi-Sufyan, and the latter converted it into a governor's house.

Par al-Kawdrir. Dar al-Kawarir belonged to 'Utbah ibn- Rabi'ah ibn-'Abd-Shams ibn-'Abd-Manaf, then to al-' Ab- bas ibn-'Utbah ibn-'Abd-Shams ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib, and later to Ja'far's mother, Zubaidah, daughter of abu-1-Fadl ibn-al-Mansur the " Commander of the Believers." Be- cause earthen jars were partly used in making its pavement and walls, the hall was called al-Kawarir [the jar build- ing]. It was built by Hammad al-Barbari in the caliphate 53 of ar-Rashid.

Ku'aiki'dn and Ajydd. It was related by Hisham ibn- Muhammad al-Kalbi that 'Amr ibn-Mudad al-Jurhumi fought with another Jurhum man named as-Sumaida'. 'Amr appeared carrying arms that were rattling. Hence Ku'aiki'an [rattling] the name of the place from which he appeared. As-Sumaida' appeared with bells covering his horses' necks. Hence Ajyad [necks] the name of the place whence he appeared. According to ibn-al-Kalbi, it was said that he appeared with horses that were marked, hence the name Ajyad [steeds]. The common people of Makkah, however, call it " Jiyad as-Saghir " and " Jiyad al-Kabir."

Al-Walid ibn-Salih from Kathir ibn-'Abdallah's grand- father, who said : "We accompanied 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab on his visit in the year 17, and on the way were met by the owners of the wells, who asked 'Umar for permission to buiW dwelling places between Makkah and al-Madinah where, up to that time, no houses stood. 'Umar granted them per- mission, but imposed the condition that the wayfarer should have the first claim on the water and shade."


Umm-Nahshal Hood. Al-'Abbas ibn-Hisham from ibn- Kharrabudh al-Makki and others : Makkah was visited by four floods. One was umm-Nahshal flood which took place in the days of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab. 1 This flood rose so high that it penetrated into the Mpsque from the highest part of Makkah. 'Umar therefore made two dams, the higher of which extended between the house of Babbah (so called by its occupants, the house being that of 'Abdallah ibn-al-Harith ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib ibn-'Abd-Manaf who ruled al-Basrah at the time of the insurrection of ibn-az- Zubair) and the house of Aban ibn-'Uthman ibn-'Affan. The lower dam lay at al-Hammarin ; and it is the one known as Al-Asid dam. Thus was the flood kept back from the Haram mosque. According to the same tradition umm- Nahshal, the daughter of 'Ubaidah 2 ibn-Sa'id ibn-al-'Asi ibn-Umaiyah, was carried away by the flood from the higher 54 part of Makkah and therefore was the flood named after her.

Al-Juhdf w-al-Jurdf. Another flood was that of al- Juhaf w-al-Juraf which took place in the year 80 in the time of 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan. It overtook the pilgrims on a Monday morning and carried them away together with their baggage, and surrounded the Ka'bah. About this the poet said:

1 Azraki, pp. 394-398. 1 Azraki, pp. 394-395 : " 'Ubaid ". 82


" Ghassan never saw a day like Monday,

when so many were saddened and so many eyes wept;

and when the flood carried away the people of al-Misrain * and made the secluded women run astray climbing the mountains." 2

On this occasion, 'Abd-al-Malik wrote to his 'dmil in Makkah, 'Abdallah ibn-Sufyan al-Makhzumi others say that the poet al-Harith ibn-Khalid al-Makhzumi was his f dmil ordering him to build walls without clay around the houses that bordered on the valley, and around the Mosque, and to erect dams at the openings of the roads, so that the houses should be secure. To this effect, he sent a Christian who made the walls and set up the dam known as the banu- Kurad's or banu-Jumah's. Other dams were constructed in lower Makkah. A poet says :

" One drop of tears I shall keep, the other I shall pour forth, if I pass the dam of the banu-Kurad."

Al-Mukhabbil. Another flood was the one called al- Mukhabbil. When it came, many were afflicted with a disease in their body and palsy in their tongues. Hence the name al-Mukhabbil [rendering some limb crippled].

Abu-Shdkir. Still another flood came later in the cali- phate of Hisham ibn-'Abd-al-Malik in the year 120. It is known as abu-Shakir flood after Maslamah ibn-Hisham, who in that year had charge of the fair [of the pilgrims].

Wddi-Makkah. The flood of Wadi-Makkah comes from a place known as Sidrat 'Attab ibn-Asid ibn-abi-1-ls.

The -flood in the caliphate of ar-Rashid. It was reported by 'Abbas ibn-Hisham that a great flood took place in the caliphate of al-Ma'mum 'Abdallah ibn-ar-Rashid ; and its water rose almost as high as the " stone." 8

1 Al-Basrah and al-Kufah.

2 Cf. Azraki, p. 396.

8 The " black stone " of al-Ka'bah ; Azraki, p. 397.


The limits of al-Haram. Al-' Abbas from 'Ikrimah: A part of the limits set to al-Haram having been obliterated in the days of Mu'awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan, he wrote to Marwan ibn-al-Hakam, his 'dmil in al-Madinah, ordering him to ask Kurz ibn-'Alkamah-l-Khuza/i, if he were still alive, to es- tablish the limits of al-Haram, since he was familiar with them. Kurz was still alive; and he established the limits which are today the marks of al-Haram. According to al- Kalbi, this was Kurz ibn-'Alkamah ibn-Hilal ibn-Juraibah ibn-'Abd-Nuhm ibn-Hulail ibn-Hubshiyah-1-Khuza'i, the one who followed the steps of the Prophet to the cave in which the Prophet, accompanied by abu-Bakr as-Siddik, had dis- appeared, when he wanted to take the Hegira to al- Madinah. Kurz saw on the cave a spider web, and below it, the Prophet's foot-print which he recognized saying, " This is the Prophet's foot, but here the track is lost."


The Prophet lays siege to at-Td'if. When the Hawazin were defeated in the battle of Hunain, and Duraid ibn-as-Simmah was slain, the surviving remnant came to Awtas. The Pro- phet sent them abu-'Amir al-Ash'ari who was put to death. Then abu-Musa 'Abdallah ibn-Kais al-Ash'ari took the com- mand and the Moslems advanced on Awtas. Seeing that, the chief of the Hawazin at that time, Malik ibn-'Auf ibn- Sa'd of banu-Duhman ibn-Nasr ibn-Mu'awiyah ibn-Bakr ibn- Hawazin, fled to at-Ta'if, whose people he found ready for the siege with their fortress repaired and the provisions gathered therein. Here he settled. The Prophet led the Moslems until they got to at-Ta'if. Thakif hurled stones and arrows on the Moslems, and the Prophet set a ballista on the fortress. The Moslems had a mantelet 1 made of cows' skins on which Thakif threw hot iron bars and burnt it, killing the Moslems underneath. The siege of at-Ta'if by the Prophet lasted for fifteen days, 2 the invasion having begun in Shauwal, in the year 8.

Certain slaves surrender. Certain slaves from at-Ta'if presented themselves before the Prophet. Among them were abu-Bakrah ibn-Masruh, [later] the Prophet's freed-

1 Ar. dabbabah a machine made of skins and wool, men enter into it and it is propelled to the lower part of a fortress where the men, protected from what is thrown upon them, try to make a breach. See Zaidan, Ta'rikh at-Tamaddun al-Islami, vol. i, p. 143.

a Cf. Hisham, p. 872.



man, and whose [first] name was Nufai' , and al-Azrak after whom the Azarikah were named, who was a Greek blacksmith and slave, and whose [full] name was abu-Nafi* ibn-al-Azrak al-Khariji. For doing so, these slaves were set free. 1 It is claimed by others, however, that Nan' ibn- Azrak al-Khariji was of the banu-Hanifah and that the al- Azrak who came from at-Ta'if was another man.

The terms of capitulation. Then the Prophet left for al- Ji'ranah to divide the captives and the booty of Hunain. 2 Thakif, fearing lest he should return, sent a deputation with whom he made terms stipulating that they become Moslem, and keep what they possess in the form of money or buried treasures. 8 The Prophet imposed a condition on them that they would neither practise usury nor drink wine. They were addicted to usury. To this end, he wrote them a statement.

The old name of at-Ta'if was Wajj. When it was for- tified and surrounded by a wall it was called at-Ta'if.

The Jews in at-Tffif. Al-Mada'ini from certain sheikhs from at-Ta'if : In the district of at-Ta'if lived some Jews driven from al-Yaman and Yathrib, who had settled there for trade. On them poll-tax was imposed. It was from some of them that Mu'awiyah bought his possessions in at-Ta'if.

The land of at-Td'if is included in the district of Makkah. Al-' Abbas ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib had a piece of land in at-Ta'if from which grapes were taken and made into the beverage used for the Pilgrims. The men of Kuraish had possessions in at-Ta'if to which they came from

1 Cf. Hisham, p. 874.

2 Tabari, vol. i, p. 1670; abu-1-Fida, al-Mukhtasar, vol. i, p. 147 (Cairo, 1325).

  • Ar. ar-rikas, treasures buried in pre-Islamic days ; Bukhari, vol. i, p.

381 ; Mawardi, p. 207.


Makkah to repair. The conquest of Makkah and the con- version of its people to Islam made Thakif covet and lay hold on these possessions, but with the conquest of at-Ta'if, they were again put in the hands of the Makkans, and in fact all the land of at-Ta'if became one of the districts of Makkah.

Abu-Sufyan loses his eye. It was in the battle of at- Ta'if that abu-Sufyan ibn-Harb lost his eye. 1

The zakat from Thakif on grapes and dates. Al-Walid ibn-Salih from 'Attab ibn-Asid : The Prophet ordered that the vine-trees of Thakif be estimated as in the case of dates and that the zakat [legal alms] be taken in the form of raisins, as in the case of dates.

According to al-Wakidi, abu-Hanifah says : " The vine- trees are not estimated, but when the produce, whether large 57 or small, is gathered the zakat is taken."

According to Ya'kub : " If the produce is gathered and the weight of it is five wasks [loads] then its zakat is one- tenth or half of one-tenth." The same view is held by Sufyan ibn-Sa'id ath-Thauri. The wask is equal to 60 sd f s*

Malik ibn-Anas and ibn-abi-Dhi'b state that according to the commended practice [Ar. sunnah] the zakat on grape is taken by estimation as in the case of dates. 8

The zakat on honey. Shaiban ibn-abi-Shaibah from

  • Amr ibn-Shu'aib : A 'dmil of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab in at-

Ta'if wrote to 'Umar, " Those who own honey fail to con- tribute to us what they used to contribute to the Prophet, i. e., one vase out of each ten." 'Umar wrote back to him, " If they would contribute, thou shouldst protect their val- leys, otherwise do not."

1 Diyarbakri, vol. ii, p. 124.

  • Yahya ibn-Adam, Kitdb al-Kharaj, p. 100.

8 Malik ibn-Anas, al-Muwatta, pp. 116-117; and cf. Shafi'i, Kitdb al- Umm, vol. ii 2 , p. 27.


'Amr ibn-Muhammad an-Nakid from 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-Ishak's grandfather: 'Umar assessed one-tenth in the case of honey.

Da'ud ibn-'Abd-al-Hamid the kadi of ar-Rakkah from Khasif : 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz wrote to his f dmils in Makkah and at-Ta'if, " There is sadakah on the bee-hives. Therefore, take it thereof." According to al-Wakidi, it has been reported that ibn-'Umar said, " There is no sadakah on hives." According to Malik and ath-Thauri, no zakat is taken on honey though it may be in great quantities. 1 The same is the view of ash-Shafi'i. 2 According to abu-Hanifah, if the honey is raised in a tithe-land the tithe is taken whether the honey is much or little; but if it is raised in the khardj- land, nothing is to be taken, because both zakat and khardj cannot be taken from one and the same man.

Al-Wakidi states that he was told by al-Kasim ibn-Ma'n and Ya'kub that abu-Hanifah said : " If honey is raised in the land of a dhimmi there is no tithe on it, but there is khardj on the land. And if it is produced in the land of a Taghlabi 3 one-fifth is taken thereof." The same view is held by Zufar. According to abu-Yusuf, 4 if the honey is produced in the &/iara/-land, it is exempt of everything; but if in the tithe land, one ratl 6 is taken out of ten.

According to Muhammad ibn-al-Hasan, no sadakah what- 58 ever is taken on what is less than five faraks* The same view is held by ibn-abi-Dhi'b.

1 Muwatta, p. 121.

2 Unun, vol. ii 2 , p. 33.

8 Banu-Taghlib were Christian Arabs on whom 'Umar-ibn al-Khattab doubled the tax. See abu-Yftsuf, Kitdb al-Kharaj, p. 68. 4 Yusuf, p. 40. 6 A rail is about 5 pounds. A farak is 16 rails. Nihdyah, vol. iii, p. 196.

AT- T A' IF 89

It was reported by Khalid ibn-'Abdallah at-Tahhan that ibn-abi-Laila said, " Whether it is produced in the tithe- or khardj-land, one rail is due on every ten. The same view is held by al-Hasan ibn-Salih ibn-Hai.

A tradition reported to me by abu-'Ubaid on the authority of az-Zuhri states that the latter held that one vase [Ar. sikk] * is due on every ten.

The tithe on fruits and grains. Yahya ibn-Adam from Bishr ibn-'Asim and 'Uthman ibn-'Abdallah ibn-Aus: Sufyan ibn-'Abdallah ath-Thakafi wrote to 'Umar ibn-al- Khattab, whose 'amil he was in at-Ta'if, stating that before him was the case of a garden in which vine-trees grow, as well as plum and pomegranate trees and other things that are many folds more productive than vines, and soliciting 'Umar's orders regarding the taking of its tithe. But 'Umar wrote back, " No tithes on it."

It was stated by Yahya ibn-Adam that he heard Sufyan ibn-Sa'id (whose view is the following) say: "There is no sadakah except on four of the products of the soil, i. e., wheat, barley, dates and raisins, provided the product measures five wasks." 2 But abu-Hani fan's view is that whatever the tithe-land produces is subject to the tithe, though it be a bundle of vegetables. The same view is held by Zufar. But according to the view of Malik, ibn-abi-Dhi'b and Ya'kub, vegetables and the like are not subject to sadakah. Nor is there sadakah on what is less than five wasks of wheat, barley, maize, husked barley, tare, dates, raisins, rice, sesame, peas and the grains that can be measured and stored, including lentils, beans, Indian peas and millet. If any of these measure five wasks, then it is subject to sadakah. The same view, according to al-Wakidi, is held by Rabi'ah ibn-

1 A receptacle of skin for holding wine and the like.

2 Yahya ibn-'Adam, Kitab al-Kharaj, pp. 109-110.


abi-'Abd-ar-Rahman. According to az-Zuhri all spices and pulse * is subject to zakat. Malik holds that no sadakah is due on pears, plums, pomegranates or the rest of the fresh fruits. The same view is held by ibn-abi-Laila. According to abu-Yusuf, there is no sadakah except on what can 59 be measured by al-kafiz. 2 Abu-az-Zinad ibn-abi-Dhi'b and ibn-abi-Sabrah hold that no sadakah is taken on vegetables and fruits, but there is sadakah on their prices the moment they are sold.

A tradition was communicated to me by 'Abbas ibn- Hisham on the authority of his grandfather to the effect that the Prophet assigned 'Uthman ibn-abi-l-'Asi ath-Thakafi as his 'dmil in at-Ta'if.

1 Seed of a leguminous plant that is cooked.

2 Adam, p. 101.


BAKR ibn-al-Haitham from az-Zuhri: The people of Tabalah and Jurash x accepted Islam without resistance. 2 The Prophet left them on the terms agreed upon when they became Moslems, imposing on every adult of the " People of the book " a among them one dinar, and making it a condition on them to provide the Moslem wayfarers with board and lodging. Abu-Sufyan ibn-Harb was assigned by the Prophet as the governor of Jurash.

1 Cities in al-Yaman; Bakri, pp. 191 and 238; Hamdani, Jazirat al-

  • Arab, p. 127, line 19; Yakut, vol. i, p. 817 and vol. ii, p. 60.

2 Tabari, vol. i, p. 1730.

  • Jews and -Christians.



Tabuk makes terms. When in the year 9 the Prophet marched to Tabuk in Syria for the invasion of those of the Greeks, 'Amilah, Lakhm, Judham and others whom he learnt had assembled against him, he met no resistance. 1 So he spent a few days in Tabuk, whose inhabitants made terms with him agreeing to pay poll-tax.

Ailah makes terms. During his stay at Tabuk, there came to him Yuhanna ibn-Ru'bah, the chief of Ailah, and made terms, agreeing to pay on every adult in his land one dinar per annum making it 300 dinars in all. The Prophet made it a condition on them that they provide with board and lodging whomsoever of the Moslems may pass by them. To this effect he wrote them a statement 2 that they may be kept safe and protected.

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from Talhah-1-Aili : 'Umar ibn- 'Abd-al-'Aziz never raised the tax of the people of Ailah above 300 dinars?

Adhruh makes terms. The Prophet made terms with the people of Adhruh 4 stipulating that they pay 100 dinars in Rajab of every year.

Al-Jarba' makes terms. The people of al-Jarba' 5 made

1 Ibn-Sa'd, vol. ii 1 , p. 118; Hisham, p. 893; Tabari, vol. i, p. 1692. 8 Hisham, p. 902.

  • Wellhausen, Das Arabische Reich, p. 173.

4 Yakut, vol. i, p. 174; Istakhri, p. 58; Mukaddasi, p. 54. 6 Yakut, vol. ii, p. 46. 92


terms and agreed to pay poll-tax. To this effect the Prophet wrote them a statement.

Makna makes terms. The people of Makna made terms 60 with the Prophet, agreeing to offer one-fourth of what they fish and spin, one-fourth of their horses and coats of mail, and one-fourth of their fruits. The inhabitants of Makna were Jews. [18] An Egyptian told me that he saw with his own eye the statement that the Prophet wrote them on a red parchment, the writing on which was partly effaced, and which he copied and dictated to me as follows :

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. From Muhammad, the Messenger of Allah, to the banu- Habibah and the inhabitants of Makna : peace be with you. It has been revealed unto me from above that ye are to return to your village. From the time this my letter reaches you, ye shall be safe ; and ye have the assurance of security from Allah and from his Messenger. Verily, the Messenger of Allah has forgiven you your sins and all blood for which ye have been pursued. In your village, ye shall have no partner but the Messenger of Allah or the Messenger's messenger. There shall be no oppression on you nor hostility against you. Against whatever the Prophet of Allah protects himself, he will protect you. Only to the Prophet of Allah shall belong your cloth-stuff, slaves, horses [19] and coats of mail, save what the Prophet or the Prophet's messenger shall exempt. Besides that, ye shall give one-fourth of what 'your palm-trees produce, one-fourth of the product of your nets, and one-fourth of what is spun by your women; but all else shall be your own ; and God's Prophet has exempted you from all further poll-tax or forced labor. Now, if ye

9 4

hear and obey, it will be for the Prophet to do honor to the honorable among you and pardon those among you who do the wrong. Whosoever of the banu-Habibah and the inhabitants of Makna bethinks himself to do well to the Moslems, it shall be well for him; and whosoever means mischief to them, mischief shall befall him. Ye are to have no ruler save of your number of the family of the Prophet. Written by 'Ali-ibn-abu-Talib J in the year 9."

1 Sic! Being genitive, it should be "abi". See note in De Goeje's edition, p. 60.



Khdlid ibn-al-Walid captures Ukaidir. The Prophet 61 sent Khalid ibn-al-Walid ibn-al-Mughirah-1-Makhzumi to Ukaidir ibn-'Abd-al-Malik al-Kindi, later as-Sakuni, at Dumat al-Jandal. 1 Khalid took him captive, killed his brother, robbed him of a silk cloak 2 interwoven with gold, and brought Ukaidir before the Prophet. Ukaidir accepted Islam, 3 upon which the Prophet wrote for him and the people of Dumat the following statement :

" This is a statement from Muhammad, the Prophet of Allah, to Ukaidir as he accepted Islam and forsook the objects of worship and idols, and to the people of Dumat : To us shall belong the water-places outside the city, the untilled lands, the deserts and waste lands, as well as the defensive and offensive weapons, the horses, and the fortress; and to you shall belong the palm-trees within the city, and the running water. Your cattle which are pasturing shall not, for the purpose of taking the sadakah, be brought together [but shall be numbered on the pasture-land], and what is above the fixed number of animals from which a sadakah is required shall not be taken into consideration. [20] Your herds shall graze wherever ye want, and ye shall ob-

1 Yakut, vol. ii, p. 625.

  • Tabari, vol. i, pp. 1702-1703.

8 Diyarbakri, vol. ii, p. 142; Athir, vol. ii, p. 214.


9 6

serve prayer in its time, and pay the zakat as it is due. To this effect, I give you the covenant of Allah and his promise, and ye are entitled to our sincerity as regards the fulfillment of the terms. Witnessed by Allah and those of the Moslems who are present."

Ukaidir violates the covenant. Al-' Abbas ibn-Hisham 62 al-Kalbi from his grandfather: The Prophet sent Khalid ibn-al-Walid to Ukaidir. Ukaidir was brought by Khalid before the Prophet; he became a Moslem, and the Prophet wrote him a statement. But no sooner had the Prophet been dead, than Ukaidir stopped the payment of the sadakah, violated the covenant and left Dumat al-Jandal for al-Hirah, where he erected a building and called it Dumat after Dumat al-Jandal. His brother, however, Huraith * ibn- 'Abd-al-Malik embraced Islam and thereby entered into possession of the property held by his brother. 2

Huraith's daughter marries. Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah married the daughter of Huraith, Ukaidir 's brother.

Abu-Bakr sends Khalid against Ukaidir. Al-' Abbas from 'Awanah ibn-al-Hakam : Abu-Bakr wrote to Khalid ibn-al-Walid, when the latter was at 'Am at-Tamr, ordering him to go against Ukaidir, which he did, killing Ukaidir and capturing Dumat. After the death of the Prophet, Ukaidir left Dumat and then returned to it. Having killed him, Khalid went to Syria.

Laila daughter of al-Judi a captive. According to al- Wakidi, on Khalid's way from al-'Irak to Syria, he passed through Dumat al-Jandal, which he captured, carrying away many captives, among whom were Laila, the daughter of al-Judi-1-Ghassani. Others say Laila was carried away by Khalid's horsemen from a Ghassan settlement stationed by 63

1 Ibn-1-Jajar, vol. i, p. 773, by mistake gives "IJuraib".

  • One verse omitted.


a watering-place [hddir]. It was this daughter of al-Judi whom 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-abi-Bakr as-Siddik had fallen in love with, and the one whom he meant when he said :

" I thought of Laila with as-Samawah * intervening between ; and what has the daughter of al-Judi to do with me?"

Thus did he win her hand and marry her. But such a hold had she on him that he gave up all his other wives. At last, however, she was affected with such a severe disease that her looks were changed and he no more liked her. He was advised to give her what is usually given at divorce 2 and send her to her own people, which he did.

Al-Wakidi's version of the conquest. According to al-Wakidi, the Prophet led the invasion against Dumat al-Jandal in the year 5 and met no resistance. In Shauwal, year 9, he sent Khalid ibn-al-Walid to Ukaidir, twenty months after the former had embraced Islam.

The reconstruction of Dumat al-Jandal. I heard it said by someone from al-Hirah that Ukaidir and his brothers used to go to Dumat al-Hirah and visit their uncles of the Kalb tribe and spend some time with them. One day as they were together on a hunting trip, there arose before their view a city in ruins with only few walls standing. The city was built of stones [ Ar. jandal] . This city they rebuilt, planted in it olive- and other trees, and called it Dumat al-Jandal in distinction from Dumat al-Hirah. 3

Az-Zuhri's version of the conquest. *Amr ibn-Muhammad an-Nakid from az-Zuhri : The Prophet sent Khalid ibn-al-Walid ibn-al-Mughirah to the people of Dumat al-Jandal who were some of the Christians of al-Kufah. Khalid captured Ukaidir, their chief, and arranged to receive poll-tax from him.

1 A desert from Dumat to 'Ain at-Tamr ; Istakhri, p. 23.

1 Ar. mut'ah. Muwatta, p. 208. * Caetani, vol. ii, p. 263.


The terms agreed upon. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from az- 64 Zuhri : There came to the Prophet the military chief and the civil chief, 1 delegated by the people of Najran in al- Yaman, and asked for terms which they made on behalf of the people of Najran, agreeing to offer two thousand robes one thousand in Safar and one thousand in Rajab each one of which should have the value of one ounce [aukiyah], the ounce weighing 40 dirhams. In case the price of the robe delivered should be more than one ounce, the surplus would be taken into consideration; and if it were less, the deficiency should be made up. And whatever weapons, horses, camels or goods they offered, should be accepted instead of the robes, if they are the same value. Another condition was made that they provide board and lodging for the Prophet's messengers for a month or less, and not detain them for more than a month. Still another condition was that in case of war in al-Yaman, they are bound to offer as loan thirty coats of mail, thirty mares and thirty camels, and whatever of these animals perish, the messengers [of the Prophet] guarantee to make up for them. To this effect, the Prophet gave them Allah's covenant and his promise. Another condition was that they be not allured to change their religion or the rank they hold in it, nor should they be called upon for military service or made to pay the tithe. 2 The

1 Hisham, p. 401. 2 f. Yusuf, pp. 40-41.



Prophet made it a condition on them that they neither take nor give usury.

The two monks of Najrdn and the Prophet. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from al-Hasan : There came to the Prophet two monks from Najran. 1 The Prophet proposed Islam to them, and they replied, "We embraced Islam before thou didst." To this the Prophet replied, " Ye have told a lie. Three things keep you from Islam : pork eating, cross-worship and the claim that Allah has a son." " Well then," said they, " who is Isa's father?" Al-Hasan adds that the Pro- phet was never too quick but always waited for Allah's command. Hence the text revealed by his Lord : 2 " These signs and this wise warning do we rehearse to thee. Verily, Jesus is as Adam in the sight of Allah. He created him of dust : He then said to him, ' Be ' and he was," etc. to " on those who lie."

This the Prophet repeated to them and then asked them to join with him in imprecating the curse of Allah upon whichever of them was wrong, 9 taking hold of the hands of Fatimah, al-Hasan and al-Husain. At this, one of the two monks said to the other, " Climb the mountain and do not join with him in imprecating the curse, for if thou shouldst, thou wouldst return with the curse on thee." " What shall we do then?" asked the other. " I believe," said the former, " we had better give him the khardj rather than join with him in imprecating the curse." 4

A statement of the treaty. Al-Husain from Yahya ibn- Adam who said : " I copied the statement of the Prophet 65 to the people of Najran from that of a man who took it from al-Hasan ibn-Salih. These are the words :

1 Yakut, vol. iv, pp. 751-757-

Kor., 3:51. Cf. Kor., 3:54-

  • mubahalah. Bukhari, vol. iii, pp. 167-168; abu-1-Faraj, Aghani, vol.

x, p. 144.


' In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. The following is what the Messenger of Allah, Muhammad, wrote to Najran, at whose disposal * were all their fruits, their gold, silver and domestic utensils, and their slaves, but which he benevolently left for them, assessing on them two thousand robes each having the value of one aukiyah, one thousand to be delivered in Rajab of every year, and one thousand in Safar of every year. Each robe shall be one aukiyah; and whatever robes cost more or less than one aukiyah, their overcost or deficiency shall be taken into consideration; and whatever coats of mail, horses, camels or goods they substitute for the robes shall be taken into consideration. It is binding on Najran to provide board and lodging for my messengers 2 for one month or less, and never to detain them for more than a month. It is also binding on them to offer as loan thirty coats of mail, thirty mares and thirty camels, in case of war in al-Yaman due to their rebelling. Whatever perishes of the horses or camels, lent to my messengers, is guaranteed by my messengers and is returned by them. Najran and their followers a are entitled to the protection of Allah and to the security of Muhammad the Prophet, the Messenger of Allah, which security shall involve their persons, religion, lands and possessions, including those of them who are absent as well as those who are present, their camels, messengers and images. 4 The state they previously held shall not be changed, nor shall any of their religious services or images be changed. No attempt shall be made to turn a bishop from his office as a bishop, a monk from his office as a monk, nor the sexton

1 The text here is probably corrupt ; cf. Wellhausen, Skizzen und Vorarbeiten, vol. iv, pp. 25 and 132; Yusuf, p. 41. 8 Sent to bring the kharaj.

"Ar. hdshiyah = Jews. Sprenger, vol. Hi, p. 502. 4 amthilah crosses and pictures used in churches.


of a church from his office, whether what is under the control of each is great or little. They shall not be held responsible for any wrong deed or blood shed in pre-Islamic time. They shall neither be called to military service nor compelled to pay the tithe. No army shall tread on their land. If some one demands of them some right, then the case is decided with equity without giving the people of Najran the advantage over the other party, or giving the other party the advantage over them. But whosoever of them has up till now 1 received usury, I am clear of the responsibility of his protection. 2 None of them, however, shall be held responsible for the guilt of the other. And as a guarantee to what is recorded in this document, they are entitled to the right of protection from Allah, and to the security of Muhammad the Prophet, until Allah's order is issued, and so long as they give the right counsel [to Moslems] and render whatever dues are bound on them, provided they are not asked to do anything unjust. Witnessed by abu-Sufyan ibn-Harb, Ghailan ibn-'Amr, Malik ibn-'Auf 66 of banu-Nasr, al-Akra' ibn-Habis al-Hanzali and al-Mug-hirah. Written by '" s

Yaha ibn-Adam adds, " I have seen in the hands of the people of Najran another statement whose reading is similar to that of this copy, but at the close of it the following words occur : Written by *Ali ibn-abu-Talib.' 4 Concerning this I am at a loss to know what to say."

'Umar expels them. When abu-Bakr as-Siddik became caliph he enforced the terms agreed upon and issued another statement similar to that given by the Prophet. When

1 Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 62, has " after this year ".

8 Caetani, vol. ii, p. 352 ; Sprenger, vol. iii, p. 502 ; Athir, vol. ii, p. 223. 8 'Abdallah ibn-abi-Bakr ; abu-Yusuf, p. 4; see H. Lammens' com- ment on this protocol, Melanges de la Faculte Orientale, vol. v 2 , p. 346. 4 And not " abi " as required by the rules of the Arabic grammar.

1 02

'Umar ibn-al-Khattab became caliph, they began to practise usury, and became so numerous as to be considered by him a menace to Islam. He therefore expelled them and wrote to them the following statement :

" Greetings ! Whomever of the people of Syria and al-'Irak they happen to come across, let him clear for them tillable land; and whatever land they work, becomes theirs in place of their land in al-Yaman." Thus the people of Najran were dispersed, some settling in Syria and others in an-Najraniyah in the district of al-Kufah, after whom it was so named. The Jews of Najran were included with the Christians in the terms and went with them as their followers.

The Najranites under 'Uthman. When 'Uthman ibn-'Affan became caliph, he wrote to his 'ami/ in al-Kufah, al-Walid ibn-'Ukbah ibn-abi-Mu'ait, as follows :

" Greetings ! The civil ruler, the bishop and the nobles of Najran have presented to me the written statement of the Prophet and showed me the recommendation * of 'Umar. Having made inquiry regarding their case from 'Uthman ibn-Hunaif, I learned that he had investigated their state and found it injurious to the great landlords 2 whom they prevented from possessing their land. I have, therefore, reduced their taxation by 200 robes for the sake of Allah and in place of their old lands. I recommend them to thee as they are included among the people entitled to our protection."

Another source for 'Umar's statement. I heard it said by one of the learned that 'Umar wrote them the following statement : " Greetings ! Whomsoever of the people of Syria or al-'Irak they pass by, let him clear for them tillable land ". Another I heard say, " waste land ".

1 Lammens, MFO, vol. v 2 , p. 677.

  • dihkans; Adam, pp. 42-43.


One reason for their expulsion. 'Abd-al-A'la ibn-Ham-mad an-Narsi from 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz : The Prophet said during his illness, " There shall not remain two religions in the land of Arabia." Consequently, when 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab became caliph, he expelled the people of Najran to an-Najraniyah and bought their properties and 67 possessions.

Al-'Abbas ibn-Hisham al-Kalbi from his grandfather : The Najran of al-Yaman received their name from Najran ibn-Zaid ibn-Saba ibn-Yashjub ibn-Ya'rub ibn-Kahtan.

'Umar and 'Ali refuse to reinstate them in the land. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Salim ibn-abi-1-Ja'd : The people of Najran having increased in number to 40,000, became jealous of one another and came to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab saying, " Transplant us from the land ". 'Umar had considered them a menace to the Moslems, so he took this opportunity and expelled them from the land. Later, however, they repented, and returning to 'Umar said, " Reinstate us in the land ", but 'Umar refused. When 'Ali ibn-abi-Talib became caliph, they came to him and said, " We plead with thee by thy right-hand writing and thy intermediacy on our behalf with thy Prophet that thou mayst reinstate us in the land." To this 'Ali replied : " 'Umar was a man of sound judgment, and I hate to act differently."

The number of robes received by Mu'awiyah. Abu-Mas'ud al-Kufi from al-Kalbi : The chief of an-Naj rani-yah at al-Kufah used to send his messengers to all the people of Najran who were in Syria and other districts and to gather money assessed evenly on them for raising the required robes. When Mu'awiyah (or Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah) came to power, they complained to him because of their dispersion, the death of some of them, and the conversion to Islam of

1 Adam, p. 9.


others. They also presented the statement issued by 'Uthman ibn-'Affan for the reduction of the number of robes. To this they added, "And now we have still more decreased, and become weaker." He then reduced the num- ber by another 200 robes, thus reducing the original number by four hundred.

Al-Hajjaj restores the number. When al-Hajjaj ibn- Yusuf was made governor of al-'Irak and ibn-al-Ash'ath revolted against him, the former charged the non-Arab landlords and the people of Najran with siding with the latter, and, therefore, he raised the number to 1,800 robes, and ordered that the robes be of the kind adorned with figures.

f Umar ibn- Abd-al- c Aziz reduces the number. When 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz came to power, they complained to him that they were in danger of extinction, that they were decreasing in number, that the continuous raids of the Arabs overburdened them with heavy taxes for revictualling them, and that they suffered from the unjust treatment of al- Hajjaj. By 'Umar's orders their census was taken, and it was found that they were reduced to one-tenth of their original number, upon which 'Umar said, " I consider that the terms of this capitulation impose a tax on their heads and not on their lands. The poll-tax of the dead and the Moslems, however, is annulled." He therefore held them responsible for 200 robes of the value of 8,000 dirhams.

Yusuf ibn- U mar restores the original tax. In the time of al-Walid ibn-Yazid, when Yusuf ibn-'Umar was made 68 governor of al-'Irak, he [Yusuf], moved with partisanship to al-Hajjaj, charged them the original tax.

Abu-l- Abbas reduces the number of robes. When abu- 1-' Abbas was proclaimed caliph, they met him on the way as he appeared in al-Kufah and strewed myrtle branches on the road and threw some on him as he was going home from


the mosque. With this the caliph was greatly pleased. Later they brought their case before him and told him of their paucity in number and of their treatment by 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz and Yusuf ibn-'Umar. To this they added, " We are somehow related to thy uncles (on the mother's side), the banu-1-Harith ibn-Ka'b." 'Abdallah ibn- ar-Rabi* al-Harithi spoke in their favor; and al-Hajjaj ibn- Artat confirmed what they claimed. Therefore, abu-1- ' Abbas held them responsible only for the 200 robes pre- viously given by them, having a value of 8,000 dirhams.

Ar-Rashid writes them a favorable statement. Abu- Mas'ud said, " When ar-Rashid Harun became caliph and started for al-Kufah on his way to the Pilgrimage, they brought their case before him and complained of the harsh treatment of the 'amils. By the caliph's orders there was written to them a statement fixing the number at 200 robes. The statement I myself saw. Moreover the caliph ordered that they be freed from dealing with the 'amils, and that they pay the dues directly to the treasury."

'Amr an-Nakid from ibn-Shihab az-Zuhri : The following text was revealed against the unbelievers among the Kuraish and the Arabs, 1 " Fight therefore against them until there is no more civil discord, and the only worship be that of Allah," and the following against the "People of the Book." 2 " Make war upon such of those to whom the Book has been given as believe not in Allah, or in the last day, and who forbid not that which Allah and his Messenger have for- bidden, and who profess not the profession of the truth," etc. to " humbled." Thus the first among the "People of the Book" to pay poll-tax, so far as we know, were the people of Najran who were Christian. Then, the people of Ailah, Adhruh and Adhri'at paid it in the battle of Tabuk.

1 Kor., 2 : 189. Kor., 9 : 29.


The people of al-Yaman embrace Islam. When the news of the rise of the Prophet and the success of his righteous cause reached the people of al-Yaman, they sent their envoys, and the Prophet gave them a written statement confirming 69 them in the possession of whatever property, lands, and buried treasures were included in their terms when they be- came Moslems. Thus they accepted Islam ; and the Prophet sent them his messengers and 'amils to acquaint them with the laws of Islam and its institutes and to receive their sadakah and the poll-tax of those among them who still held to Christianity, Judaism or Magianism.

The Prophet's letter. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from al- Hasan: The Prophet wrote to the people of al-Yaman, " Whosoever repeats our prayer, turns his face to the kiblah as we do, 1 and eat what we slaughter, such a one is a Moslem and has the security of Allah and the security of his Prophet. But whosoever refuses to do so, tax is binding upon him."

A similar tradition was communicated to me by Hudbah on the authority of al-Hasan.

The governor of San'a'. It is reported by al-Wakidi that the Prophet sent Khalid ibn-Sa'id ibn-al-'Asi as a com- mander over San'a' and its land. Al-Wakidi adds that some say that the Prophet assigned al-Muhajir ibn-abi- Umaiyah ibn-al-Mughirah-1-Makhzumi to be governor of San'a, in which position he died. Still others say, according

1 Turning the face towards Makkah during prayer. 106


to al-Wakidi, that the one who made al-Muhajir governor over San'a' was abu-Bakr as-Siddik, who also assigned Khalid ibn-Sa'id over the provinces of upper al-Yaman.

Al-Muhajir as governor of Kindah and as-Sadif. Ac- cording to Hisham ibn-al-Kalbi and Haitham ibn-'Adi the Prophet assigned al-Muhajir over Kindah and as-Sadif. On the death of the Prophet, abu-Bakr wrote to Ziyad ibn- Labid al-Bayadi-1-Ansari assigning to him the governorship of Kindah, as-Sadif and other places in addition to what he already ruled over in Hadramaut. Al-Muhajir he assigned over San'a' and later asked him in writing to reinforce Ziyad ibn-Labid, without dismissing him from the governor- ship of San'a'.

Ziyad, governor of Hadramaut. It is agreed by all that the Prophet assigned Ziyad ibn-Labid to Hadramaut.

The governors of Zabid, -Rima 1 ' , 'Adan, al-Janad and Najran appointed. The Prophet assigned abu-Musa-1- Ash'ari to Zabid, Rima*, 'Adan and the coast region, and assigned Mu'adh ibn-Jabal to al-Janad, made him kadi and charged him with collecting sadakah in al-Yaman. He then assigned to Najran 'Amr ibn-Hazm al-Ansari; and, accord- ing to other reports, he assigned abu-Sufyan ibn-Harb to Najran after 'Amr ibn-Hazm.

The letter of the Prophet to Zur'ah sent with Mu'adh. 'Abdallah ibn-^Salih al-Mukri' from 'Urwah ibn-az-Zubair : The Prophet wrote to Zur'ah ibn-dhi-Yazan as follows : 7

" Greetings ! On the arrival of my messenger Mu'adh ibn-Jabal and his companions, gather all your sadakah and poll-tax and deliver them to him. Mu'adh is the chief of my messengers, and one of the righteous among my im- mediate companions. I have been informed by Malik ibn-Murarah x ar-Rahawi that thou wert the first to desert

1 Hisham, p. 956, gives " Murrah " ; and Nawawi, p. 539, "Mararah ".

I0 g

Himyar and embrace Islam. Therefore, good times lie be- fore thee. And I order you, all Himyar, 1 not to exhibit perfidy or deviation, for verily is the Prophet of Allah the lord of both the rich and the poor among you. As for the sadakah, it is not legal for Muhammad or any of his rela- tives to take; it is rather zakat through which ye are purified, and which goes to the poor among the Moslems and the Believers. It was Malik that conveyed the infor- mation and kept the secret. As for Mu'adh, he is one of the righteous among my immediate companions and one of their coreligionists. I, therefore, order you to treat him well, for he is highly esteemed. And peace be unto you !" 2

The Prophet orders Mu'ddh to take the tithe. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Musa ibn-Talhah: The Prophet sent Mu'adh ibn-Jabal 3 to collect the sadakah of al-Yaman or- dering him to take on dates, wheat, barley and grapes (perhaps he said raisins) one-tenth and one-half of a tenth.

Instructions to 'Amr ibn-Hazm. Al-Husain from Muhammad ibn-Ishak: The Prophet wrote the following to 'Amr ibn-Hazm when he sent him to al-Yaman :

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. This is a declaration from Allah and his Prophet. All ye that have believed ! be faithful to your compacts : 4 this is an ordinance from the Prophet Muhammad, the Mes- senger of Allah, to 'Amr ibn-Hazm when he delegated him to al-Yaman. He ordered him to fear Allah in whatever he performs, and to take from the spoils the fifth that belongs to Allah as well as what is prescribed as sadakah on the property of the Believers which is one-tenth in case it is

1 Hi sham, p. 957.

2 Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 1719.

1 Bukhari, vol. iii, p. 156; Diyarbakri, vol. ii, p. 158. 4 Kor., 5 : i.


watered by flowing water or rain, and one-half of a tenth if it is watered by means of the bucket." *

The Prophet's letter to the kings of Himyar. Al-Husain from Muhammad ibn-Ishak: The following is what the Prophet wrote to the kings of Himyar :

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. From the Prophet Muhammad, the Messenger of Allah, to 71 al-Harith ibn-'Abd-Kulal, Nu'aim ibn-'Abd-Kulal, and Sharh ibn-'Abd-Kulal, to an-Nu'man Kail dhi-Ru'ain, Ma'afir and Hamdan. Greetings! Allah will guide you by his own guidance, if ye act well, obey Allah and his Prophet, observe the prayer, pay the zakat, give out of the spoils the fifth that belongs to Allah, the share of his Pro- phet, and the portion which belongs to him as chief exclusive of his companions, and deliver what is prescribed by Allah to the Believers in the form of sadakah on the property, which is one-tenth, in case the land is watered by spring, or rain water, and half of the tenth if watered by means of the bucket." 2

According to Hisham ibn-Muhammad al-Kalbi the letter of the Prophet was addressed to 'Arib and al-Harith, the sons of 'Abd-Kulal ibn-'Arib ibn-Liyashrah. s

The Prophet's letter to Mu'adh. Yusuf ibn-Musa-1- Kattan from al-Hakam: The Prophet wrote to Mu'adh ibn-Jabal, when the latter was in al-Yaman, stating that one- tenth is to be assessed on what is watered by rain or flowing water, and half of a tenth on what is watered by means of the bucket and water-wheel; that on every adult one dinar or its equivalent in clothes is to be assessed ; and that no Jew is to be enticed to leave Judaism. 4

1 Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 1727.

2 Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 1718.

8 Ibn-Duraid, al-Ishtikak, p. 308 : " Yalyashrah "; see ZDMG, vol. xx, p. 237.

  • Here is omitted the explanation of certain words in the tradition.


The instructions given to Mu'adh. Abu-'Ubaid from Masruk : The Prophet delegated Mu'adh to al-Yaman giv- ing him orders to take a one-year-old cow out of every thirty cows; one full-grown cow, of every forty; and one dinar, or its equivalent in clothes, from every adult.

The Magians taxed. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from al- Hasan : The Prophet collected poll-tax from the Magians of Ha jar and the Magians of al-Yaman, and assessed one dinar or its equivalent in clothes on every adult or female from the Magians of al-Yaman.

The people of al-Yaman taxed. 'Amr an-Nakid from 72 'Amr ibn-Shu'aib's grandfather : The Prophet assessed one dinar as tax on every adult among the people of al-Yaman.

Shaiban ibn-abi-Shaibah-1-Ubulli from Yahya ibn-Saifi or from ibn-'Abbas : When the Prophet delegated Mu'adh ibn-Jabal to al-Yaman he said, " When thou comest to any of the ' People of the Book/ tell them, 'Allah made it obligatory on you to pray five times per day and night '. If they obey, tell them, 'Allah made it obligatory on you to fast during the month of Ramadan of every year '. If they obey, tell them, 'Allah made it obligatory on him of you who can afford it to undertake a pilgrimage to Makkah '. If they obey, tell them, 'Allah has made it obligatory on you to offer sadakah on your possessions to be taken from the rich among you and turned over to the poor among you.' If they obey, then avoid their choice possessions and beware of the imprecation of the oppressed, for between his imprecation and Allah there is no veil or screen." *

Products subject to sadakah. Shaiban from al-Mughirah ibn-'Abdallah : Al-Hajjaj said, "Give sadakah on every leguminous plant." Regarding this abu-Burdah ibn-abi-

1 Bukhari, vol. iii, p. 157.


Musa said, " He is right ", which made Musa ibn-Talhah say to abu-Burdah, " This man [al-Haj jaj ?] now claims that his father was among the Prophet's Companions. The Prophet sent Mu'adh ibn-Jabal to al-Yaman and gave him instructions to collect sadakah on dates, wheat, barley and raisins."

'Amr an-Nakid from Musa ibn-Talhah ibn-'Ubaidallah who said : " I have read the letter of Mu'adh ibn-Jabal when the Prophet sent him to al-Yaman, and there oc- curred in it the following statement, ' Take sadakah on wheat, barley, dates and corn.' ' 73

Why more tax on the Syrians. 'AH ibn-'Abdallah al- Madini from ibn-abi-Najih who said, " I once asked Mujahid, ' Why did 'Umar levy on the people of Syria a heavier poll-tax than on the people of al-Yaman?' and he replied, ' Because they were people of means.' '

Nothing on al-awkds. Al-Husain ibn-'Ali ibn-al-Aswa,d from Ta'us: When Mu'adh arrived in al-Yaman, there was brought before him a medial number of cows and a medial amount * of honey, on which he said, " I have no instructions to take anything on this."

The salt of Ma' rib. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Abyad ibn-Hammal: The latter asked the Prophet to give him as fief the salt in Ma' rib ; but hearing someone say, " It is like perennial water," 2 the Prophet refused to assign it.

A tradition to the same effect was communicated to me by al-Kasim ibn-Sallam and others on the authority of Abyad ibn-Hammal.

The Prophet gives a fief in Hadramaut. According to a

1 Ar. awkas = what is between one faridah and the next ; as, for in- stance when camels amount in number to five, one sheep or goat is to be given for them ; and nothing is to be given for such as exceed that number until they amount to ten ; thus what is between the five and ten is termed waks, pi. awkas.

2 Having an unfailing and continuous output.


tradition communicated to me by Ahmad ibn-Ibrahim ad- Dauraki on the authority of 'Alkamah ibn-Wa'il al- Hadrami's father, the Prophet gave out as fief to the latter ['Alkamah's father] a piece of land in Hadramaut.

Muhammad ibn-Yusuf severe on al-Yaman. 'Ali ibn- Muhammad ibn-'Abdallah ibn-abi-Saif, a freedman of Kuraish, from Maslamah ibn-Muharib: When Muham- mad ibn-Yusuf, the brother of al-Hajjaj ibn-Yusuf, was the governor of al-Yaman, he misbehaved, oppressed the people and took pieces of land from certain men without paying their prices. Among the lands he thus wrested was al- Harajah. Morever he levied on the people of al-Yaman a khardj which he gave the form of an assessed rate of land-tax. When 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz came to power, he wrote to his 'dmil instructing him to abolish that assessed land-tax and take nothing more than the tithe saying, ' Though I may not get from al-Yaman more than a hand- ful of katam, 1 I would rather have that than the passing of such a tax." However, when Yazid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik came to power he reinstated it.

Sadakah on plants, grains and vegetables. Al-Husain ibn-Muhammad az-Za'farani from abu-'Abd-ar- Rahman Hisham ibn-Yusuf, the kadi of San'a' : The people of 74 Khufash presented a statement from abu-Bakr as-Siddik on a parchment ordering them to pay sadakah on a piece of land planted with wars. 2

According to Malik, ibn-abi-Dhi'b, all the canonists of al-Hijaz, Sufyan ath-Thauri and abu-Yusuf there is no zakat on wars, wasmah? kirt* katam, hinna 5 and roses.

1 A plant product used for dyeing the hair black. 1 A certain plant like sesame existing in al-Yaman only, used for dyeing.

8 A plant with the leaves of which one tinges or dyes.

4 A kind of leek. s A plant used for dyeing the hands and feet.


Abu-Hani f ah, however, holds that there is zakdt on these, whether in large or small quantities. Malik holds that the zakdt on saffron is five dirhams, if its price amounts to 200 dirhams and if it is sold. The same is the view of abu-az- Zinad who is reported by others to have said, " Nothing on saffron." According to abu-Hanifah and Zufar there is zakdt on it whether it is in large or small quantities. Abu- Yusuf and Muhammad ibn-al-Hasan claim, " If its price amounts to the lowest price for which five wasks of dates, wheat, barley, corn or any other kind of grains sell, then there is sadakah on it." According to ibn-abi-Laila, there is nothing on vegetables. The same view is held by ash-Sha'bi. 1 According to 'Ata' and Ibrahim an-Nakha'i, whatever the tithe-land produces, be it in great or small quantities, is subject to the tithe or half the tithe.

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from ibn-abi-Raja' al-'Utaridi who said : " In al-Basrah, ibn-al-' Abbas used to collect our sadakahs even from the bundles of leek."

Al-Husain from Ta'us and 'Ikrimah: The latter as- serted that there is no zakdt on wars and cotton.

The tax on the dhimmis. The following is the view of abu-Hanifah and Bishr : In case of the dhimmis who are in possession of lands included in the tithe-land, like for instance al-Yaman whose people accepted Islam and made terms on their lands, al-Basrah which was cultivated by the Moslems, and other lands given out as fiefs by the caliphs to which no Moslem or " man of the covenant " has claim, it is binding on these people to pay tax on their person and khardj on their lands according to what their lands can bear. Whatever is received from them follows the course of the money received as khardj. If, however, any one of them becomes Moslem, he is exempt from the poll-tax but

1 Yahya ibn-Adam, p. 107.


remains always subject to the khardj on his land, as it is the case in as-Sawad. The same view is held by ibn-abi- Laila. According to ibn-Shubrumah and abu-Yusuf , tax is 75 levied on their heads, and they should pay double what the Moslems pay on their lands, which would be a fifth or a tenth. This they said on the analogy of the case of the Christian banu-Taghlib. Abu-Yusuf added that whatever is taken from them should follow the course of the money received as khardj. In case a dhimmi becomes Moslem or his land goes to a Moslem, then it becomes tithe-land. The same view is reported to have been held by 'Ata' and al-Hasan.

According to ibn-abi-Dhi'b, ibn-abi-Sabrah, Sharik ibn- 'Abdallah an-Nakha'i, and ash-Shaft'i, there is tax on their heads, but no khardj or tithe on their land, because they are not included in those on whom zakat is binding, nor is their land a /tara/-land. The same opinion is held by al-Hasan ibn-Salih ibn-Hai-1-Mamdani.

According to Sufyan ath-Thauri and Muhammad ibn-al- Hasan, there is tithe on them but not in a doubled form, because that which counts is the land, and the possessor is not to be taken into consideration. According to al-Auza'i and Sharik ibn-'Abdallah, if they are dhimmis like the Jews of al-Yaman, whose people became Moslem while they were still in the land, then nothing is taken but the poll-tax, and you should not let the dhimmi buy the tithe-land or possess it.

The case of a Jew who holds tithe-land. Al-Wakidi said, " I once asked Malik about the case of a Jew from al-Hijaz who buys land in al-Jurf and plants it. Malik said, ' The tithe is taken from him '. I then replied, ' Didst thou not claim that there is no tithe on the land of a dhimmi if he acquires it from the tithe-land ?' ' That ', said Malik, ' holds


true, if he stays in his own country; but in case he leaves his country, then that becomes a question of trade.' " a

A man of the banu-Taghlib who uses a tithe-land. Abu- az-Zinad, Malik ibn-Anas, ibn-abi-Dhi'b, ath-Thauri, abu- Hanifah and Ya'kub said regarding the case of one of the banu-Taghlib who plants a piece of the tithe-land that he should pay a double-tithe. If he rents a tithe- farm then according to Malik, ath-Thauri, ibn-abi-Dhi'b and Ya'kub the one who plants the farms should pay the tithe. Abu- Hani f ah, however, maintains that the owner of the land should pay it; and Zufar shares the same view.

The case of one who is behind in payment of the tithe. According to abu-Hanifah, in case a man fails to pay the tithe for two years, then the authorities [Ar. sultan] take only one tithe as he begins again to pay. The same is true of the khardj-l&nd. But abu-Shimr holds that the authori- ties take the arrears, because it is justly due to them.

1 Cf. abu-Yusuf, p. 69.


The Prophet sends abu-Zaid al-Ansari to f Umdn. The al- 76 Azd were in ascendency in 'Uman, 1 although it had in its deserts a many other peoples. In the early part of the year 8, the Prophet delegated to them abu-Zaid al-Ansari of al- Khazraj, who was one of those who compiled the Koran in the time of the Prophet. His [full] name, according to al-Kalbi, was Kais ibn-Sakan ibn-Zaid s ibn-Haram; ac- cording to some Basrah philologists, his name was 'Amr ibn- Akhtab, the grandfather of 'Urwah ibn-Thabit ibn-'Amr ibn- Akhtab; and according to Sa'id ibn-Aus al-Ansari, it was Thabit ibn-Zaid. The Prophet also sent 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi as-Sahmi with a letter to 'Abd 4 and Jaifar, the two sons of al-Julanda, calling them to Islam. 5 The Prophet said, "If these people accept the witness of truth and pledge obedi- ence to Allah and his Prophet, 'Amr will be the commander and abu-Zaid will officiate in prayer, propagate Islam, and teach the Koran and the institutes of the Prophet."

On the arrival of abu-Zaid and 'Amr at 'Uman, they found that 'Abd and Jaifar were at Suhar on the sea-coast. They carried the letter of the Prophet to them, and they

1 Yakut, vol. iii, p. 71?. 2 Ar. badiyah; see MFO, vol. iv, p. 98. 8 Hisham, p. 504, gives " Kais ibn-Za'ura " for Zaid. 4 Hisham, p. 971 : " 'lyadh" ; adh-Dhahabi, al-Mushtabih, p. 133 : " 'Ab- bad"; cf. Athir, vol. ii, p. 177. 8 Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 85 ; Sprenger, vol. iii, p. 382. 116


both accepted Islam and invited the Arabs to it. The Arabs then responded and showed special interest in it. 'Amr and abu-Zaid stayed in 'Uman until the death of the Pro- phet. It is said by some, however, that abu-Zaid returned to al-Madinah before that.

Al-Azd and other tribes apostatise. Consequent upon the death of the Prophet, al-Azd apostatized from Islam under the leadership of Lakit: ibn-Malik dhu-at-Taj and left for Dabba * (some say for Damma in Dabba), Abu-Bakr, there- upon, dispatched against them Hudhaifah ibn-Mihsan al- Makhzumi, who in a battle with Lakit and his companions killed him and took from the people of Dabba many captives whom they sent to abu-Bakr. At this, al-Azd returned to Islam. Other clans from 'Uman, however, apostatized and 77 went as far as ash-Shihr. These 'Ikrimah followed and overpowered, carrying away a large booty and killing many of their number. Then some of the tribe of Mahrah ibn- Haidan ibn-'Amr ibn al-Hafi ibn-Kuda'ah massed a body of men, against whom 'Ikrimah came; but they offered no resistance and paid sadakah.

Hudhaifah made governor. Abu-Bakr assigned Hu- dhaifah ibn-Mihsan as governor over 'Uman. When abu- Bakr died, Hudhaifah was still over it; but he was later dismissed and sent to al-Yaman.

'Isa ibn-Ja f far abuses the people. The state of 'Uman continued in a fair way, its people paying sadakah on their property, and poll-tax being taken from those among them who were dhimmis until the caliphate of ar-Rashid who made 'Isa ibn-Ja'far ibn-Sulaiman ibn-* AH ibn-'Abdallah ibn-al-' Abbas its ruler. The latter left for 'Uman with some troops from al-Basrah, who began to violate women, and rob

1 Tabari, vol. i, p. 1981 : " Daba ".

! ,8

the people, and make public use of musical instruments. 1 The people of 'Uman, who were mostly Shurat, 2 having learned that, fought against him and held him back from entering the city. Finally, they succeeded in killing and crucifying him. Then they broke with the caliph 3 and refused to do him homage, making one of their own their ruler.

Some assert that the Prophet sent abu-Zaid carrying his letter to 'Abd and Jaifar, the two sons of al-Julanda of al- Azd, in the year 6, and sent 'Amr in the year 8, a short time after his conversion to Islam, which took place, together with the conversion of Khalid ibn-al-Walid and 'Uthman ibn-Talhah-l-'Abdi in Safar, year 8. 'Amr had come from Abyssinia to the Prophet. 4 The Prophet said to abu-Zaid, " From the Moslems, take sadakah ; but from the Magians, take poll-tax."

The letter of 'Umar ibn- Abd-al- Aziz to 'Adi. Abu-1- Hasan al-Mada'ini from al-Mubarak ibn-Fudalah : The following is what 'Umar ibn- 4 Abd-al-' Aziz wrote to 'Adi ibn-Artat al-Fazari, his 'amil in al-Basrah :

" Greetings ! I have previously written to 'Amr ibn- 'Abdallah asking him to distribute whatever he received in 'Uman as date or grain tithes among the poor of its in- habitants, the nomadic people who may descend on it and those whom need, poverty, or obstruction of the way may compel to stay in it. Regarding this, he wrote to me that having asked thy representative who came before him to 'Uman about those articles of food and dates, he was told 78

1 Cf. SalH ibn-Razik, History of Imams and Seyyids of Oman, tr. Badger, p. n.

  • Schismatics commonly known as Kliawarij. They say that they

owe their name to Koran, 2 : 203.

  • The word used is sulfdn.
  • Hisham, pp. 716-717.


that thy representative had sold them and delivered the price to thee. Return to 'Amr, therefore, what thy representative in 'Uman had carried to thee as the price of dates and grains, that 'Amr may invest it where I instructed him, and spend it as I told him. May this be the will of Allah, and peace be unto thee!"



Al-Mundhir ibn-Sdwa, governor of al-Bahrain. The land of al-Bahrain formed a part of the Persian kingdom. In its desert lived a great many Arabs from the tribes of 'Abd-al-Kais, Bakr ibn-Wa'il and Tamim. At the time of the Prophet, the one who ruled the Arabs in it in the name of the Persians was al-Mundhir ibn-Sawa * one of the sons of 'Abdallah ibn-Zaid ibn-'Abdallah ibn-Darim ibn-Malik ibn-Hanzalah. This 'Abdallah ibn-Zaid was surnamed al- Asbadhi after a village in Hajar called al-Asbadh. Others claim that he was named after the al-Asbadhi people, who were worshippers of horses in al-Bahrain.

Al-'Ala' delegated by the Prophet. At the beginning of the year 8, the Prophet delegated al-'Ala ibn-'Abdallah ibn- 'Imad al-Hadrami, an ally of the banu-'Abd- Shams, to al- Bahrain, giving its people the choice between following Islam or paying tax. With him, the Prophet sent a letter to al-Mundhir ibn-Sawa and Sibukht the satrap 2 of Hajar, 3 giving them the choice between following Islam or paying tax. They both were converted and, together with them, all the Arabs living there and a few Persians. The rest of the population, however, including Magians, Jews and

1 Hajar, vol. iii f p. 943.

  • ntarzuban; Ibn-IJajar, vol. i, p. 213, in quoting al-Baladhuri gives

his name thus : " Usaikhit (Usaikhib) " ; cf. Ibn-Sa'd in Wellhausen, Skiezen, vol. iv, p. 15 ; Yakut, vol. i, p. 508.

' Another name for Bahrain, hence the Greek : Gerrha ; Caetani, vol. ii, p. 194. 120


Christians made terms with al-'Ala' and this is a copy of the statement written between the two parties :

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. These are the terms agreed upon between al-'Ala' ibn-al- Hadrami and the people of al-Bahrain. It is agreed that they will save us [the Moslems] the trouble of work, and divide with us the dates; and whosoever of them fails to keep this may the curse of Allah, the angels, and the world altogether be upon him." As for the poll-tax, al-'Ala' assessed one dinar on every adult. ^ 79

The letter of the Prophet. 'Abbas ibn-Hisham from ibn-'Abbas : This is what the Prophet wrote to the people of al-Bahrain :

"Greetings ! If ye observe prayer, give zakat, remain loyal to Allah and his Prophet, pay the tithe of the dates and half the tithe of the grains, and do not bring up your children as Magians, then ye will be treated according to the terms agreed upon when ye became Moslem, with the exception of the fire-temple that is to be delivered to Allah and his Prophet. If, however, ye refuse, then tax will be incumbent on you."

The Magians and Jews prefer tax. The Magians and Jews, however, refused Islam and preferred the payment of poll-tax. Upon this, the hypocrites among the Arabs re- marked, " The Prophet pretended that he would accept poll- tax from none outside the ' People of the Book ', but, here he is accepting it from the Magians of Hajar who are not 'People of the Book.' ' On this occasion the text was revealed " O ye that have believed ! take heed to yourselves. He who erreth shall not hurt you when ye have the guid- ance." According to certain reports, the Prophet sent al-'Ala' at the time he sent his envoys to the kings in the year 6. 2

1 Kor., 5 : 104. * Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 84.


Al-Ala' as a wall between them. Muhammad ibn- Musaffa al-Himsi from al-'Ala' ibn-al-Hadrami who said: " The Prophet sent me to al-Bahrain (or perhaps he said 1 Hajar ' ) and I used to come as a wall between brothers [i. e. try to create discord] some of whom have been con- verted. From the Moslem among them, I would take the tithe, and from the ' polytheist,' kharaj" l

The Prophet's letter. Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from 'Urwah ibn-az-Zubair : The Prophet wrote to the people of Hajar as follows : 2

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. From Muhammad the Prophet to the people of Hajar : ye are in peace. I praise Allah on your behalf, beside whom there is no god. Then I admonish you by Allah and by yourselves that ye do not go astray after having been guided, nor be misled after having the right pointed out to you. What ye have done has reached me, and now the offense of the guilty shall not be charged to him among you who behaves himself. When my commanders come to you obey them, reinforce them and help them in carrying out Allah's 80 plan and his cause, for whosoever among you does the good deed, his deed shall not be lost before Allah or before me. Your delegation has come to me, and I did nothing for them but what was pleasing to them; although if I were to enforce all my right on you, I would expel you from Hajar. Thus did I accept intercession for the absent among you, and bestow favor on the present. Remember the grace of Allah upon you."

The tax imposed on al-Bahrain. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Katadah : In the time of the Prophet, no fight took place in al-Bahrain, for some of the people accepted Islam,

1 Yakut, vol. i, p. 509; IJajar, vol. iii, p. 943; Caetani, vol. Hi, p. 202. 1 Wellhausen, Skiszen, vol. iv, pp. 15-16.


and others made terms with al-'Ala', agreeing to give half the grains and dates.

Al-Husain from az-Zuhri : The Prophet took poll-tax from the Magians of Hajar.

What the Prophet wrote to the Magians. Al-Husain from al-Hasan ibn-Muhammad : The Prophet wrote to the Magians of Hajar, inviting them to Islam and providing that if they are converted, they will have the rights we have, and be under the obligations we are under; but those who refuse Islam will have to pay the tax, and we will not eat what they slaughter nor marry their women.

Al-Husain from Sa'id ibn-al-Musaiyib : 1 The Prophet exacted tax from the Magians of Hajar, 'Umar exacted it from those of Persia, and Uthman from the Berbers.

A similar tradition was communicated by al-Husain on the authority of az-Zuhri.

'Amr an-Nakid from Musa ibn-'Ukbah : The Prophet wrote to Mundhir ibn-Sawa as follows :

" From Muhammad the Prophet to Mundhir ibn-Sawa : thou art at peace. I praise Allah in thy behalf, beside whom there is no god. Thy letter I received, and its con- tents I heard. Whosoever repeats our prayer, faces the 81 kiblah as we do [in prayer] and eats what we slaughter, such one is a Moslem; but whosoever refuses will have to pay tax."

'Abbas ibn-Hisham al-Kalbi from ibn-' Abbas : The Prophet having written to al-Mundhir ibn-Sawa, the latter accepted Islam and called the people of Hajar to it, some of whom accepted and others did not. As for the Arabs, they became Moslems, but the Magians and Jews accepted the tax and it was exacted from them.

Al-Ala' sends 80,000 dirhams. Shaiban ibn-Farrukh from Humaid ibn-Hilal: Al-'Ala' ibn-al-Hadrami sent

1 Duraid, p. 62 : " Musaiyab ".


from al-Bahrain to the Prophet a sum of money amounting to 80,000 [dirhams], more than which sum the Prophet never received either before or after. The Prophet gave a part of it to his uncle al-' Abbas.

Hisham ibn-'Ammar from 'Abd-al-'Aziz ibn-'Ubaidallah : The Prophet communicated with those in Ha jar whom Kisra had settled there as hostages [wadd'i'], but they re- fused Islam and tax was laid on them, one dinar on every man.

Abdn ibn-Sa'id made governor and succeeded by abu- Hurairah. The Prophet dismissed al-'Afa' and assigned to al-Bahrain Aban ibn-Sa'id ibn-al-'Asi ibn-Umaiyah. Ac- cording to other reports, al-'Ala' was assigned to one district of al-Bahrain, a part of which was al-Katif, and Aban to another in which lay al-Khatt. The former report, how- ever, is the more authentic. On the death of the Prophet, Aban left al-Bahrain and came to al-Madinah. The people of al-Bahrain, thereupon, asked abu-Bakr to send al-'Ala' back to them. This he did. Thus, according to this re- port, al-'Ala' held the governorship of al-Bahrain until he died in the year 20. Then 'Umar assigned to his place abu- Hurairah ad-Dausi. Others say that 'Umar assigned abu- Hurairah before the death of al-'Ala', who, thereupon, left for Tauwaj in Persia, intending to settle in it. Later, how- ever, he returned to al-Bahrain where he died. Abu- Hurairah often repeated, "After we buried al-'Ala', we wanted to lift a brick from the tomb. On lifting it we found al-'Ala' missing from the coffin."

'Uthman ibn-abi-l-'Asi made governor. Abu-Mikhnaf ted that 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab wrote to al-'Ala' ibn- al-Hadrami, his 'amil in al-Bahrain, calling him back, and assigned 'Uthman ibn-abi-l-'Asi ath-Thakafi to al-Bahrain and 'Uman. On the arrival of al-'Ala' in al-Madinah, he was assigned by 'Umar to the governorship of al-Basrah, in 82


the place of 'Utbah ibn-Ghazwan. No sooner had he ar- rived there, than he died. This took place in the year 14, or the beginning of 15. Then 'Umar assigned Kudamah ibn-Maz'un al-Jumahi for the collection of taxes from al- Bahrain, and gave abu-Hurairah authority over the military guard and charge of the conduct of prayer. Later he dis- missed Kudamah, inflicted on him the legal punishment for drinking wine, 1 and gave abu-Hurairah authority over the military guard and charged him with the conduct of prayer. At last, he dismissed abu-Hurairah and confiscated a part of his wealth. Then he assigned Uthman ibn-abi-l-'Asi to al-Bahrain and 'Uman.

Abu-Hurairah made governor after Kudamah. Al- 'Umari 2 from al-Haitham : Kudamah ibn-Maz'un had charge of tax-collecting and the military guard, and abu- Hurairah acted as leader of prayer and kadi. The latter gave witness against Kudamah, and 'Umar assigned him to al-Bahrain after Kudamah. Later 'Umar dismissed him, confiscated a part of what he possessed and ordered him to return. This he refused to do. 'Umar, thereupon, as- signed 'Uthman ibn-abi-l-'Asi as governor, who still held the office at the death of 'Umar. When 'Uthman was in Persia, his substitute over 'Uman and al-Bahrain was his brother, Mughirah ibn-abi-l-'Asi, others say Hafs ibn-abi- l-'Asi.

'Umar confiscates abu-Hurairah's wealth. Shaiban ibn- Farrukh from abu-Hurairah who said : " 'Umar made me his 'amil over al-Bahrain. There I gathered 12,000 [dir- hams] . On my return to 'Umar, he addressed me saying : ' O thou the enemy of Allah and of the Moslems (he may have said ' and of his Book '), thou hast stolen the money of Allah!' To this I replied, ' Neither am I the enemy of

1 Flogging with 80 stripes ; see Muwatta, p. 357. 1 1. e., abu-'Umar Hafs ibn-'Umar ad-Duri.

I2 6

Allah, nor of the Moslems, (he may have said ' nor of his Book ' ) ; rather am I the enemy of him who has enmity against them. The money, I have got from horses that multiplied in number and from different shares that mounted up.' 'Umar then took from me 12,000. In my morning prayer I repeated, ' Lord forgive 'Umar.' After this, 'Umar used to take from the people of al-Bahrain and give them back more than what he would take. At last 'Umar asked me, ' Wouldst thou not act as f dmil, abu-Hurairah ?' and I replied ' No/ to which he answered, 'And why not? Better men than thou were made 'amils, for instance Joseph, 1 who said, " Set me over the granaries of the land." To this I replied, ' Joseph was a prophet and the son of a prophet, whereas I am abu-Hurairah, son of Umaimah, and I am afraid of three things and of two things that thou mayest bring upon me.' 'And why,' said 'Umar, ' didst thou not say five ?' ' I fear that thou dost whip my back, defame my honor, and take my money; and I hate to speak without meekness and to rule without knowledge.' ' 83

Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam and Rauh ibn-'Abd-al-Mu'min from abu-Hurairah: When abu-Hurairah returned from al- Bahrain, 'Umar said to him, " O thou enemy of Allah and enemy of his Book ; hast thou stolen the money of Allah ?" 4 'Neither am I", replied abu-Hurairah, "the enemy of Allah, nor of his Book; rather am I the enemy of him who has enmity against them. I did not steal the money of Allah." "How then," said 'Umar, "did 10,000 dirhams come t<> thee?" "Through horses" said abu-Hurairah, "that re- produced and stipends that came in successions and shares that mounted up." 'Umar took the money from him. The rest of the tradition is similar to what is reported by abu- Hilal. 2

1 Kor., 12 : 55.

1 One of the intermediate authorities of the preceding tradition whose final authority is abu-Hurairah himself.


The apostasy of al-Hutam. On the death of al-Mundhir ibn-Sawa, a little after the death of the Prophet, those in al-Bahrain descended from Kais ibn-Tha'labah ibn-'Ukabah apostatized under al-Hutam from Islam. This al-Hutam was Shuraih ibn-Dubai'ah ibn-'Amr ibn-Marthad, one of the sons of Kais ibn-Tha'labah. He was nicknamed Hutam for saying,

"' The night found her in the company of a strong driver who does not drive gently [Ar. hutam] ". *

Together with these there apostatized from Islam in al- Bahrain all the Rabi'ah tribe with the exception of al- Jarud, i. e. Bishr ibn-'Amr al-'Abdi 2 and those of his people who followed him. For a leader, they chose a son of an- Nu'man ibn-al-Mundhir, named al-Mundhir. Al-Hutam followed the Rabi'ah and joined them with his men. Having received this information, al-'Ala' ibn-al-Hadrami marched at the head of the Moslems until he came to Juwatha, which was the fortification of al-Bahrain. As Rabi'ah advanced towards him, he set out towards them with his Arabs and non- Arabs and led a heavy fight against them. Then the Moslems took refuge in the fortification where they were besieged by the enemy. It was in reference to this occasion that 'Abdallah ibn-Hadhaf al-Kilabi said :

" Wilt thou carry this message to abu-Bakr and all the youths of al-Madinah?

Hasten to the aid of some young men of your number, who are invested as captives in Juwatha." s

At last al-'Ala' made a sally with the Moslems and fell upon the Rabi'ah during the night. A fierce battle ensued in which al-Hutam was killed.

1 Tabrizi, Hamasah, vol. i, p. 173.

1 Hisham, p. 944 ; Duraid, pp. 186 and 197.

3 Tabari, vol. i, p. 1962.

I2 g

According to other authorities, al-Hutam came to the Rabi'ah as they were in Juwatha, whose inhabitants had all forsaken Islam, and had chosen for leader al-Mundhir ibn-an-Nu'man. Al-Hutam took up his abode with them. Al-'Ala' pressed the siege until he reduced Juwatha and dis- persed the crowd, killing al-Hutam. Of the two reports, however, the former is more authentic. Describing the death of al-Hutam, Malik ibn-Tha'labah-l-'Abdi says :

" We left Shuraih with the blood covering him like the fringe of a spotted Yamanite garment.

It was we that deprived unum-Ghadban of her son, and broke our lance in IJabtar's eye.

It was we that left Misma' prostrate on the ground, at the mercy of hyenas and eagles that will attack him."

Al-Mundhir ibn-an-Nu e mdn. It is reported that al- Mundhir ibn-an-Nu'man was nicknamed al-Gharur, but when the Moslems won the victory he said, " I am not al- Gharur * [the deceitful] but al-Maghrur [the deceited]." This al-Mundhir went with the remnant of Rabi'ah as far as al-Khatt, which al-'Ala' moved against and conquered, kill- ing al-Mundhir and those in his company. According to others, al-Mundhir escaped, entered al-Mushakkar and let in the water around him, making it impossible to be reached. Finally he made terms, agreeing to leave the city, which he did. He then joined Musailimah with whom he was killed. Some claim that al-Mundhir was killed in the battle of Juwatha ; others that he surrendered and then fled away but was pursued and put to death. Al-'Ala' having written to abu-Bakr for reinforcement, the latter wrote to Khalid ibn-al-Walid ordering him to hasten from al- Yamamah to the reinforcement of al-'Ala'. Al-Hutam,

1 Ilisham, p. 945; Tabari, vol. i, p. 1970; tfajar, vol. iii, p. 385; Athir, vol. ii. p. 281.


however, was killed * before the arrival of Khalid. So Khalid with al-'Ala' laid siege to al-Khatt. Later, Khalid received a letter from abu-Bakr ordering him to leave for al-'Irak, to which he started from al-Bahrain, in the year 12.

Al-Wakidi says, "According to our companions, Khalid came first to al-Madinah, whence he started for al-'Irak."

'Abdallah ibn-Suhail suffers martyrdom. 'Abdallah ibn- 85 Suhail ibn-'Amr of the banu-'Amir ibn-Lu'ai, whose surname was abu-Suhail and whose mother was Fakhitah daughter of 'Amir ibn-Naufal ibn-'Abd-Manaf, suffered martyrdom at Juwatha. This 'Abdallah was one of those who came with the " infidels " to the battle of Badr, but then he joined the Moslem side and em- braced Islam. He took part with the Prophet in the battle of Badr. On the receipt of the news of his death, his father, Suhail ibn-'Amr, said, " I expect Allah's renumeration for his loss." On a pilgrimage to Makkah Suhail was met by abu-Bakr who consoled him, and Suhail replied, " I am informed that the Prophet said, 'A martyr can intercede for seventy of his relatives,' and it is my hope that my son will begin with no one before me." When 'Abdallah suffered martyrdom, he was 38 years of age.

'Abdallah ibn- Abdallah suffers martyrdom. Another martyr of the battle of Juwatha was 'Abdallah ibn- Abdallah ibn-Ubai. According to others than al-Wakidi, his martyr- dom took place during the battle of al-Yamamah.

Al-Ald' reduces az-Zdrah, as-Sdbun and Darin. Al- Muka'bar al-Farisi, 2 who was the friend of Kisra and was once sent by him to annihilate the banu-Tamim for interfer- ing with his camels (and whose full name was Fairuz ibn- Jushaish 3 ), fortified himself in az-Zarah. There, many

1 Aghdni, vol. xiv, p. 48.

3 Noldeke, Geschichte der Perser und Araber, pp. 259 seq. 3 Perhaps Jushnas, see Skizzen, vol. vi, p. 33. note 2; Noldeke, Per- ser, p. no, note 3; Athir, vol. ii, p. 256.


Magians who had assembled in al-Katif * and had refused to pay tax joined him. Al-'Ala' invested az-Zarah but failed to reduce it in the caliphate of abu-Bakr. In the early part of the caliphate of 'Umar, however, he reduced it. In the course of the caliphate of 'Umar, al-'Ala' conquered by force as-Sabun 2 and Darin where there is [today] a spot known as Khandak al-'Ala' [the trench of al-'Ala'].

According to Ma'mar ibn-al-Muthanna, al-'Ala' with 'Abd-al-Kais invaded, in the caliphate of 'Umar ibn-al- Khattab, certain villages in as-Sabun and reduced them. He then invaded the city of al-Ghabah and killed those in it who were Persians. Thence he moved to az-Zarah in which al-Muka'bar stayed, and besieged him. The satrap of az- Zarah challenged him to a duel, and Bara' ibn-Malik ac- cepted the challenge and killed him, taking spoils from him which amounted to 40,000 [dirhams] . Under safe con- duct, one of the people of az-Zarah came forth to point out the drinking water, and showed al-'Ala' the spring that issues from az-Zarah. This spring al-'Ala' filled up. The people seeing that, came to terms, agreeing to offer him one-third of the city and one-third of the gold and silver 86 in it, together with one-half of what they owned outside the city. Then came al-Akhnas al-'Amiri to al-'Ala' and said, " They have not made terms regarding their children who are now in Darin." Karraz an-Nukri pointed out to al-'Ala' the ford by which he could cross over to them. Thus did al-'Ala' with a band of Moslems plunge into the sea ; and the first thing the people of Darin knew of was the exclamation, "Allah is great!" The people of Darin sallied forth and attacked them from three sides, but the Moslems killed their fighters and gained possession of the children

1 Yakut, vol. iv, p. 143. 1 Yakut gives " as-Sabur ".

AL-BAtfRAIN l ^ l

and captives. Seeing that, al-Muka'bar became Moslem. On this occasion Karraz said :

" Al-'Ala' feared the basin of the sea as he plunged into it, but I have of old crossed it over to the ' unbelievers ' of Darin."

Khalaf al-Bazzar and 'Affan from Muhammad ibn-Sirin : In the duel between Bara' ibn-Malik and the satrap of az-Zarah, the former stabbed the latter above his spine, and he fell dead. Then Bara' went down and cut off his hands and took his bracelets, a furred coat he had on, and a belt. This booty, being so large, 'Umar took one-fifth of it. It was the first booty in Islam of which the fifth was taken.


The origin of the name. Al-Yamamah was first called Jau but was later named after a woman, al-Yamamah, daughter of Murr [from the tribe] of Jadi, who was cruci- fied at its gate. Allah knows whether this is true.

The envoys to the Prophet. When the Prophet wrote to the kings of the world in the year 7 (or 6 as it is said), he wrote to Haudhah ibn-'Ali-l-Hanafi and the people of al- Yamamah summoning them to Islam. His letter to this effect he forwarded with Salit ibn-Kais ibn-'Amr al-Ansari * (later al-Khazraji). The people of al-Yamamah, thereupon, sent to the Prophet their delegation, one of whom was Mujja'ah 87 ibn-Murarah. To Mujja'ah and in accordance with his re- quest, the Prophet gave out as fief a piece of unutilized land. Another delegate was ar-Rajjal 2 ibn-'Unfuwah who be- came Moslem and read the " Surah of the Cow " and other Surahs of the Koran. He, however, apostatized from Islam after a time. Among the delegates was one, Musailimah, the false Prophet, 8 Thumamah ibn-Kabir ibn-Habib, 4 who said to the Prophet, " If it be thy will, we will leave all author- ity in thy hand and swear allegiance to thee, with the un- derstanding that after thee, all will return to us [Musaili-

1 Cf. Hisham, p. 971.

1 Rahhal, see ibn-Sa'd in Skizzen, vol. iv, p. 46. 1 i'ukhari, vol. iii, p. 167.

  • Ibn-Duraid, p. 209; Nawawi, p. 554; Hisham, p. 945.



mah]." " No," said the Prophet, " by no means, and may Allah smite thee!" Previous to this, Haudhah ibn-'Ali-l- Hanafi had written to the Prophet asking that after the Prophet, the authority might be delegated to himself, and promising to become Moslem and come to the reinforce- ment of the Prophet. " No; nor anything else," answered the Prophet, " and may Allah let me get rid of him !" Before long Haudhah was dead.

Musailimah, the false Prophet. When the delegation of the banu-Hanifah returned to al-Yamamah, Musailimah, the false Prophet, 1 asserted his claim as a prophet, and ar- Rajjal ibn-'Unfuwah testified that the Prophet gave him [Musailimah] a share in the authority with him. 2 Banu- Hanifah and others in al-Yamamah followed him. He then wrote the following message to the Prophet and forwarded it through 'Ubadah ibn-al-Harith of the banu-'Amir ibn- Hanifah, whose surname was ibn-an-Nauwahah, 3 and who was [later] killed in al-Kufah by 'Abdallah ibn-Mas'ud who heard that he and his companions believed in the false claims of Musailimah:

" From Musailimah, the Messenger of Allah, to Muham- mad, the Messenger of Allah. Greetings! To us half the land belongs, and to Kuraish the other half, but Kuraish do not act equitably; and peace be unto thee. Written by

  • Amr ibn-al-Jarud al-Hanafi."

To this the Prophet replied :

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. From Muhammad, the Prophet, to Musailimah, the false Prophet. Greetings ! ' For the earth is Allah's : to such of his servants as he pleaseth doth he give it as a heritage' 4 ;

1 Ar. al-Kadhdhdb, the impostor.

2 Diyarbakri, vol. ii, p. 175.

1 Nawawi, p. 374. 4 Kor., 7 : 125.

and peace be to those who follow the true guidance! Written by Ubai ibn-Ka'b." l

Khdlid ibn-al-Walid goes against Musailimah. When, at 88 the death of the Prophet, abu-Bakr was proclaimed caliph and, in a few months, destroyed those of the people of Najd and its environs who apostatized from Islam, abu-Bakr sent Khalid ibn-al-Walid ibn-al-Mughirah-1-Makhzumi to al- Yamamah giving him orders to fight against Musailimah, the false Prophet. As Khalid came within sight of al-Yamamah, he met a group of the banu-Hanifah among whom was Mujja'ah ibn-Murarah ibn-Sulmi. 2 He killed them and spiared Muj ja'ah whom he carried off in chains. Khalid put up his camp one mile from al-Yamamah. Banu-Hanifah came out to him, and among them were ar-Rajjal and Muhakkim ibn-at-Tufail ibn-Subai', nicknamed the Mukak- kim al-Yamamah. Khalid, seeing something glittering among them, turned to his men and said, "Know ye Moslems that Allah has spared you the trouble of your enemy. Do ye not see how they have drawn the swords one against the other? I suppose there is discord among them, and their force will be used on themselves." Mujja'ah, fettered in his chains, shouted, " No, these are Indian swords which they, for fear of being broken, hold 'up to the sun in order to render the blades flexible." They then met. The first to meet the Moslems was ar-Rajjal ibn-'Unfuwah, who was immediately killed by Allah's help. Many of the distin- guished men and " Koran-readers " among the Moslems fell martyrs. The Moslems then returned and went back, but Allah favored them with a victory and made the people of al-Yamamah take to flight. The Moslems pursued them,

1 Cf. Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 146; ibn-Sa'd in Skizzen, vol. iv, pp. 13-14; Athir, vol. ii, pp. 228-229; Sprenger, vol. iii, p. 306.

Cf. Ibn-Duraid, p. 23.


inflicting horrible death on them. Muhakkim was hit by an arrow shot by 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-abi-Bakr as-Siddik, the brother of 'A'ishah through her father, and he fell dead. The " infidels " took refuge in al-Hadikah which was since that day called " Hadikat al-Maut."' 1 In al-Hadikah, Musailimah was killed by Allah's help. Banu-'Amr ibn- Lu'ai ibn-Ghalib said that he was killed by Khidash ibn- Bashir ibn-al-Asamm of the banu-Ma'is ibn-'Amir ibn-Lu'ai ; but certain Ansdr say that he was killed by 'Abdallah ibn- Zaid ibn-Tha'labah of the banu-1-Harith ibn-al-Khazraj, who was shown a vision of the call for prayer. 2 Still others assert that he was killed by abu-Dujanah Simak ibn- Kharashah who later fell as martyr; and others, by 'Abd- allah ibn-Zaid ibn-'Asim, a brother of Habib ibn-Zaid of the 89 banu-Mabdhul of the banu-an-Najjar. This Habib had his hands and feet once cut off by Musailimah. Wahshi ibn- Harb al-Habashi, the murderer of Hamzah, claimed that he was the one who killed Musailimah, and used to say, " I killed the best of all people and the worst of all people." Some believe that all those mentioned above took part in killing Musailimah. Among those who claimed having killed Musailimah, was Mu'awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan and the banu-Umaiyah credited him for it.

Abu-Haf s ad-Dimashki quotes from one who was present when 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan asked a man of the banu- Hanifah who witnessed the battle of al-Yamamah as to who was the one who killed Musailimah, to which the latter replied, " He was killed by one whose description is as follows : " " By Allah ", exclaimed 'Abd-al-Malik, " thou hast decided the question of his killing in favor of Mu'awiyah."

According to a report, when the false Prophet was seized

1 " The park of death."

2 Hisham, p. 308 ; ibn-Duraid, pp. 268-269.

by the throat, he shouted, " O banu-Hanifah, fight for your relatives!" which he repeated until Allah brought about his death.

'Abd-al-Wahid ibn-Ghiyath from Hisham ibn-'Urwah's father: The Arabs forsook the true faith, and abu-Bakr sent Khalid ibn-al-Walid who met them and said, " By Allah, I shall never cease until I come face to face with Musailimah!" The Ansdr objected saying, "This idea is of your own and was not given out by abu-Bakr; take us back to al-Madinah that we may give rest to our horses." " I shall, by Allah, never cease," repeated Khalid," until I come face to face with Musailimah !" Consequently, the Ansdr left him. They then said to themselves, " What is this that we have done? If our friends win the victory, we will be reviled ; and if they are defeated, we would be the cause of their defeat." Thus they returned and joined Khalid. The Moslems and the " polythesists " met, and the former took to flight until they got to their place of abode where as-Sa'ib ibn-al-'Auwam stood up and addressed them saying, " Ye have reached, O people, your place of abode ; and after his own place of abode, man has no place to flee to!" 1 Finally, Allah caused the defeat of the " polytheists," and Musailimah was killed. Their watch- word on that occasion was " O people of the 'Surah of the Cow'!"

I was told by one of the inhabitants of al-Yamamah that some one, who was under the protection of the banu- Hanifah, repeated the following verse when Muhakkim was killed :

" I f I escape from it, I escape from that which is a calamity ; otherwise out of the same vessel I shall drink."

Mujja'ah makes terms. By this time, the Moslems were 1 An Arabic proverb.



worn out by war and entirely exhausted. But Mujja'ah said to Khalid, " Most of the people of al-Yamamah did not go out to fight you, and what ye have killed is only the small minority. In spite of that they have exhausted your utmost effort as I see. Nevertheless I am ready to make terms with you on their behalf." Accordingly, he made terms with Khalid, agreeing to give one-half of the captives, gold, silver, coats of mail and horses. Having trusted him, Khalid sent him back to his men. As soon as he entered al-Yamamah he ordered the boys, women and aged men of al-Yamamah to put on their arms and hold the forts. As Khalid and the Moslems looked toward them, they enter- tained no doubt that they were fighters, and they said, "Mujja'ah has told us the truth." Then Mujja/ah came out to the Moslems' camp and said, " The people refused the terms which I made with you, and there are the forti- fications of al-'Ird manned to their fullest capacity. But I kept urging them until they agreed to make terms on one- fourth of the captives and one-half of the gold, silver, coats of mail and horses." Both parties agreed on these terms, and Khalid accepted them and signed his name. Mujja'ah then came with Khalid to al-Yamamah. Seeing those left in it, Khalid turned to Mujja'ah and said, " Thou hast cheated me, Mujja'ah." The people of al-Yamamah at last accepted Islam, and the sadakah was taken from them.

Khalid reinforces al-Ala. Khalid received the message of abu-Bakr directing him to reinforce al-'AIa' ibn-al- Hadrami. Accordingly, he started for al-Bahrain and left in his place over al-Yamamah Samurah ibn-'Amr al-'Anbari. The conquest of al-Yamamah was effected in the year 12.

A description of Musailimah. I was told by abu-Rabah al-Yamami, on the authority of certain sheikhs from al- Yamamah, that Musailimah, the false Prophet, was short, exceedingly pale, with a camois and flat nose. He was

nicknamed abu-Thumamah, and according to others, abu- Thumalah. His muezzin * was one, Hujair, who in calling to prayer used to chant, " I testify that Musailimah claims to be the Prophet of Allah." Remarking on this, some one said, " Hujair has expressed it eloquently," which phrase has since become a proverb.

Those who fell martyrs in al-Yamdmah. Among those who suffered martyrdom in al-Yamamah were abu-Hu- dhaifah ibn-'Utbah ibn-Rabi'ah ibn-'Abd-Shams, whose first name was Hushaim, and some say Mihsham ; 2 Salim, a freedman of abu-Hudhaifah surnamed abu-Abdallah, and who was a freedman 8 of Thubaitah daughter of Ya'ar* of 91 the Ansdr (and others say Nubaithah who was a woman) ; Khalid ibn-Asid ibn-abi-l-'ts ibn-Umaiyah; 'Abdallah, i. e., Al-Hakam ibn-Sa'id ibn-al-'Asi ibn-Umaiyah, who, accord- ing to others, was killed in the battle of Mu'tah; Shuja* ibn-Wahb al-Asadi, an ally of the banu-Umaiyah, whose sur- name was abu-Wahb ; at-Tuf ail ibn-' Amr ad-Dausi of al-Azd ; Yazid ibn-Rukaish al-Asadi, an ally of the banu-Umaiyah; Makhramah ibn-Shuraih al-Hadrami, an ally of the banu- Umaiyah, as-Sa'ib ibn-al-'Auwam, a brother of az-Zubair ibn-al-' Auwam ; al-Walid ibn-'Abd-Shams ibn-al-Mughirah- 1-Makhzumi; as-Sa'ib ibn-'Uthman ibn-Maz'un al-Jumahi; and Zaid ibn-al-Khattab ibn-Nufail, a brother of 'Umar ibn- al-Khattab, who, according to some, was killed by abu- Maryam al-Hanafi whose proper name was Subaih ibn- Muharrish. According to ibn-al-Kalbi, Zaid was killed by Labid ibn-Burghuth al-'Ijli, who later came to 'Umar and 'Umar said to him, " Thou art the sacks " (his name, Labid,

1 The chanter who calls to prayer from the minaret.

1 Hisham, p. 165.

Hisham, pp. 422 and 486.

4 Ibid., p. 322.


meaning sacks). The surname of Zaid was abu-'Abd-ar- Rahman, and he was the senior of 'Umar. According to some, the proper name of abu-Maryam was lyas ibn-Subaih, and he was the first in the time of 'Umar to hold the position of kadi in al-Basrah. He died in Sanbil which lies in al-Ahwaz. Other martyrs were abu-Kais ibn-al-Harith ibn-'Adi ibn-Sahm; 'Abdallah ibn-al-Harith ibn-Kais ,* Salit ibn-'Amr, a brother of Suhail ibn-'Amr of the banu- 'Amr ibn-Lu'ai ; and lyas ibn-al-Bukair al-Kinani. Among the Ansdr, the following suffered martyrdom : 'Abbad ibn- al-Harith ibn-'Adi of the banu-Jahjaba of al-Aus; 'Abbad ibn-Bishr ibn-Waksh al-Ashhali of al-Aus, surnamed abu-ar- Rabi', and according to others, abu-Bishr; Malik ibn-Aus ibn-'Atik al-Ashhali; abu-'Akil ibn-'Abdallah ibn-Tha'labah ibn-Baihan al-Balawi, an ally of the banu-Jahjaba, and whose proper name was 'Abd-al-'Uzza, but who was called by the Prophet " 'Abd-ar-Rahman the enemy of the idols " ; 92 Surakah ibn-Ka'b ibn-'Abd-al-'Uzza an-Najjari of al- Khazraj ; 'Umarah ibn-Hazm ibn-Zaid ibn-Laudhan an- Najjari (who is supposed by others to have died in the time of Mu'awiyah) ; Habib ibn-'Amr ibn-Mihsan an-Najjari ; Ma'n ibn-'Adi ibn-al-Jadd ibn-al- 4 Ajlan al-Balawi of the Kuda'ah, and an ally of the Ansdr; Thabit ibn-Kais ibn- Shammas ibn-abi-Zuhair the khatib of the Prophet and who was of the banu-1-Harith ibn-al-Khazraj (whose surname was abu-Muhammad, and who at that time was the commander of the Ansdr) ; abu-Hannah ibn-Ghuzaiyah ibn-'Amr one of the banu-Mazin ibn-an-Najjar; al-'Asi ibn-Tha*labah ad- Dausi of al-Azd, an ally of the Ansdr; abu-Dujanah Simak ibn-Aus ibn-Kharashah ibn-Laudhan as-Sa'idi of al- Khazraj ; abu-Usaid Malik ibn-Rabi'ah as-Sa'idi (others say he died in al-Madinah, year 60) ; 'Abdallah ibn-'Abdallah ibn-Ubai ibn-Malik (whose first name was al-Hubab but who was given by the Prophet his father's name. His


father played the hypocrite in religion. He is the one called ibn-Ubai ibn-Salul, Salul being the mother of Ubai and of [the clan of] Khuza'ah, and he bears her name. His father was Malik ibn-al-Harith of the banu-1-Khazraj ( others say he suffered martyrdom in the battle of Juwatha at al-Bahrain) ; 'Ukbah ibn-'Amir ibn-Nabi' of the banu-Salimah of al- Khazraj ; and al-Harith ibn-Ka'b ibn-'Amr of the banu-an- Najjar. The Prophet had sent Habib ibn-Zaid ibn-Asim of the banu-Mabdhul ibn-'Amr ibn-Ghanm ibn-Mazin ibn-an- Naj jar, together with 'Abdallah ibn-Wahb al-Aslami to Musailimah. Musailimah did not molest 'Abdallah, but cut off the hands and feet of Habib. The mother of Habib was Nusaibah, daughter of Ka'b. According to al-Wakidi, the two men [sent by the Prophet] came from 'Uman in the company of 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi. Musailimah drove them back. 'Amr and all those in his company escaped, with the excep- tion of these two who were captured. In the battle of al- Yamamah, Nusaibah took part in the fight and returned with a number of wounds inflicted on her. She is the mother of Habib and 'Abdallah, the sons of Zaid. She also took part in the battle of Uhud, and was one of the two women who " swore allegiance " in the day of al-'Akabah. 1 Other martyrs of the battle of al-Yamamah were 'A'idh ibn-Ma'is az-Zuraki of al-Khazraj and Yazid ibn-Thabit al-Khazraji, a brother of Zaid ibn-Thabit, the authority on " The Laws of Heritage." 2

Regarding the number of those that fell as martyrs in al-Yamamah, there is no agreement. The minimum esti- mate mentioned is 700, the maximum 1,700, while others assert that they were 1,200.

1 Hisham, pp. 312 seq.

  • tfajar, vol. ii, pp. 40 seq.; Tbn-Khallikan, Wafayat al-A'yan, vol. i.

p. 372, note 2.


Mujja'ah is assigned al-Ghurah and other fiefs. Al- Kasim ibn-Sallam from Hisham ibn-Isma'il : There came to the Prophet Mujja'ah-1-Yamami to whom the Prophet gave a fief and wrote the following statement : " In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. This statement is written by Muhammad, the Messenger of Allah, to Mujja'ah ibn-Murarah ibn-Sulmi. I give thee as fief al- Ghurah, Ghurabah, 1 and al-Hubal. If any one objects, re- fer him to me." (Al-Ghurah is the chief village of al- Ghurabat and is close to Karat). After the death of the Prophet, Mujja'ah came to abu-Bakr, who assigned him as fief al-Khidrimah. Later he came to 'Umar, who assigned to him ar-Raiya. After that he came to 'Uthman, who as- signed to him another fief " the name of which," says al- Harith, 2 " I do not remember."

Fur at ibn-Haiydn gets a fief. Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from 'Adi ibn-Hatim : The Prophet assigned to Furat ibn- Haiyan al-'Ijli a piece of land in al-Yamamah.

The "park of death." Muhammad ibn-Thumal al- Yamami from certain sheikhs: The Hadikah was called Hadikat al-Maut [the park of death] because of the great number of people that were slain in it. In the time of al- Ma'mun, Ishak ibn-abi-Khamisah, a freedman of Kais, built in it a cathedral mosque. The Hadikah before that time was known as Ubad.

According to Muhammad ibn-Thumal, the Kasr al-Ward 3 was named after al-Ward ibn-as-Samin ibn-'Ubaid al- Hanafi. According to another, the fortification was called Mu'tik [i. e. ? emancipator] because of its strength, indicat- 94

1 Bakri, vol. ii, p. 703 : " 'Awanah ".

1 Ibn-Murrah-1-Hanafi, one of the intermediary reporters of this tra- dition.

8 Yakut, Marasid, under Ward.


ing thereby that he who takes refuge in it is safe from his enemy.

Ar-Raiya spring. Ar-Raiya was a spring from which the as-Sa'fukah, as well as al-Khuyaibah and al-Khidrimah, got their drinking water, as-Sa'fukah a being a crown-land thus called after one of the agents over it, whose name was Sa'fuk.

1 Bakri, p. 607.



Abu-Bakr threatens those who withhold sadakah. When abu-Bakr was proclaimed caliph, certain Arab tribes apos- tatized from Islam and withheld the sadakah. Some of them, however, said, " We shall observe prayer but not pay zakat" In reference to that abu-Bakr said, " If they refuse me a one-year sadakah? I shall surely fight against them." According to other reports he said, "If they refuse me a two-year sadakah"

'Abdallah ibn-Salih al-'Ijli from ash-Sha'bi : 'Abdallah ibn-Mas'ud said, "After the death of the Prophet we found ourselves in a state in which we would have perished had not Allah favored us with abu-Bakr. By the consensus of opinion, we agreed not to fight on a female camel that had entered on its second year or a male camel that had entered on its third year, but appropriate for ourselves the income of Kura 'Arabiyah 2 and worship Allah un- til the right course is revealed unto us." Allah gave orders to abu-Bakr to fight them. Then, by Allah, abu- Bakr was not satisfied by anything but one of two : a humiliating plan or an evacuating war. As for the humi- liating plan, it was that they acknowledge that those of their number who were killed went to hell, and that our property that fell into their hands should be returned to us ; and the evacuating war was that they leave their homes.

1 Ar. l ikal, see an-Nasa'i, Sunan, vol. i, p. 335. 1 Yahya ibn-Adam, p. 122 ; Bakri, p. 657.


, 44

The delegation of Busakhah. Ibrahim ibn-Muhammad from Tarik ibn-Shihab: A delegation from Buzakhah came to abu-Bakr and he gave them their choice between "the evacuating war" or "the humiliating peace". To this they replied, " ' The evacuating war ' we have known what it is, what is then ' the humiliating peace?' ' " It is," said abu-Bakr, " that we deprive you of the coats of mail and horses, and keep the booty we took from you ; and that ye return the booty ye took from us, pay bloodwit for those of us who were slain and consider those of you who were slain to be in hell-fire."

Shuja' ibn-Mukhallad al-Fallas from 'A'ishah the "mother of the Believers " : The latter said, "After the death of the Prophet, what befell my father x would have softened the firm mountains if it had befallen them. Hypocrisy in al- Madinah exalted itself, and the Arabs apostatized from their faith. By Allah, not a point they disagreed upon, which my father did not cause to disappear as something without which Islam could do [ ?]."

Abu-Bakr dispatches an army. Abu-Bakr set out to al- Kassah 2 in the land which belongs to Muharib in order to direct the armies marching against the apostates. He was accompanied by the Moslems. Those who went against the Moslems were Kharijah ibn-Hisn ibn-Hudhaifah ibn- Badr al-Fazari 3 and Manzur ibn-Zabban ibn-Saiyar al- Fazari of the banu-l-'Ushara', who were joined with the tribe of Ghatafan. The fight raged fiercely but the " poly- theists " were put to flight, and abu-Bakr sent Talhah ibn- 'Ubaidallah at-Taimi in their pursuit. Talhah fell upon them at the lower part of Thanaya 'Ausajah where he killed

1 Abu-Bakr.

2 Tabari, vol. i, p. 1870: " dhu-1-Kassah."

  • Ibn-Sa'd, vol. in 1 , p. 37.



only one of them, all the rest having fled away, and he could not catch up with them. This made Kharijah ibn-Hisn repeat, " Woe to the Arabs because of ibn-abi-Kuhafah [i. e. abu-Bakr]."

While abu-Bakr was at al-Kassah, he set Khalid ibn-al- Walid ibn-al-Mughirah al-Makhzumi in command over the people, 1 and sent over the Ansdr Thabit ibn-Kais ibn- Shammas al-Ansari, who was one of those that [later] suffered martyrdom in the battle of al-Yamamah. Thabit, however, was subordinate to Khalid. Abu-Bakr ordered Khalid to direct his course towards Tulaihah ibn-Khuwailid al-Asadi, who had claimed to be a prophet 2 and was then at Buzakhah. This Buzakhah is a spring belonging to the banu-Asad ibn-Khuzaimah. Khalid set out against him and sent before him 'Ukkashah ibn-Mihsan al-Asadi, an ally of 96 the banu-'Abd-Shams, together with Thabit ibn-Akram al- Balawi, an ally of the Ansdr. Hibal ibn-Khuwailid 9 met them and was slain by them. Having heard the news, Tulaihah with his brother, Salamah, set out and, meeting 'Ukkashah and Thabit, slew them both. Regarding this event Tulaihah sang :

" As I saw their faces I thought of my brother IJibal and was sure that I was going to avenge his death.

It was on the evening of that day that I left ibn-Akram in his grave, together with 'Ukkashah al-Ghanmi, by the battlefield."

The Moslems and their enemy at last met and a fierce battle was fought. With Tulaihah in the fight was 'Uyainah ibn-Hisn ibn-Hudhaifah ibn-Badr at the head of 700 men of the banu-Fazarah. When 'Uyainah saw the swords of the

1 Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 145.

2 He imitated Muhammad by composing saj' or rhyming prose, see Tabari, vol. i, p. 1738; and Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, vol. ii, p. 4001.

3 Hisham, p. 453.

I4 6

Moslems butchering the " polytheists," he came to Tulaihah asking, " Canst thou not see what the army of abu-1-Fasil a is doing, and did not Gabriel bring thee any message?" " Yes " said Tulaihah, " Gabriel came to me and said ' Thou wilt have a grinding stone as he has, and a day that thou wilt never forget !' " 2 " By Allah," cried 'Uyainah, " I be- lieve that thou wilt have a day which thou wilt never forget. O banu-Fazarah, this is a false prophet." Saying this, he left Tulaihah's army which was soon after defeated. The Moslems were victorious. 'Uyainah ibn-Hisn was taken captive and brought to al-Madinah. Abu-Bakr spared his life and set him free. Tulaihah ibn-Khuwailid took to flight and entered a tent of his, where he took a bath and went out. Then he rode on his horse, intending to visit the sacred places, and came to Makkah, then to al-Madinah professing Islam. According to others, he came to Syria, was taken hold of by those of the Moslems who were on a campaign, and sent to abu-Bakr in al-Madinah, where he became Moslem. Later, he distinguished himself in the conquest of al-'Irak and Nihawand. One day, 'Umar said to him, " Didst thou kill the faithful servant 'Ukkashah ibn-Mihsan?" And he replied, " I have been the means of bringing about the welfare of 'Ukkashah ibn-Mihsan; and he has been the means of bringing about 3 my misery. I beg Allah's pardon upon me."

Da'ud ibn-Hibal al-Asadi told me on the authority of certain sheikhs among his people that 'Umar ibn-al- Khattab said to Tulaihah, " Thou didst lie before Allah when thou didst claim that he revealed to thee the text, ' Allah has nothing to do with the dust on your faces and

1 Khalid's surname was abu-Sulaiman, see Nawawi, p. 224; and ibn- Kutaibah, Kitdb al-Ma'arif, p. 90. 8 Tabari, vol. i, p. 1897 ; Athir, vol. ii, p. 264.

  • Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 1898.



the ugliness of your Hinder parts. When ye therefore mention Allah, be abstemious and stand upright, for, verily, froth is on the surface of what is pure.' " 1 " ' Commander of the Believers ' ", replied Tulaihah, " this is one of the corruptions of unbelief which has altogether been destroyed by Islam. I am not, therefore, to be scolded for holding a part of it." 'Umar remained silent.

Khdlid in Rammdn and Abdnain. Khalid ibn-al-Walid came to Ramman 2 and Abanain 3 where the remnant of the army of Buzakhah stood. They refrained from fighting against him and swore allegiance before him to abu-Bakr.

Banu-Amir ibn-Sa'sa c ah embrace Islam. Khalid ibn-al- Walid sent Hisham ibn-al-'Asi ibn-Wa'il as-Sahmi., a brother of 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi, one of the early Moslems and one of the Emigrants to Abyssinia, to the banu-'Amir ibn Sa'sa'ah. Banu-'Amir did not resist him and professed Islam and practised the call to prayer. So he left them.

Kurrah's life spared. Kurrah ibn-Hubairah-1-Kushairi, having refused to pay sadakah and reinforced Tulaihah, was taken by Hisham ibn-al-'Asi to Khalid. The latter carried him to abu-Bakr to whom Kurrah said, " By Allah I never forsook my faith since I became a believer. As 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi on his way back from 'Uman passed by me, I treated him hospitably and was loyal to him." 'Amr was questioned by abu-Bakr regarding that, and he corroborated the statement. Consequently, abu-Bakr spared Kurrah's life.

Others assert that Khalid advanced to the land of the banu-'Amir, took Kurrah captive and sent him to abu-Bakr.

The battle of al-Ghamr. Then Khalid ibn-al-Walid ad-

1 Freytag, Prov., vol. i, p. 174, no. 80, and p. 731, no. 63.

Yakut, vol. ii, p. 815 ; Bakri, p. 412.

8 or Abanan ; Yakut, vol. i, p. 75 ; Bakri, p. 63.

I4 g

vanced to al-Ghamr * where a band of the banu-Asad, Ghatafan and others had gathered under the leadership of Kharijah ibn-Hisn ibn-Hudhaifah. According to others, they had on different days different leaders, and each party had its own leader drawn from its own ranks. They fought against Khalid and the Moslems, with the result that some of them were killed and the others took to flight. With re- ference to the battle of al-Ghamr says al-Hutai'ah-l-'Absi :

" Yea, may all short and humble lances be sacrificed, in favor of the horsemen's lances at al-Ghamr ! " 2

Khalid meets abu-Shajarah. Thence Khalid moved to Jau Kurakir. 3 Others say he moved to an-Nukrah. There a crowd was gathered by the banu-Sulaim and put under the leadership of abu-Shajarah 'Amr ibn-'Abd-al-'Uzza as- Sulami whose mother was al-Khansa'. They fought against Khalid, and one of the Moslems fell a martyr. By Allah's help at last, the " polytheists' " troops were dispersed, and Khalid had on that day the apostates burned. When abu- Bakr was told about it, he said, " I shall not sheathe a sword that Allah had unsheathed against the ' unbelievers.' ' Abu- Shajarah accepted Islam, and coming to 'Umar found him distributing alms among the poor, so he begged for some. 'Umar asked him, "Art thou not the one who said :

1 1 quenched my lance's thirst on Khalid' s troops, and I hope after this that my life will be prolonged'?"

Saying this, he lashed him with the whip. 4 " Islam, O

  • Commander of the Believers,' " replied abu-Shajarah, " has

blotted all this out."

1 Skizzen, vol, vi, p. n, note i. 1 Bakri, p. 696, and p. 718, line 12. ' Cf. Yakut, vol. ii, p. 161, lines 12-13. 4 Tabari, vol. i, p. 1907.


Al-Fujafah put to death by fire. There came to abu-Bakr one, al-Fuja'ah, whose proper name was Bujair ibn-Iyas ibn-'Abdallah as-Sulami, and said to him, " Give me horse and arms that I may fight against the apostates." Abu- Bakr gave him horse and arms. Al-Fuja'ah began to molest the people, killing both Moslems and apostates. He, more- over, gathered a large body of men. Abu-Bakr wrote to Turaifah ibn-Hajizah, a brother of Ma'n ibn-Hajizah, ordering him to go against him. This, ibn-Hajizah did and captured him. He then sent him to abu-Bakr, who or- dered him burned in the neighborhood of al-Musalla [place of prayer]. Others say that abu-Bakr wrote to Ma'n con- cerning al-Fuja'ah, and Ma'n directed against him his brother, Turaifah, who captured him.

Khdlid in al-Butah and al-Ba'udah. Later, Khalid set out against those of the banu-Tamim who were in al-Butah 1 and al-Ba'udah. They fought against him, but he dis- persed them 2 killing Malik ibn-Nuwairah, a brother of Mutammam ibn-Nuwairah. This Malik was the Prophet's 'dmil for the sadakahs of the banu-Hanzalah. When the Prophet died Malik held whatever was in his keeping and said to banu-Hanzalah, " Keep your own money."

Malik beheaded. According to other reports, Khalid met nobody in either al-Butah or al-Ba'udah, but he sent detachments among the banu-Tamim, one of which was under Dirar ibn-al-Azwar al-Asadi. Dirar met Malik and, as a result of the conflict which ensued, Dirar took Malik and some others captive, and brought them before Khalid. In accordance with Khalid' s orders, their heads were cut off, 3 Dirar with his own hand cutting off that of Malik. Ac-

1 Yakut, vol. i, p. 661. 1 Tabari, vol. i, p. 1924.

3 Cf. IJajar, vol. iii, p. 722; abu-1-Fida, al-Mukhtasar, vol. i, p. 158, (Cairo, 1325).

cording to certain reports, Malik said to Khalid, " By Allah, I did not apostatize!" And abu-Katadah-1-Ansari gave witness that the banu-Hanzalah had laid down their arms and made the public call to prayer. Hearing this, 'Umar 99 ibn-al-Khattab said to abu-Bakr, " Thou hast sent a man who kills Moslems and tortures by fire!"

It is reported that Mutammam ibn-Nuwairah once came to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab who asked him, " How far did thy sorrow over they brother, Malik, carry thee?" "I wept over him for one year," said Mutammam, " until my sound eye envied the one that had gone; and never did I see fire without feeling as if my grief was strong enough to kill me, because he always left his fire burning till the morning, lest a guest should come and fail to locate his place." 'Umar then asked for a description of him, and Muttamam said, " He used to ride a restive steed and lead a slow-paced camel, while he would be between two water bags exuding water in the chilly night, wrapped up in a loose garment, and armed with a long lance. Thus would he go through the night until the morn. His face was a fragment of a moon." 1 " Sing me," said 'Umar, " some of what thou hast composed regarding him." And Mutammam repeated the elegy in which he said :

" For a long time we were boon companions like the two fellow-drink- ers of Jadhimah, that people said, ' They will never be separated !' " 2

" If I could write good poetry " remarked 'Umar, " I would have written an elegy on my brother, Zaid." "It is not a parallel case, ' Commander of the Believers ' ", answered Mutammam, " had my brother met the same death that thy brother has met, I would not have mourned over him."

1 Cf. De Slane, Ibn-Khallikan, vol. iii, pp. 651-652. 1 Aghdni, vol. xiv, pp. 70-71.


" Nobody did ever console me," said 'Umar, " as well as thou didst." x

Sajah the Prophetess. Umm-Sadir Sajah, daughter of Aus ibn-Hikk ibn-Usamah ibn-al-Ghaniz ibn-Yarbu' ibn- Hanzalah ibn-Malik ibn-Zaid Manat ibn-Tamim (others say she was Sajah, daughter of al-Harith ibn-'Ukfan ibn- Suwaid ibn-Khalid ibn-Usamah) , claimed to be a prophetess and a soothsayer. 2 She was followed by some of the banu- Tamim and some of her uncles on her mother's side of the banu-Taghlib. One day she composed the following rhyming sentences : " The Lord of heavens orders you to carry out against ar-Ribab s invasions." She invaded them but was defeated by them, they being the only ones who fought against her. 4 She then came to Musailimah-1-Kadhdhab [the false Prophet] at Hajar and married him, 5 making her religion one with his. When he was killed, she returned 100 to her brethren and there she died. According to ibn-al- Kalbi, however, Sajah accepted Islam and emigrated to al-Basrah and remained a good Moslem. 'Abd-al-A'la ibn- Hammad an-Narsi heard it said by certain sheikhs of al- Basrah that Samurah ibn-Jundab al-Fazari led her funeral service as he was the governor of al-Basrah under Mu'awiyah before the arrival of 'Abdallah ibn-Ziyad from Khurasan to assume the office of governor of al-Basrah. Ibn-al-Kalbi added that the muezzin of Sajah was al- Janabah 6 ibn-Tarik ibn-'Amr ibn-Haut ar-Riyahi, and others say 7 it was Shabath ibn-Rib'i ar-Riyahi.

1 Ibn-Kutaibah, Kitdb ash-Shi'r, pp. 193-194.

2 Ar. kdhin; see Skizzen, vol. iii, p. 130; Goldziher, Abhandlungen zur Arabischen Philologie, vol. i, pp. 107-108; Zaidan, vol. iii, pp. 16-18; J. G. Frazer, Golden Bough, vol. i, p. 230.

8 The confederate tribes of Tai, 'Adi and 'Ukl.

4 Skizzen, vol. vi, p. 14.

6 Aghani, vol. xii, p. 157; abu-1-Fida, vol. i, p. 157 (Cairo, 1325).

6 Dhahabi, Mushtabih, p. 141. 7 Duraid, p. 137.

! 5 2

The insurrection of Khaulan. Khaulan in al-Yaman hav- ing apostatized, 'Umar sent against them Ya'la ibn-Munyah (Munyah, his mother, was of the banu-Mazin ibn-Mansur ibn-'Ikrimah ibn-Khasafah ibn-Kais ibn-'Ailan ibn-Mudar, and his father was Umaiyah ibn-abi-'Ubaidah, one of the sons of Malik ibn-Hanzalah ibn-Malik, an ally of thebanu-Naufal ibn-'Abd-Manaf ) who won a great victory over them and carried away booty and captives. According to others, however, he met no resistance, and all of them returned to Islam.



The cause of the insurrection of Kindah. The Prophet sent Ziyad ibn-Labid al-Bayadi of the Ansdr as governor to Hadramaut; later extending his power over the Kindah. According to others, it was abu-Bakr as-Siddik who ex- tended his power over the Kindah. This Ziyad ibn-Labid was a resolute and sturdy man, and took young she-camels as sadakah from a certain man of the banu-Kindah. The Kindah man asked him to return them and take something else, but having marked them with the sadakah brand, Labid refused his request. Labid was approached by al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais, but still he refused saying, " Never will I return a thing that has been branded with the mark." This caused an uprising of all Kindah against him with the exception of as-Sakun who still adhered to his side. Hence the verse of their poet :

" It was we that came to the rescue of the faith, IOI

when our people miserably went astray and we supported ibn-umm- Ziyad.

From the right claim of al-Bayadi we sought not to deviate, and the piety of Allah was our best provision."

Banu-Amr gathered against Labid. Against Labid were assembled the banu-'Amr ibn-Mu'awiyah ibn-al-Harith al-Kindi. Labid, at the head of the Moslems, attacked them during the night time and killed many, among whom were Mikhwas, Mishrah, Jamad and Abda'ah the sons of Ma'di- karib ibn-Wali'ah ibn-Shurahbil ibn-Mu'awiyah ibn-Hujr


al-Karid (Karid in their dialect means horse) ibn-al- Harith al-Walladah ibn-'Amr ibn-Mu'awiyah ibn-al-Harith. These four brothers were in possession of so many valleys that they were called the " four kings." Previous to this, they had presented themselves before the Prophet, but later on they apostatized. Their sister, al-'Amarradah, was killed by one who mistook her for a man.

Ziyad fights against al-Ash'ath. As Ziyad returned with captives and booty, he passed by al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais and his people. Seeing him, the women and children began to cry * which made al-Ash'ath burn with indignation, and set out with a band of his men. 2 He fell upon Ziyad and his companions, and many Moslems were lost. The Moslems were then defeated, and all the great men of Kindah rallied to the support of al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais. Seeing this, Ziyad wrote to abu-Bakr asking for reinforcement. Abu-Bakr wrote to al-Muhajir ibn-abi-Umaiyah, ordering him to rein- force Ziyad. Ziyad and al-Muhajir, at the head of the Mos- lems, met al-Ash'ath and dispelled his men, and attacking his companions, made a fearful slaughter among them. Thence al-Ash'ath's men took refuge in a fortification of theirs, an-Nujair, where the Moslems besieged them. The siege was pressed until they were exhausted and al-Ash'ath sought safety for a certain number of his men. He did not include himself in that number because al-Jif shish 3 al-Kindi, whose name was Ma'dan ibn-al-Aswad ibn-Ma'dikarib, holding him by the waist, said, " Include me in that num- ber." 4 Thus al-Ash'ath excluded himself in favor of al- Jifshish. Al-Ash'ath presented himself before Ziyad ibn-

1 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2005.

2 Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 149.

1 Jafshish in Fairuzabadi, al-Kdmus, vol. ii, p. 276. 4 C'/. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2009.


Labid and al-Muhajir who sent him to abu-Bakr. The latter favored him by giving to him in marriage his sister umm-Farwah, 1 daughter of abu-Kuhafah, who later gave birth to Muhammad, Ishak, Kuraibah, Hubabah and 102 Ja'dah. According to others, abu-Bakr gave him in mar- riage his sister Kuraibah ; and when he married her, he came to the market, and every slaughtered camel he saw, he cut its two heel-tendons, paid its price and gave it to the people to eat. After living in al-Madinah, he set out on a razzia to Syria and al-'Irak. His death took place at al-Kuf ah where his funeral service was conducted by al-Hasan ibn-'Ali ibn- abi-Talib, after the latter had been reconciled with Mu'awiyah. This al-Ash'ath was surnamed abu-Muham- mad and nicknamed " 'Urf an-Nar " [the fire-crest] .

The insurrection of the banu-WaWah and al-Ash ( ath. Ac- cording to other reports, the banu-Wali'ah apostatized before the Prophet's death. When Ziyad ibn-Labid heard of his death, he called the people to swear allegiance to abu-Bakr, which they all did vith the exception of the banu-Wali'ah. Ziyad fell upon them in the night time and killed them. Al-Ash'ath apostatized and fortified himself in an-Nujair where he was besieged by Ziyad ibn-Labid and al-Muhajir who joined hands against him. Abu-Bakr sent 'Ikrimah ibn-abi-Jahl, after his departure from 'Uman, to reinforce them; but on his arrival, an-Nujair was already reduced. Abu-Bakr requested the Moslems to share the booty with him, which they did.

Ath-Thabja and Hind severely punished. It is reported that certain women at an-Nujair having rejoiced at the death of the Prophet, abu-Bakr wrote ordering that their hands and feet be cut off. Among these women were ath- Thabja' al-Hadramiyah, and Hind, daughter of Yamin, the Jewess.

1 Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2012.

I5 6

The Prophet assigns governors to San' a', Kindah, maut and as-Sadif. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from certain sheikhs of al-Yaman: The Prophet made Khalid ibn- Sa'id ibn-al-'Asi governor of San'a', but he was driven out of it by al-'Ansi, the false Prophet. Over the Kindah, he as- signed al-Muhajir ibn-abi-Umaiyah ; over Hadramaut and as-Sadif, Ziyad ibn-Labid al-Ansari. As-Sadif were the descendants of Malik ibn-Muratti' ibn-Mu'awiyah ibn- Kindah. 1 They were called Sadif because Muratti' married a woman from Hadramaut and made it a condition that she would take up her abode with him, and in case she bore a child he would not force her to remain away from her people's home. She did bear a child, Malik, and the judge decided that Murratti' should send her back to her people. When Malik left him with her, Murratti' said, " Malik turned away [Ar.-sadafa] from me." Hence the name as- Sadif.

The insurrection of the banu-Amr. 'Abd-ar-Razzak said that he was told by certain sheikhs from al-Yaman that 103 abu-Bakr wrote to Ziyad ibn-Labid and to al-Muhajir ibn- abi-Umaiyah-1-Makhzumi who was then over Kindah, order- ing them to come together and work hand in hand and with one accord in order to secure for him the caliphate and fight against him who refrains from paying sadakah, and that they should get the help of the Believers against the Unbelievers and of the obedient against the disobedient and transgressors. Once they took as sadakah from a Kindah man a youthful she-camel. He asked them to change it for another. Al-Muhajir allowed it, but Ziyad insisted on keeping the camel saying, " Never will I return it after being stamped with the sadakah brand." Therefore, the banu-'Amr ibn-Mu'awiyah gathered a large body of men.

1 Khallikan, vol. iv, pp. 595-596.


Then said Ziyad ibn-Labid to al-Muhajir, " Thou dost see this crowd. It is not wise to have us all leave our position. Separate, therefore, thyself with a band of men from the main army, and that will keep our plans concealed. Then I will attack these ' unbelievers ' in their homes at night." Ziyad was resolute and sturdy. He went against the banu- 'Amr and, under the cover of the night, fell upon them and some of them began to kill the others. At last Ziyad and al-Muhajir met accompanied by the captives and prisoners. They were intercepted by al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais and the lead- ing men of Kindah, who fought a fierce battle against them. At last the Kindis fortified themselves in an-Nujair, where the siege was pressed against them until they were exhausted and greatly damaged and al-Ash'ath surrendered. Some say that the Hadramaut had come to reinforce the Kindah but were met by Ziyad and al-Muhajir who defeated them.

The apostasy of Khauldn. Now Khaulan apostatized, and abu-Bakr directed against them Ya'la ibn-Munyah who fought against them until they yielded and agreed to give sadakah. Then al-Muhajir received abu-Bakr 's letter conferring on him the governorship of San'a' and its ad- joining districts, making his province border on what Ziyad already held. 1 Thus was al-Yaman divided among three: al-Muhajir, Ziyad and Ya'la. The land between the ex- treme limit of al-Hijaz and the extreme limit of Najran was assigned to abu-Sufyan ibn-Harb.

The story of al-Ash'ath. Abu-Nasr at-Tammar from Ibrahim an-Nakha'i : Al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais al-Kindi, to- gether with some of the Kindah tribe, apostatized and were 104 besieged. Al-Ash'ath secured safety for 70 of his men but did not include himself among them. He was therefore brought before abu-Bakr who said to him, " We shall cer-

1 Caetani, vol. ii, p. 804.

I5 8

tainly kill thee, as thou art under no safe conduct, having excluded thyself from that group." " Nay," answered al- Ash'ath, " Thou, successor of the Messenger of Allah, wilt rather favor me with a wife." This abu-Bakr did, giving him his own sister in marriage.

Three things abu-Bakr wished he had done. Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam abu-'Ubaid 1 from abu-Bakr as-Siddik : The latter said, " I wish I had done three things that I did not do : I wish I had cut off the head of al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais when he was brought before me, because it seemed to me there was no sort of evil to be done which he would not attempt to do or help to bring about ; I wish I had killed rather than burnt al-Fuja'ah when he was brought before me ; and I wish I had directed 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab to al-'Irak as I had directed Khalid to Syria, and thus would have extended both my right and left arms in the cause of Allah." 2

The captives of an-Nujair ransomed. 'Abdallah ibn- Salih al-'Ijli from ash-Sha'bi : Abu-Bakr returned the captives of an-Nujair by ransom receiving 400 dirhams for each head. In order to pay for them, al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais had to borrow from the merchants of al-Madinah. After paying the ransom of the captives, he returned the loan. Al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais wrote the following elegy for Bashir ibn-al-Audah, who was one of the delegates to the Prophet and who later apostatized, Yazid ibn-Amanat and those slain in the battle of an-Nujair :

" By my life and life is not an insignificant thing to me

I had the greatest right to hold tenaciously to those who fell dead. There is no wonder except when they divide their captives ;

and the world after them is not safe for me. i am like the camel that lost her young and her milk flows,

when she longs for them and comes to the bag, stuffed with straw. Let the tears of my eyes, therefore, flow

for the loss of the noble ibn-Amanat and the generous Bashir."

1 Bakri, p. 747, line 14.

1 Ya'kubi, vol. ii, pp. 155-156; Mas'udi, vol. iv, pp. 184-185.



Al-Aswad al-Ansi claims to be a prophet. Al-Aswad ibn-Ka'b ibn-'Auf al-'Ansi played the soothsayer [Ar. kdhin] and claimed to be a prophet. He was followed by the 'Ans tribe which was named after Zaid ibn-Malik ibn- Udad ibn-Yashjub ibn-'Arib * ibn-Zaid ibn-Kahlan ibn- Saba, who was the brother of Murad ibn-Malik, Khalid ibn-Malik and Sa'd al-'Ashirah ibn-Malik, together with others outside the 'Ans tribe. Al-Aswad took for himself the name of " Rahman [the merciful of] al-Yaman," as Musailimah had taken the name of " Rahman al- Yamamah." 2 He had a trained donkey that would bow on hearing his injunction, " Bow before thy Lord," and that would kneel on hearing " Kneel ". Therefore, al-Aswad was called "dhu-1-Himar 3 [he of the donkey]. Others say he was called " dhu-1-Khimar " [the veiled one] because he always appeared with a veil and turban.* I was told by others from al-Yaman that he was called al-Aswad because the color of his face was black, his proper name being 'Aihalah.

The Prophet invites him to Islam. In the year in which the Prophet died, he sent Jarir ibn-'Abdallah al-Bajali, who

1 Wiistenfeld, Register, p. 86.

2 Hisham, p. 200, line 3.

8 Mas'udi, at-Tanbih, pp. 276-277. 4 Diyarbakri, vol. ii, p. 173.


had in that same year accepted Islam, against al-Aswad, in- viting him to Islam. But al-Aswad refused. Other reports deny that the Prophet sent Jarir to al-Yaman.

Al-Aswad as governor of San'a. Al-Aswad moved against San'a' and reduced it, driving Khalid ibn-Sa'id ibn- al-'Asi from it. Others say he rather drove al-Muhajir ibn- abi-Umaiyah, and took quarters with Ziyad ibn-Labid al- Bayadi, with whom he remained until he received a message from abu-Bakr ordering him to go to the aid of Ziyad. When the work of Ziyad and al-Aswad was done, abu- Bakr conferred on the latter the governorship of San'a' and its provinces. Al-Aswad, however, was haughty and he oppressed al-Abna', i. e., the descendants of the Persians who were originally sent to al-Yaman by Kisra in the company of ibn-dhi-Yazan and under the leadership of Wahriz. Al- Aswad made them serve him and compelled them to do things against their will. Moreover, he married al-Marzu- banah, the wife of Badham their king, who was their gov- ernor under Abarwiz. 1 This made the Prophet direct against him Kais ibn-Hubairah-1-Makshuh al-Muradi (called al-Makshuh because he was cauterized on his side on account of a disease) instructing him to win over to his side al-Abna'. With al-Makshuh, the Prophet sent Farwah ibn- 106 Musaik al-Muradi. No sooner had they arrived at al- Yaman, than the news of the death of the Prophet reached them. Kais left on al-Aswad the impression that he con- corded with his opinion, and so he got his consent to enter San'a'. Accordingly, Kais entered San'a' with a group of men including among others men of [the clan of] Madhhij and some from Hamdan. He then won over to his side one of al-Abna', Fairuz ibn-ad-Dailami, who had accepted Islam. Kais and Fairuz then brought the chief of al-Abna' (whose

1 " Barwiz " in Caetani, vol. iv, p. 490.


name according to some was Badham, and according to others, Badham was dead by this time and his successor was one Dadhawaih. 1 The latter view is more authentic). Dadhawaih accepted Islam.

Al-Aswad slain. Kais met That ibn-dhi-1-Hirrah 2 -l- Himyari and won him over to his side. Many missionaries were sent by Dadhawaih among al-Abna' who accepted Islam and conspired to take al-Aswad unawares and slay him. They plotted with his wife who hated him, and she pointed out a gutter leading to his place. Through this they entered before daybreak. Some say they dug a hole through the wall of his house, through a crack, 3 and found him sleeping under the influence of drink. Kais slew him and he began to bellow like a bull, so much so that his guard scared by the noise asked, " What is the matter with Rahman al-Yaman? ' "The inspiration," answered his wife, " is upon him." Thus they were quieted. Kais severed his head, and, early in the morning, climbed the city wall and shouted, "Allah is great! Allah is great! I testify that there is no god but Allah and that Muhammad is the Prophet of Allah, and that al-Aswad, the false Pro- phet, is the enemy of Allah !" As the followers of al-Aswad gathered, Kais cast the head to them and they dispersed with the exception of a few. At this the men of Kais opened the door and put the rest of the followers of al-'Ansi to the sword, and none escaped except those who accepted Islam.

According to some reports, however, it was Fairuz ibn- ad-Dailami who killed al-Aswad, Kais only giving the last stroke and severing his head. Certain scholars assert that

1 " Dadhuwaih " in Nawawi, p. 232. 2 ?ajar, vol. i, p. 345: "Bab ibn-dhi-1-Jirrah".

3 Caetani, vol. ii, p. 683; Tabari, vol. i, p. 1865; Fida, vol. i, p. 155; Diyarbakri, vol. ii, p. 173.

the death of Kais took place five days before the expiration of the Prophet, who on his death-bed said: "Allah has brought about the death of al-Aswad al-'Ansi through the righteous man Fairuz ibn-ad-Dailami," and that the news of the conquest came to abu-Bakr ten days after 107 he had been proclaimed caliph.

Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from an-Nu'man ibn-Burzuj, one of al-Abna' : The Prophet's 'dmil, whom al-Aswad drove out of San'a', was Aban ibn-Sa'id ibn-al-'Asi ; and the one who killed al-Aswad was Fairuz ibn-ad-Dailami. 1 When both Kais and Fairuz at al-Madinah claimed having killed him, 'Umar pointed to Fairuz saying, " It was this lion who killed him!"

Kais suspected of the murder of Dddhawaih. Kais was charged with having killed Dadhawaih, and abu-Bakr re- ceived the information that he was intent on expelling al-Abna' from San'a'. Abu-Bakr's anger was thereby aroused, and he wrote to al-Muhajir ibn-abi-Umaiyah at his entry to San'a' as abu-Bakr's 'dmil, instructing him to bring Kais before him. When Kais was brought before abu-Bakr, he was requested by him to swear fifty oaths near the Prophet's pulpit that he did not kill Dadhawaih. This he did, and was consequently set free by abu-Bakr, who directed him to Syria with those of the Moslems summoned for the invasion of the Greeks. 2

1 Mirkhondi, Raudat as-Safa, vol. ii, p. 679.

2 Ar. ar-Rum = the East Romans, the Byzantines.

PART III[edit]



'lyad its governor. Da'ud ibn-'Abd-al-Hamid the kadi of ar-Rakkah from Maimun ibn-Mihran: All of Meso- potamia was conquered by 'lyad ibn-Ghanm who, after the death of abu-'Ubaidah, was made its ruler by 'Umar ibn- al-Khattab. Abu-'Ubaidah had appointed 'lyad to be his successor over Syria, but 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab appointed first Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan then Mu'awiyah over Syria, and ordered 'lyad 1 to invade Mesopotamia.

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Sulaiman ibn-'Ata' al- Kurashi: Abu-'Ubaidah sent 'lyad ibn-Ghanm to Meso- potamia, and died while lyad was still there. 'Umar then assigned 'lyad after abu-'Ubaidah as governor of Mesopo- tamia.

The terms with ar-Ruha. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from Sulaiman ibn-'Ata' : When 'lyad ibn-Ghanm, who was sent by abu-'Ubaidah, reduced ar-Ruha 2 [Edessa, modern Urfa], he stood at its gate riding on a brown horse; and the inhabitants made terms stipulating that they should keep their cathedral and the buildings around it, and agreeing not to start a new church other than what they already had, to give succor to the Moslems against their enemy, and to forfeit their right of protection in case they fail to keep any of these conditions. Similar terms to those of ar-Ruha were made by the people of Mesopotamia.

1 R. Duval, " Histoire d'Edesse," in Journal Asiatique, Juillet-Aout, 1891, pp. 106 seq.

2 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2505.



The version of al-Wdkidi. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd states on the authority of al-Wakidi that the most authentic report he heard regarding 'lyad was that abu-' Ubaidah, in the year 1 8, fell victim to the plague of Emmaus ['Amawas] after appointing 'lyad as his successor [over Syria]. 'lyad re- ceived a letter from 'Umar, conferring upon him the gov- ernorship of Hims, Kinnasrin and Mesopotamia. On Thursday the middle of Sha'ban, year 18, he marched to Mesopotamia at the head of 5,000 men, the van of the army being led by Maisarah ibn-Masruk al-'Absi, the right wing by Sa'id ibn-'Amir ibn-Hidhyam al-Jumahi and the left by Safwan ibn-al-Mu'attal as-Sulami. Khalid ibn-al-Walid was on the left wing. Others assert that after Abu-'Ubai- dah, Khalid never marched under any man's flag but re- mained in Hims, where he died in the year 21 after desig- nating 'Umar to execute his will. 1 Some claim that he died in al-Madinah ; but that he died in Hims is the more authen- tic report. 2

The terms with ar-Rakkah. The van of 'lyad's army ar- rived in ar-Rakkah 3 and made a raid on its environs, where Beduin Arabs were encamped with a group of peasants, carrying off much booty. Those who escaped took to flight and entered the city of ar-Rakkah. 'lyad advanced with his troops until he arrived, with his troops in military ar- ray, 4 at Bab ar-Ruha one of the gates of the city. For an hour the Moslems were shot at, and some of them were wounded. In order to escape the enemy's stones and ar- rows, 'Iyad withdrew, and, after going round the city on

1 tfajar, vol. i, pp. 853-854.

  • Yakut, vol. ii, pp. 74-75-

3 Athir, vol. ii, p. 439.

4 Ar. ta'bi'ah. See Wiistenfeld, "Die Taktik des Aelianus," in Ab- handlungen des Gcsellschaft der Wissenschaften, Gottingen, 1880.


horseback, he stationed horse-guards at its gates. He then returned to the main army and sent bands of soldiers * who went around, bringing back with them prisoners from the villages and large quantities of food. It was the proper time for reaping the harvest. This condition having lasted for five or six days the patrician of the city asked for peace from Tyad, who made terms with him, guaranteeing for the population the security of their lives, children, posses- sions and city. Tyad said, " The land is ours ; we have sub- dued and secured it ". However, he left it in their hands on the khardj basis. That part of the land which was not wanted and rejected by the dhimmis, he turned over to the Moslems on the tithe basis. Moreover, Tyad. assessed poll- tax to the amount of one dinar per annum on every man, holding women and boys exempt. In addition to the dinar, he levied on them kafizes * of wheat, and some oil, vine- gar and honey. When Mu'awiyah came to power, he laid that as a regular tax upon them. The people then opened the city gates and established a market for the Moslems at the Ruha gate. The following is the statement issued by 'lyad: ^1

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. This is what Tyad ibn-Ghanm gave to the people of ar- Rakkah when he entered the city. He gave them security for their lives and possessions. Their churches shall not be destroyed or occupied, so long as they pay the tax as- sessed on them and enter in no intrigue. It is stipulated

that they build no new church or place of worship, or pub-


1 Ar. sardya who, according to al-Mas'udi, Kitdb at-Tanbih, p. 279, were bands of soldiers varying between 3 and 500 persons, that go

forth at night.


2 A measure of capacity consisting of ten makkuks; cf. Mawardi, p. 265.


licly strike clappers, 1 or openly celebrate Easter Monday 2 or show the cross in public. Thereunto, Allah is witness and Allah is a sufficient witness. Signed by 'lyad's own signature.

Others report that 'lyad assessed four dinars on every adult of ar-Rakkah; but the fact is that 'Umar wrote after this to 'Umair ibn-Sa'd, his governor, instructing him to assess four dinars on every man, as it was the case with those who possessed gold.

The terms with ar-Ruha. 'lyad then advanced against Harran and encamped at Bajuddah, whence he sent forth the van of the army. The people of Harran closed the city gates, shutting the troops out. 'lyad followed up the van and when he camped at Harran, the Harnaniyah from among its inhabitants sent him a word saying that they had under their control a part of the city and asking him to go to ar-Ruha, promising to accept whatever terms he may make with it, and leaving him free to negotiate with the Christians of Harran. Hearing that, the Christians sent him word, consenting to what had been proposed and of- fered by al-Harnaniyah. Accordingly, 'lyad advanced to ar-Ruha whose people gathered against and shot at the Mos- lems for an hour. The fighters made a sally, but the Mos- lems put them to flight and forced them to seek refuge in the city. No sooner had that taken place than they of- fered to capitulate and make peace. To this, 'lyad con- sented and wrote them the following statement : 3

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful.

'Ar. nakus.

2 Ar bd'uth, used to-day for the Christian festival of Monday after Easter, is defined by Kamus, Taj al-Arus and Lisdn al-Arab as cor- responding to the Moslem prayer in which a petition for rain is offered. Cf. S. Fraenkel, Die Aramaischen Fremdworter im Arabischen, p. 277.

  • Cf. Yusuf , p. 23.


This is a statement from Tyad ibn-Ghanm to the bishop of ar-Ruha. If ye open before me the city gate and agree to offer to me for every man one dinar and two modii of wheat, then I grant you safety for your persons, possessions and those dependent on you. It is incumbent on you to guide the one who goes astray, to repair the bridges and roads, and give good counsel to the Moslems. Thereunto, Allah is witness; and he is sufficient."

Da'ud ibn-'Abd-al-Hamid from a grandfather of his: The statement of Tyad to the inhabitants of ar-Ruha ran as follows :

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. This is a statement from Tyad ibn-Ghanm and his accom- panying Moslems to the inhabitants of ar-Ruha. I have granted them security for their lives, possessions, offspring, women, city and mills, so long as they give what they rightly owe. They are bound to repair our bridges, and guide those of us who go astray. Thereunto, Allah and his angels and the Moslems are witnesses."

Harran and Sumaisat capitulate. Tyad then came to Harran and directed Safwan ibn-al-Mu'attal and Habib ibn-Maslamah-1-Fihri to Sumaisat. 1 With the people of Harran, he made terms similar to those of ar-Ruha. Its inhabitants opened the city gates for him, and he assigned a governor over it. He then came to Sumaisat and found Safwan ibn-al-Mu'attal and Habib ibn-Maslamah direct- ing their operations against it, after having reduced many of its villages and forts. The people of Sumaisat made terms similar to those of ar-Ruha. Tyad used to make in- cursions from ar-Ruha and return to it.

All Mesopotamia reduced by f lydd. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from az-Zuhri : In the days of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab, not

4 Samosata ; Istakhri, p. 62.


a foot was left in Mesopotamia unsubdued by 'lyad ibn- Ghanm who reduced Harran, ar-Ruha, ar-Rakkah, Kar- kisiya [Circesium] Nasibin [Nisibis] and Sinjar.

Muhammad [ibn-Sa'd] from Thabit ibn-al-Hajjaj : 'lyad effected the conquest of ar-Rakkah, Harran, ar-Ruha, Nasibin, Maiyafarikin, Karkisiya, and all the villages and towns of the Euphrates by capitulation; but all the open fields by force.

Muhammad [ibn-Sa'd] from Rashid ibn-Sa'd : 'lyad effected the conquest of Mesopotamia and its towns by capitulation ; but its land, by force.

The terms with Harran. Someone reported that when 'lyad came to Harran from ar-Rakkah, he found it de- serted, its inhabitants having moved to ar-Ruha. When ar-Ruha was captured, the people of Harran in it made terms regarding their city similar to those of ar-Ruha.

Saruj and other places subdued by 'lydd.. Abu-Aiyub ar-Rakki-1-Mu'addab from al-Hajjaj ibn-abi-Mani' ar- Rusafi's 1 grandfather : 'lyad captured ar-Rakkah, then ar-Ruha, then Harran, and then Sumaisat on the same terms of capitulation. Thence he came to Saruj, 2 Ras- kifa 3 and al-Ard al-Baida', subdued their land, and made terms with the holders of their forts similar to those of ar-Ruha. The people of Sumaisat after that rebelled, which made him, on hearing it, return and besiege the city until he reduced it. Having heard that the inhabi- tants of ar-Ruha had broken their covenant, he camped around the city, upon which they opened their city gates. He entered the city and left in it his 'amil with a small band. Thence he came to the villages of the Euphrates * which are

1 Dhahabi, Mushtabih, p. 225 ; Mushtarik, p. 206.

1 Batnan ; see ZDMG, vol. xxx, p. 354.

8 R. Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, cols. 3902 and 2910.

4 Kuraiyat or Karyat al-Furat; cf. Hamadhani, Bulddn, p. 136.


Jisr Manbij and its dependents, which he reduced on simi- lar terms. 'Am al-Wardah or Ra's al-'Ain x to which he came next held out against him; so he left it. He then came to Tall Mauzin 2 and took it on the same terms as ar- 176 Ruha. That took place in the year 19. Against Karkisiya, Tyad directed Habib ibn-Maslamah-1-Fihri who took the city by a capitulation similar to that of ar-Rakkah. 'lyad captured Amid without fighting and on terms similar to those of ar-Ruha. He captured Maiyafarikin on the same terms. He also reduced the fort of Kafartutha. 3 After a conflict, he reduced Nasibin and the terms concluded were similar to those of ar-Ruha. Tur 'Abdin, 4 Hisn Maridin and Dara 5 he took on the same terms. Karda and Bazabda he conquered on the same terms as those of Nasibin. The patrician of az-Zawazan came to Tyacl and made terms re- garding his lands, agreeing to pay tax. All that took place in the year 19 and in a part of Muharram, year 20. He then advanced to Arzan and took possession of it on terms similar to those of Nasibin. He then passed through ad- Darb into Badlis which he left for Khilat with whose patri- cian he made terms. Finally, he got to al-'Ain al-Hamtdah in Armenia beyond which he did not go. On his way back, he made the chief of Badlis responsible for the kharaj of Khilat with its poll-tax and what was due on its patrician. He then proceeded to ar-Rakkah, and on to Hims whose governorship had been entrusted to him by 'Umar. In the year 20, he died. 'Umar after that appointed Sa'id ibn- 'Amir ibn-Hidhyam, who died after a short time. 'Umar

1 Hoffman, Syrische Akten Persischer Martyr er, p. 183. 1 Hoffman, -of>. cit., p. 224, note 1778. 8 R. Payne Smith, op. cit., col. 1801. 4 R. Payne Smith, of>. cit., col. 1451. 6 Hoffman, op. cit., p. 46.


then appointed 'Umair ibn-Sa'd al-Ansari, who succeeded in capturing 'Am al-Wardah after a severe conflict.

'Ain al-Wardah or Ra's al-'Ain captured. Al-Wakidi from abu-Wahb al-Jaishani Dailam ibn-al-Muwassa' : 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab wrote to 'lyad instructing him to send 'Umair ibn-Sa'd to 'Ain al-Wardah. This he did. The van of the army went ahead, assailed a group of peas- ants and carried away some of the enemy's cattle as booty. The inhabitants of the city closed their gates and set up the mangonels x on them. Many Moslems were killed by stones and arrows. Then one of the patricians of the city appeared and cursed the Moslems saying, " We are differ- ent from what ye have met heretofore!" At last the city was taken by capitulation.

Amr ibn-Muhammad from a grandfather of al-Hajjaj ibn-abi-Mani' : Ra's al-'Ain 2 held out against 'lyad ibn- Ghanm; but 'Umair ibn-Sa'd, who was 'Umar's governor over Mesopotamia, reduced it after a fierce resistance on 177 the part of its inhabitants. The Moslems entered by force; but terms of capitulation were drawn up stipulating that the land be held by them and the tax be imposed on their per- sons to the amount of four dinars per head. Their women and children were not taken as captives.

The following statement was made by al-Hajjaj : " I heard it said by certain sheikhs from Ra's al-'Ain that when 'Umair entered the city he shouted, 'Never mind; never mind; [come] to me! [come] to me!' and that constituted a guarantee of security for them."

It is claimed by al-Haitham ibn-'Adi that 'Umar ibn-al- Khattab sent abu-Musa-1-Ash'ari to 'Ain al-Wardah, which

1 Ar. 'arradah; see liamasah (ed. Freytag), p. 307.

'Another name for 'Ain-al-Wardah. See al-Mas'wli, Tanbih, p. 54; Yakut, vol. iii, p. 764.


he invaded with the troops of Mesopotamia after the death of 'lyad. The fact is that 'Umair captured it by force and did not take any captives. He only imposed khardj and poll-tax. The view of Haitham is not shared by any other authority.

According to al-Hajjaj ibn-abi-Mani', a part of the in- habitants of Ra's al-'Ain having vacated it, the Moslems utilized their lands and cultivated them according to the fief system.

Sinjdr captured. Muhammad ibn-al-Mufaddal al- Mausili from certain sheikhs of Sinjar: Sinjar 1 was held by the Greeks. Kisra [Chosroes] known as Abarwiz wanted to put to death one hundred Persians who were brought before him because of rebellion and disobedience. Someone having interceded in their behalf, he ordered them sent to Sinjar, which he was then attempting to reduce. Two of them died, and 98 arrived there, joined the troops who were encamped against the city, and were the first to capture it. There they settled and multiplied. When 'lyad was through with Khilat and was going to Mesopotamia, he sent an expedition to Sinjar, took the city by capitula- tion, and settled it with Arabs.

Mausil. Some reports claim that 'lyad reduced one of the forts of Mausil, but that is not confirmed.

According to ibn-al-Kalbi, 'Umair ibn-Sa'd, the 'dmil of 'Umar is identical with 'Umar ibn-Sa'd ibn-Shuhaid ibn- 'Amr one of al-Aus; but according to al-Wakidi, he is 'Umair ibn-Sa'd ibn-'Ubaid whose father, Sa'd, was killed in the battle of al-Kadisiyah. This Sa'd, according to the Kufite school, is one of those who compiled the Koran in the time of the Prophet.

Khalid dismissed. Al-Wakidi states that some reports

1 Yakut, vol. iii, p. 158.


claim that Khalid ibn-al-Walid ruled in 'Umar's name a part of Mesopotamia; and once as he was in a bath, at Amid [Diyarbakr], or at some other place, he daubed himself 178 with a substance containing wine, which made 'Umar dis- miss him. This, however, is not confirmed.

The tax on Mesopotamia. 'Amr an-Nakid from Maimun ibn-iViihran : For some time, oil and vinegar and food were taken for the benefit of the Moslems in Mesopotamia, which tax was later reduced through the sympathy of 'Umar and fixed at 48, 24, and 12 dirhams. In addition to the poll-tax, every one had to provide two mudds of wheat two kists of oil and two kists of vinegar.

Mosques erected. I was informed by a number of the in- habitants of ar-Rakkah that when 'lyad. died and Sa'id ibn- 'Amir ibn-Hidhyam became governor of Mesopotamia, the latter erected the mosque of ar-Rakkah and that of ar- Ruha, after which he died. The mosques in Diyar Mudar and Diyar Rabi'ah were erected by 'Umair ibn-Sa'd.

Mu'dwiyah settles Arab tribes. When Mu'awiyah ruled over Syria and Mesopotamia in the name of 'Uthman ibn- 'Affan, he was instructed by him to settle the Arabs in places far from the cities and villages, and allow them to utilize the lands unpossessed by anyone. Accordingly, he caused the banu-Tamim to settle at ar-Rabiyah ; and a pro- miscuous multitude of Kais and Asad and others, in al- Mazihin and al-Mudaibir. 1 The same thing he did in Diyar Mudar. In like manner, he stationed the Rabi'ah in their Diyar. The cities and villages and frontier garrisons he put in charge of some, who received stipends in order to guard them and protect them, and whom he put there with his 'amils.

Scorpions in Naslbin. Abu-Hafs ash-Shami from Ham-

1 Kudamah, p. 246.


mad ibn-'Amr an-Nasibi : The 'dmil of Nasibin wrote to Mu'awiyah, 'Uthman's governor over Syria and Mesopota- mia, complaining that some of the Moslems in his company had fallen victim to the scorpions. Mu'awiyah wrote back in- structing him to demand of the inhabitants in each quarter of the city a fixed number of scorpions to be brought every evening. This he did. They used to bring the scorpions before him, and he would order that they be killed.

Karkisiya, the Euphrates forts and other places reduced. Abu-Aiyub al-Mu'addab ar-Rakki from abu-'Abdallah al- Karkasani's sheikhs: When 'Umair ibn-Sa'd captured Ra's al-'Ain he made his way across and beyond al-Kha- bur x to Karkisiya whose people had violated the covenant. With them he made terms similar to those made before, 179 and then advanced against the forts along the course of the Euphrates one after the other, which he reduced all on the same terms as Karkisiya. In none of them did he meet severe resistance. Some of them would sometimes throw stones at him. When he was through with Talbas 2 and 'Anat, 8 he came to an-Na'usah, Alusah 4 and Hit where he found out that 'Ammar ibn-Yasir, the 'dmil of 'Umar ibn- al-Khattab over al-Kuf ah, had sent an army for the invasion of the region above al-Anbar, under the leadership of Sa'd ibn-'Amr ibn-Haram al-Ansari. The holders of these forts had come to Sa'd and demanded peace, which he arranged with them, retaining one-half of the church of Hit. 'Umair, therefore, kept on his way to ar-Rakkah.

I learned from certain scholars that the one who went against Hit and the forts beyond in al-Kufah was Midlaj

1 A tributary of the Euphrates ; Tanbih, p. 54.

  • Vowels uncertain ; Caetani, vol. iv, p. 222.

8 Hoffman, op. cit., p. 137, note 1162. 4 Yakut, vol. i, p. 65.

2 8o

ibn-'Amr as-Sulami, an ally of the banu-'Abd-Shams and one of the Companions, who effected their capture. This Midlaj built al-Hadithah on the Euphrates. His descendants were at Hit. The memory of one of them, surnamed abu- Harun, still lives there. Others assert that Midlaj was sent by Sa'd ibn-' Amr ibn-Haram ; but Allah knows best.

Nahr Sa'id. In the place of Nahr Sa'id the canal named after Sa'id ibn-'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan (who was nick- named Sa'id al-Khair and who practised asceticism) once stood a jungle frequented by lions. Al-Walid gave it to him [Sa'id] as fief, and he dug out the canal and erected the buildings that stand there. According to others, it was 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz who gave it as fief.

Ar-Rdfikah. There is no trace that ar-Rafikah is an old city. It was built by al-Mansur the " Commander of the Believers " in the year 155, according to the plan of his city in Baghdadh. Al-Mansur stationed in it an army of the people of Khurasan and entrusted it to al-Mahdi, who was at that time the heir-apparent. Later, ar-Rashid built its castles. Between ar-Rakkah and ar-Rafikah lay a wide tract of sown land to which 'AH ibn-Sulaiman ibn-'Ali moved the markets of ar-Rakkah when he came as governor to Mesopotamia. Previous to this, the greatest market of ar-Rakkah was called Suk Hisham al-'Atik [the old market of Hisham]. When ar-Rashid visited ar-Rakkah, he in- creased the number of these markets, whose income to- gether with that from the confiscated towns, is still col- lected to-day.

Rusafat Hisham and al-Hani wa-l-Mari. As for Rusafat Hisham, 1 it was built by Hisham ibn-'Abd-al-Malik who previous to its building, used to stop at az-Zaitunah. Hi-

1 or ar-Rusafat bi-ash-Sham ; Yakut, vol. ii. p. 784. Rusafat means causeway.


sham dug out al-Hani wa-1-Mari [canals], thus making the crown-land known as al-Hani- wa-1-Mari tillable land. He founded in it Wasit ar-Rakkah. 1 This same land was con- fiscated at the beginning of the [Abbasid] dynasty and passed into the hands of umm-Ja'far Zubaidah, daughter of Ja'far ibn-al-Mansur, who built in it the fief house that bears her name, and settled more people in it.

Ar-Rahbah. There is no trace that ar-Rahbah, which lies below Karkisiya, is an old city, it having been built by Malik ibn-Tauk ibn-' Attab 2 at-Taghlabi in the caliphate of al-Ma'mun.

Adhramah. Adhramah in Diyar Rabi'ah was an old vil- lage which al-Hasan ibn-'Umar ibn-al-Khattab at-Taghlabi took from its chief and in which he built a castle, thus for- tifying it.

Kafartutha. Kaf artutha 3 was an old fort that was occu- pied by the offspring of abu-Rimthah, who made a town of it and f oritfied it.

Diydr Rabi'ah and al-Barriyah. Mu'af a ibn-Ta'us from his father : The latter said, " I asked certain sheikhs re- garding the tithes of Balad and Diyar Rabi'ah and al- Barriyah 4 and was told that they were the tithes of lands held by the Arabs when they embraced Islam, or reclaimed by them from waste lands unpossessed by any one or given up by the Christians, and which have consequently become waste and covered with brushwood. These lands were given to the Arabs as fiefs."

'Ain ar-Rumiyah. Abu-'Affan ar-Rakki from certain sheikhs of the writers of ar-Rakkah and others : 'Am ar-

t Yakut, vol. iv, p. 889.

2 Cf. Mahasin, vol. ii, p. 34.

S R. Payne Smith, col. 1801.

4 The desert part of Mesopotamia. Yakut, vol. i, p. 601 ; Bakri, p. 566.


Rumiyah together with its spring belonged to al-Walid ibn- 'Ukbah ibn-abi-Mu'ait who gave it to abu-Zubaid at-Ta'i from whom it passed to abu-1-' Abbas the " Commander of the Believers." Abu-l-'Abbas gave it as fief to Maimun ibn-Hamzah, the freedman of 'Ali ibn-'Abdallah ibn-' Ab- bas, from whose heirs ar-Rashid bought it. It lies in the district of ar-Rakkah.

Ghdbat ibn-Hubairah. Ghabat ibn-Hubairah [the forest of ibn-Hubairah] was first given as fief to ibn-Hubairah, but later confiscated and assigned as fief to Bishr ibn-Mai- mun, the builder of at-Takat x [archways or arcades] at Baghdadh in the vicinity of Bab ash-Sham [the Syrian gate]. This Ghabat was later bought by ar-Rashid. It lies in the province of Saruj.

'A'ishah fief. The fief which was given by Hisham to his daughter, 'A'ishah, at Raskifa and which bore her name was also confiscated.

Sala'us and Kafarjadda. 'Abd-al-Malik and Hisham owned a village called Sala'us and half of another called 181 Kafarjadda which lay in the province of ar-Ruha.

Tall'Afra', Tall Madhaba, al-Musalla and Rabad Harran. In Harran, al-Ghamr ibn-Yazid owned Tall 'Afra', the land of Tall Madhaba, 2 and Ard al-Musalla [place of prayer], together with the confiscated lands and the workshops in Rabad Harran.

Marj 'Abd-al-Wahid. Before al-Hadath and Zibatrah were built, Marj 8 'Abd-al-Wahid was a pasturing place reserved for the Moslems * ; but when these two were built, the Moslems could do without the Marj, which was peopled

1 Cf. Le Strange, Baghdad during the Abbasid Caliphate, p. 130.

Lacking in diacritical points.

1 The word means meadow.

4 Ar. hima- see Mawardi, p. 324.


and later added by al-Husain al-Khadim in the caliphate of ar-Rashid to al-Ahwaz. After that, some people unjustly took possession of it and of its farms, in which condition it remained until 'Abdallah ibn-Tahir came to Syria and re- turned it to the crown-lands. Abu-Aiyub ar-Rakki heard it said that 'Abd-al-Wahid, after whom the Marj was named, was 'Abd-al-Wahid ibn-al-Harith ibn-al-Hakam ibn-abi-l-'Asi, a cousin of 'Abd-al-Malik. He owned the Marj, but turned it into a pasture land exclusively for the Moslems. He is the one whom al-Katami lauded, saying :

" If fate would overlook only 'Abd-al- Wahid, let not the case of all the other inhabitants of the city grieve thee."


'Umar doubles their sadakah. Shaiban ibn-Farrukh from as-Saffah ash-Shaibani : 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab wanted to collect the poll-tax from the Christian tribe, banu-Taghlib ; but they took to flight and some of them went to a distant land. An-Nu'man ibn-Zur'ah (or Zur'ah ibn-an-Nu'man) addressed 'Umar saying : " I plead in Allah's name for the banu-Taghlib. They are a body of Arabs too proud to pay poll-tax, but severe in warfare. Let not thy enemy, there- fore, be enriched by them to thy disadvantage." There- upon 'Umar called them back and doubled the sadakah laid on them.

Neither Moslems, nor of the " people of the_ Book" Shaiban from ibn-'Abbas: The latter said, "What is slaughtered by the Christians of the banu-Taghlib shall not be eaten, and their women shall not be taken as wives [by us]. They are neither of us nor of the 'people of the Book/ "

f Umair consults 'Umar. 'Abbas ibn-Hisham from 'Awu- nah ibn-al-Hakam and abu-Mikhnaf : 'Umair ibn-Sa'd wrote to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab informing him that he had come to the regions on the Syrian slope of the Euphrates and captured 'Anat and the other forts of [i. <?., along the course of] the Euphrates ; and that when he wished to con- strain the banu-Taghlib of that region to accept Islam, they refused and were on the point of leaving for some Byzan- tine territory ; no one on the Syrian slope of the Euphrates whom he wished to constrain to Islam had before the banu-

1 Cf. Yusuf, p. 68. 284


Taghlib showed such tenacity and asked permission to emi- grate. 'Umair asked 'Umar's advice on this matter. 'Umar wrote back ordering him to double on all their pas- turing cattle x and land the amount of sadakah ordinarily taken from Moslems; and if they should refuse to pay that, he ought to war with them until he annihilates them or they accept Islam. They accepted to pay a double sadakah 2 saying, " So long as it is not the tax of the ' uncircum- cized,' we shall pay it and retain our faith." 3

The terms with the bamt-Taghlib. 'Amr an-Nakid from Da'ud ibn-Kurdus : After having crossed the Euphrates and decided to leave for the land of the Greeks, the banu- Taghlib made terms with 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab, agreeing not to immerse [baptize] a child or compel him to accept their faith, and to pay a double sadakah. Da'ud ibn-Kur- dus used to repeat that they had no claim to security [dhimmah], because they used immersion in their ritual referring to baptism.

Only they pay double sadakah. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from az-Zuhri : None of the " people of the Book " pay sadakah on their cattle except the Christian banu-Taghlib or he perhaps said the Christian Arabs, whose whole possessions consist of cattle. These pay twice what the j Moslems pay.

Zur'ah intercedes in their behalf. Sa'id ibn-Sulaiman Sa'dawaih from Zur'ah ibn-an-Nu'man : The latter inter- ceded with 'Umar in favor of the Christians of the banu- Taghlib, saying, " They are Arabs too proud to pay the poll-tax, and are possessors of tillable land and cattle." 'Umar had decided to take tax from them and they became dispersed in the whole country. At last, 'Umar made terms

1 Cf. Yusuf , p. 68.

  • Cf. ibn-Anas, al-Mudauwanah-l-Kubra, vol. ii, p. 42.

5 MFO, vol. iii. pp. 159, 162.


with them, stipulating that they pay double what the Mos- lems pay in the form of sadakah on the land and cattle, and that they do not christen their children.

What 'All would do. According to Mughirah, 'AH used to repeat, " If I should have the time to deal with the banu- Taghlib, I would have my own way with them. Their fighters I would surely put to death, and their children I would take as captives, because by christening their chil- dren they violated the covenant and are no more in our trust [dhimmah]."

What Ziyad said. Abu-Nasr at-Tammar from Ziyad ibn-Hudair al-Asadi : The latter said, " I was sent by 'Umar to the Christians of the banu-Taghlib in order to col- lect from them half the tithe on their possessions, and was warned against collecting tithes from a Moslem, or from a dhimmi that pays khardj."

'Uthman withdraws his word. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from Muhammad ibn-Ibrahim ibn-al-Harith : 'Uthman gave orders that nothing be accepted from the banu-Tagh- lib as tax except the tithe on gold and silver. Having, how- ever, learned the fact that 'Umar took from them a double sadakah, he withdrew his word.

The tax on banu-Taghlib. According to al-Wakidi, it is said by Sufyan ath-Thauri, al-Auza'i, Malik ibn-Anas, ibn- abi-Lailah, ibn-abi-Dhi'b, abu-Hanifah and abu-Yusuf that from one of the banu-Taghlib is collected double what is collected from a Moslem, on land, cattle and possessions. But if he is a child ^or idiot, a double sadakah according to the school of al-'Irak is taken on his land, and nothing on his cattle; and according to the school of al-Hijaz, a double sadakah is taken on his cattle and his land. They all, however, agree that what is taken from the banu-Tagh- lib should be spent in the same way as khardj, because it is a substitute for tax.


Shimshat. When 'Uthman ibn-'Affan became caliph, he wrote to Mu'awiyah conferring on him the governorship of Syria, and assigned 'Umair ibn-Sa'd al-Ansari as governor of Mesopotamia. Later he dismissed the latter and com- bined both Syria and Mesopotamia, including their frontier 184 fortifications [thughiir] under Mu'awiyah, in the meantime ordering Mu'awiyah to invade or send someone to invade Shimshat, 1 i. e., Armenia IV. Accordingly, Mu'awiyah sent thereto Habib ibn-Maslamah-1-Fihri and Safwan ibn- Mu'attal as-Sulami who, after a few days of camping around it, reduced it and made terms similar to those of ar- Ruha. Safwan took up his abode in Armenia until his death towards the end of Mu'awiyah's caliphate. It is held by others that Mu'awiyah himself led the invasion with these two in his company, that he then conferred its gov- ernorship on Safwan, who lived in it until his death. After stopping in Malatyah in the year 133, Constantine the " tyrant " camped around Shimshat with hostile intentions, but effected nothing. After making a raid on the surround- ing places, he departed. Shimshat was included in the Maro/'-land until the time of al-Mutawakkil who changed it into a tithe-land, putting it on the same level with the other frontier fortresses.

Kamkh. After the conquest of Shimshat, Habib ibn-

1 Yakut, vol. iii, p. 319.


Maslamah attacked Hisn Kamkh x but failed to reduce it. Safwan too attacked it and failed. In the year 59 the year in which he died Safwan made another attempt on it, at which time he was accompanied by 'Umair ibn-al- Hubab 2 as-Sulami, who climbed the wall and kept strug- gling single-handed until the Greeks gave way and the Mos- lems climbed up. Thus the reduction of Kamkh was due to 'Umair ibn-al-Hubab and was the thing in which he boasted and others boasted for him. Later, however, the Greeks succeeded in taking it; but it was recaptured by Maslamah ibn-'Abd-al-Malik. Thus the fort passed back and forth from the hands of the Moslems to the hands of the Greeks until the year 149 in which al-Mansur left Baghdadh for Hadithat al-Mausil from which he sent al-Hasan ibn- Kahtabah and after him Muhammad ibn-al-Ash'ath, both under the leadership of al-'Abbas ibn-Muhammad, for the invasion of Kamkh. Muhammad ibn-al-Ash'ath died at Amid. 8 Al-'Abbas and al-Hasan advanced to Malatyah 4 from which they took provisions, and then camped around Kamkh. Al-'Abbas ordered that mangonels be set upon the fort. The holders of the fort covered it with cypress wood to protect it against the mangonel stones, and killed by the stones they hurled two hundred Moslems. The Moslems then set their mantelets r> and fought severely until they captured it. Among those in the company of al-'Abbas ibn- Muhammad ibn-'Ali in this campaign was Matar al-War- rak. Once more the Greeks took Kamkh fort, and in the year 177 an attack against it was led by Muhammad ibn-

1 IJaukal, pp. 129, 130.

  • Cf. Mahasin, vol. i, p. 204; Duraid, p. 187.

' Diyarbakr.

4 yakut, vol. iv, pp. 633-634.

5 Ar. dabbabah; Zaidan, vol. i, p. 143.


'Abdallah ibn-'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-abi-'Amrah-l-Ansari, the 'amil of 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Salih over Shimshat, which re- sulted in its reduction. The fort was entered on the I4th of Rabi' II, 177, and was held by the Moslems until the time of the civil war led by Muhammad ibn-ar-Rashid, at which time its holders fled away and the Greeks took possession of it. Some hold that the fort was delivered to the Greeks by 'Ubaidallah ibn-al-Akta' who, thereby, saved his son who was held by them as prisoner. In the caliphate of al- Ma'mun, 'Abdallah ibn-Tahir reduced it; and it was in the hands of the Moslems until certain Christians from Shim- shat, Kalikala together with Bikrat ibn-Ashut, the patrician of Khilat, succeeded by subtle means in transferring it to the Greeks, and in this wise winning their favor which the Christians desired because they held crown-lands in the province of Shimshat.

Malatyah. Habib ibn-Maslamah-1-Fihri was sent by 'lyad ibn-Ghanm from Shimshat to Malatyah 1 whose con- quest he effected. The city was later lost to the Moslems. When Mu'awiyah became governor of Syria and Mesopo- tamia, he sent again Habib ibn-Maslamah who took it by force and stationed in it a Moslem company of horsemen to keep post on the frontier and a 'dmil. When Mu'awiyah visited it on his way to the land of the Greeks, he stationed in it a garrison from Syria, Mesopotamia and other places. It became one of the headquarters for the summer expedi- tions. In the days of 'Abdallah ibn-az-Zubair, its inhabi- tants having left it, the Greeks came and devastated it ; but they soon after evacuated it, and it was occupied by Arme- nian and Nabatean [Aramean] Christians.

Turandah. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al-Wakidi : After its invasion by 'Abdallah ibn-'Abd-al-Malik in the

1 Yakut, vol. iv, pp. 633-634.


year 83, the Moslems settled in Turandah l and built their houses in it. This Turandah is three days' journey from Malatyah and lies in the interior of the Byzantine Empire. Malatyah at this time was in ruins and inhabited by only a few Armenian dhimmis and others. In summer, a detach- ment of troops from Mesopotamia would come and stay in it until the rain and snow began to fall, at which time they would return. When 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz became caliph, he made the inhabitants of Turandah, against their will, evacuate it, because he feared a raid of the enemy upon them. As they left, they carried away everything on their backs, leaving nothing behind and breaking even the jars of oil and vinegar. 'Umar settled them in Malatyah and destroyed Turandah, making Ja'wanah ibn-al-Harith of the banu-'Amir ibn-Sa'sa'ah the governor of Malatyah.

The Greeks descend upon Malatyah. In the year 123, some 20,000 Greeks made a descent on Malatyah. Its in- habitants closed the gates ; and the women appeared on the wall with turbans on their heads and took part in the fight. The people of Malatyah then sent a messenger to appeal for help. He rode on a post-mule and came to Hisham ibn- 'Abd-al-Malik who was then at ar-Rusafah. Hisham sum- moned the Moslems to the help of Malatyah, but hearing that the Greeks had withdrawn from it, he communicated the news to the messenger and sent him with horsemen to remain at the frontier in readiness for the enemy. Hisham led an expedition in person, after which he alighted in Malatyah where he lay encamped until it was built. On his way, he passed through ar-Rakkah which he entered with his sword at his side. This was the first time in his rule in which he carried his sword.

It is reported by al-Wakidi that in the year 133, Constan-

1 Yakut, vol. iii. p. 534-


tine the " tyrant " directed his march to Malatyah. Kamkh at that time was in Moslem hands; and its governor was one of the banu-Sulaim. The people of Kamkh having sent a call to the people of Malatyah for succor, 800 horsemen sallied forth from it to meet the Greeks. The Greek cavalry defeated them after a battle, and Constantine camped around Malatyah and invested it. At this time, Mesopo- tamia was the scene of a civil war and its 'amil Musa ibn- Ka'b was at Harran. Therefore, when the people of Ma- latyah sent a messenger soliciting aid, nobody came. Hear- ing that, Constantine addressed the people of Malatyah saying, " O people of Malatyah, I would not have come to you had I not realized your state and the fact that your authorities [sultan] are too busy to help you. Make peace therefore with me and leave the city that I may destroy it and go my way." The people did not comply with his de- mand; so he set the mangonels. The siege was pressed so hard and the inhabitants were so exhausted that they asked Constantine for safe-conduct, which request he ac- cepted. As they prepared to leave, they carried every light thing they could and threw what was too heavy into wells and hiding places. As they made their way out, all the Greeks stood in two rows from the city gates to the end of the line, with their swords unsheathed and the point of the one sword on the point of the one opposite to it, thus 187 making an arch. The Greeks saw them off until they got to their place of safety, upon which they turned toward Mesopotamia where they settled in various places. Malat- yah was then razed to the ground by the Greeks, who left nothing but a granary of which only one side was dam- aged. Hisn Kaludhiyah was also destroyed by them.

Malatyah rebuilt. In the year 139, al-Mansur wrote to Salih ibn-'Ali ordering him to rebuild and fortify Malat- vah. He then deemed it best to send 'Abd-al-Wahhab ibn-


Ibrahim al-Imam as governor over Mesopotamia and its frontier fortresses. Accordingly, 'Abd-al-Wahhab started in the year 140 at the head of troops from Khurasan and was accompanied by al-Hasan ibn-Kahtabah. He ordered the people of Syria and Mesopotamia to furnish contin- gents of troops, which they did to the number of 70,000. With these, he marched to the site of Malatyah, gathered workmen from various places and started the construction. Al-Hasan ibn-Kahtabah himself would sometimes carry a stone and hand it over to the mason. He would also pro- vide the workers with dinners and suppers at his own ex- pense, opening his kitchens to the public. 'Abd-al-Wahhab was displeased at this and wrote to abu-Ja'far stating that he ['Abd-al-Wahhab] gave food to the people, but al-Hasan distributed many times more, his aim being to contend with him for superiority in beneficence, to spoil what he did, and to disparage him by means of extravagance and hypocrisy; and that al-Hasan had special heralds to go round calling people to his meals. To this, abu-Ja'far replied, " Boy, al-Hasan feeds people on his own account; and thou feed- est them on mine. What thou hast written was due to thy ignominy, deficient energy and base-mindedness." In the meantime, he wrote to al-Hasan : " Feed the people, but do not use a herald." Al-Hasan used to announce to the work- men that he who, in building a wall, got first to the crown of a cornice would receive so much." This made them put forth special effort to finish the work ; and thus was Malat- yah with its mosque rebuilt in 6 months. For every group of ten to fifteen troops in the army, he built a house of two rooms below and two rooms above and a stable. At a dis- tance of thirty miles from the city, he built a frontier castle and another on a rivulet called Kubakib that empties its water into the Euphrates. Al-Mansur settled in Malatyah 4,000 fighters from Mesopotamia, Malatyah being one of


the Mesopotamian frontier towns, adding to each man's sti- pend ten dinars, and giving to each a bounty of one hundred dinars, in addition to the pay allotted to the different tribes. 188 He stationed in the town the necessary garrison, assigned farms to the troops as fief and built the Kaludhiyah fort.

Constantine desists from Jaihdn. Constantine the " tyrant ", at the head of an army of more than 100,000 men, came to Jaihan; but hearing of the great number of the Arabs, he desisted from it.

Nasr ibn-Malik and Nasr ibn-Sa'd accompany 'Abd-al- Wahhab. I heard it said that ' Abd-al- Wahhab was accom- panied in the expedition mentioned above by Nasr ibn- Malik al-Khuza'i and Nasr ibn-Sa'd al-Katib, a freedman of al-Ansar. Hence the poet's words :

" Thou hadst on thy sides two Nasrs : Nasr ibn-Malik and Nasr ibn- Sa'd, may thy victory [Ar. nasr] be unparallelled !"

Muhammad ibn-Ibrahim goes against Malatyah. In the year 141, Muhammad ibn-Ibrahim was sent to invade Malatyah at the head of an army from the people of Khurasan, with al-Musaiyab ibn-Zuhair leading the choice men of the army. He posted a body of horsemen in Malat- yah so that the enemy should not covet its possession. Those of its old inhabitants who survived returned to it.

Ar-Rashid humiliates the Greeks. In the days of ar- Rashid, the Greeks attempted the conquest of Malatyah but to no avail. Ar-Rashid led an invasion, overcame and humiliated them.

Mar' ash. When abu-'Ubaidah ibn-al-Jarrah was in Manbij, he sent Khalid ibn-al-Walid to the region of Mar- 'ash 1 whose fort Khalid seized on the condition that its

1 Germanicia. Mas'udi, vol. viii, p. 295 ; Haukal, p. 62.


holders be allowed to emigrate to another place, after which he destroyed it. When Sufyan ibn-'Auf al-Ghamidi made an expedition against the Greeks in the year 30, he started from Mar'ash and made a tour in the land of the Greeks. Mar'ash was built by Mu'awiyah and populated by him with troops. After the death of Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah, the Greeks reiterated their attacks on the city and so the in- habitants had to desert it. 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan, after the death of his father, Marwan ibn-al-Hakam, and after asserting his claim upon the caliphate, made terms with the Greeks, agreeing to pay them a certain sum. But in the year 74, Muhammad ibn-Marwan attacked the Greeks, and thus the peace was broken.

In the year 75, Muhammad ibn-Marwan once more led the summer campaign, and the Greeks went forth in Ju- mada I from Mar'ash to al-A'mak [valleys]. The Moslems marched against them under Aban ibn-al-Walid ibn- 'Ukbah ibn-abi-Mu'ait accompanied by Dinar ibn-Dinar, a freedman of 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan and a governor of Kinnasrin and its districts. The two armies met in 'Amk [valley] Mar'ash where a fierce battle was fought, resulting in the defeat of the Greeks. The Moslems chased them, massacring and capturing. In this same year, Dinar came across a band of Greeks at Jisr [bridge] Yaghra about 189 ten miles from Shimshat, and routed them. Later al-' Ab- bas ibn-al-Walid ibn-' Abd-al-Malik came to Mar'ash, built it, fortified it, moved people into it and erected in it a cathe- dral mosque. He imposed upon the people of Kinnasrin a contingent of troops to be sent to Mar'ash.

When Marwan ibn-Muhammad during his caliphate was busy fighting against Hims, the Greeks came against Mar- 'ash and invested it until its inhabitants made terms to evac- uate it. Accordingly, they together with their families left for Mesopotamia and the district of Kinnasrin, upon which


the Greeks destroyed the city. The 'dmil of Marwan over the city was at that time al-Kauthar ibn-Zufar ibn-al- Harith al-Kilabi and the " tyrant " was Constantine son of Leon. 1 When Marwan was through with Hims and had destroyed its wall, he sent an army to rebuild Mar'ash. It was rebuilt and made into a city ; but the Greeks led an in- surrection and destroyed it.

In the caliphate of abu-Ja'far al-Mansur, Salih ibn-'Ali rebuilt Mar'ash and fortified it. He invited men to settle in it, promising to increase their stipends. He was succeeded by al-Mahdi who increased its garrison and armed the people.

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al-Wakidi : Mikha'il [Michael] set out from Darb al-Hadath at the head of 80,000 men and came to 'Amk Mar'ash, killing, burning and carrying away the Moslems as captives. Thence he advanced to the gate of the city of Mar'ash in which there was 'Isa ibn-'Ali who in that year was on an expedition. The f reed- men of 'tsa together with the inhabitants of the city and their troops sallied out against Michael and showered on him their lancets and arrows. Michael gave way before them and they followed him until they were outside the city range; at which he turned upon them, killing eight of 'Isa's freedmen and chasing the rest back to the city. Hav- ing gone in, they closed its gates and Michael, after invest- ing the city, departed and stopped at Jaihan. When Thuma- mah ibn-al-\Valid al-'Absi, who was then in Dabik and who in the year 161 led the summer expedition, heard of that, he despatched against Michael a strong detachment of cavalry most of whom lost their lives. This aroused the anger of al-Mahdi who began preparations for sending al-Hasan ibn- Kahtabah on an expedition in the following year, i. e.. 162.

1 Ar. Kustantin ibn-Alyun. He was the successor of Heraclius ; Mahasin, vol. i, p. 84; Athir, vol. ii, p. 444.


Him al-Hadath and Darb al-Hadath. Hisn al-Hadath was one of the places reduced in the days of 'Umar by Habib ibn-Maslamah who was sent by 'lyad ibn-Ghanm. After that, Mu'awiyah used to pay frequent attention to it. Darb al-Hadath was ominously called by the banu-Umaiyah " as-Salamah " [safety] because they suffered a great calamity in it, the calamity being, according to some, the occurrence implied in the term Hadath [which means oc- currence]. Others assert that the Moslems met on the way a youth who fought against them with his companions, hence the name Darb al-Hadath. 1

At the time of the insurrection of Marwan ibn-Muham- mad, the Greeks went and destroyed the city of al-Hadath and drove its people out as they had done in the case of Malatyah.

In the year 161, Michael went out to 'Amk Mar'ash, and al-Mahdi directed al-Hasan ibn-Kahtabah to make a tour in the Byzantine Empire. Al-Hasan's hand lay so heavily upon the people that they put his picture in their churches. His entrance to the land of the Greeks [Asia Minor] was through Darb al-Hadath where he examined the site of its city [al-Hadath] which he was told was evacuated by Michael. Al-Hasan chose that site for his city, and when he departed he spoke to al-Mahdi regarding the reconstruc- tion of this city as well as that of Tarsus. Al-Mahdi gave orders that al-Hadath be built first. Among the compan- ions of al-Hasan in this campaign were Mandal al-'Anazi 2 the Kufite traditionist, and Mu'tamir ibn-Sulaiman al- Basri. Al-Hadath was rebuilt by 'Ali ibn-Sulaiman ibn-'Ali, the governor of Mesopotamia and Kinnasrin, and was called al-Muhammadiyah. The death of al-Mahdi

1 " The pass of the youth."

2 Cf. Dhahabi, Mushtabih, p. 377.


coincided with the completion of its building, so it is really al-Mahdiyah as well as al-Muhammadiyah. Brick was the material used in its construction. The death of al-Mahdi fell in the year 169.

Al-Mahdi was succeeded by his son Musa-1-Hadi who dismissed 'AH ibn-Sulaiman and conferred the governor- ship of Mesopotamia and Kinnasrin upon Muhammad ibn- Ibrahim ibn-Muhammad ibn-'Ali. Since 'AH ibn-Sulaiman had by this time completed the building of the city of al- Hadath, Muhammad assigned to it troops from Syria, Mesopotamia and Khurasan, fixing forty dinars as the sti- pend of each soldier. To these he assigned the houses as fiefs, and bestowed three hundred dirhams on every one of them. The city was completed in 169.

According to abu-1-Khattab, 'AH ibn-Sulaiman assigned 4,000 paid troops to al-Hadath and settled them in it, transferring 2,000 men into it from Malatyah, Shimshat, Sumaisat, Kaisum, Duluk and Ra'ban.

It was stated by al-Wakidi that when the building of al- Hadath was completed, winter set in and rain and snow fell in great quantities. The houses of the city, not being 191 strongly built or provided with the necessary precautions, had their walls soon covered with cracks and fell to pieces. The Greeks then occupied it and the troops together with the people that were in it were scattered. Hearing that, Musa conscripted a contingent of troops headed by al-Mu- saiyab [not al-Musaiyib] ibn-Zuhair, another by Rauh ibn- Hatim and still another by Hamzah ibn-Malik. Musa, however, died before they were sent out.

After that, ar-Rashid became caliph, and he gave orders to rebuild the city, fortify it, station a garrison in it and assign to its fighters dwellings and lands as fiefs.

It was stated by others than al-Wakidi that when al-Ha- dath was built, one of the great patricians of the Greeks


made a descent upon it with a strong host. The city was built with bricks, one placed on top of the other, without mortar intervening and which were damaged by the snow. The 'amil with all those in the city took to flight, and the enemy entered it, putting its mosque to flames, destroying the city and carrying away the movable possessions of the people. When ar-Rashid became caliph, he rebuilt it.

I was informed by one from Manbij that ar-Rashid wrote to Muhammad ibn-Ibrahim confirming him in the work he was doing. Thus the erection of the city of al- Hadath and its peopling were carried out by him on behalf of ar-Rashid. Later, Muhammad was dismissed by ar- Rashid.

Rahwat Malik. In the year 46, Malik ibn-'Abdallah al- Khath'ami, nicknamed Malik as-Sawa'if [summer expe- ditions] and who was a Palestinian, made an expedition to the Byzantine territory and returned with great booty. On his way back he stopped at a place called ar-Rahwat, fifteen miles from Darb al-Hadath. There he spent three days during which he sold the booty and divided its shares. Therefore the place was called Rahwat Malik.

Marj 'Abd-al-Wahid. Marj 'Abd-al-Wahid was a pas- ture-land devoted to the exclusive use of the Moslem cav- alry, which after the erection of al-Hadath and Zibatrah was of no more use and therefore was changed into a sown land.

Zibatrah. Zibatrah was an old Greek fort that was re- duced together with the old Hadath x fort by Habib ibn- Maslamah-1-Fihri. The fort stood until it was destroyed by the Greeks in the days of al-Walid ibn-Yazid. It was then rebuilt, but not so strongly, therefore the Greeks made another attack on it at the time of the insurrection of Mar-

1 Caetani. vol. iv, p. 60, note \.


wan ibn-Muhammad and destroyed it. Al-Mansur built it again and it was once more torn into pieces by the Greeks. It was then rebuilt by ar-Rashid under the supervision of Muhammad ibn-Ibrahim who stationed a garrison in it. When al-Ma'mun became caliph, the Greeks made another 192 descent on it and tore it into pieces, after which they made a raid on the pasturing cattle of its holders and carried away some cattle. Al-Ma'mun gave orders for repairing and fortifying it. In the year 210, the deputies of the Greek " tyrant " came asking for peace, which al-Ma'- mun refused. In pursuance of his orders, his 'amils [lieu- tenants] in the frontier fortresses made tours in Asia Minor where they wrought heavy slaughter, subdued the land and won many brilliant victories. One misfortune was the loss of the life of Yakzan ibn-'Abd-al-A'la ibn- Ahmad ibn-Yazid ibn-Asid as-Sulami.

In the days of al-Mu'tasim-Billah abu-Ishak ibn-ar- Rashid, the Greeks made a sally against Zibatrah * in the course of which they killed the men, captured the women and destroyed the city. This greatly aroused the anger of al-Mu'tasim who chased them as far as 'Ammuriyah, de- stroying many forts on the way. He camped against 'Am- muriyah until he reduced it, putting its fighters to death and carrying off the women and children as prisoners. He then destroyed 'Ammuriyah, and ordered that Zibatrah be re- built. He also fortified and garrisoned it. The Greeks after that tried to reduce it but failed.

Hisn Mansur. According to abu-'Amr al-Bahili and others the Mansur fort was named after Mansur ibn-Ja'- wanah ibn-al-Harith al-'Amiri of Kais who had charge of building and repairing it, and who occupied it in the days of Marwan with a large host of the troops of Syria and Mesopotamia in order to repulse the enemy.

1 Yakut, vol. ii, p. 914.


This same Mansur was governor of ar-Ruha when its inhabitants rebelled in the early part of the [Abbasid] dynasty and were besieged by al-Mansur, the 'dmil of abu- l-'Abbas over Mesopotamia and Armenia. When al-Man- sur captured the city, Mansur took to flight; but when he was later given safe-conduct, he appeared on the scene. When 'Abclallah ibn-'Ali dismissed abu-Ja'far al-Mansur, 'Abdallah made Mansur the chief of the guard in his dis- trict. When 'Abdallah fled to al-Basrah, Mansur disap- peared but was discovered in the year 141 and brought before al-Mansur, who, on his way from Jerusalem, put him to death at ar-Rakkah. According to others, Mansur was given safe-conduct and appeared after the flight of [Abdallah] ibn-'Ali. After this there were found letters on him directed to the Greeks and betraying Islam. When al-Mansur, in the year 141, arrived at ar-Rakkah from Jerusalem, he sent someone who brought him; and he was beheaded at ar-Rakkah. Al-Mansur then departed for al- Hashimiyah x at al-Kufah.

In the caliphate of al-Mahdi, ar-Rashid built the Man- sur fort and stationed a garrison in it.

1 Yakut, vol. iv, p. 946; Baghdad under the Abbasid Caliphate, p. 5.


GREEK remained the language of the state registers 1 until the reign of 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan, who in the . year Si ordered it changed. The reason was that a Greek clerk desiring to write something and finding no ink urined in the inkstand. Hearing this, 'Abd-al-Malik punished the man and gave orders to Sulaiman ibn-Sa'd to change the language of the registers. Sulaiman requested 'Abd-al- Malik to give him as subsidy the kharaj of the Jordan prov- ince for one year. 'Abd-al-Malik granted his request and assigned him to the governorship of the Jordan. No sooner had the year ended, than the change of the language was finished and Sulaiman brought the registers to 'Abd-al- Malik. The latter called Sarjun [Sergius] and presented to him the new plan. Sarjun was greatly chagrined and left 'Abd-al-Malik sorrowful. Meeting certain Greek clerks, he said to them, " Seek your livelihood in any other profession than this, for God has cut it off from you."

The total tax of the Jordan which was thus assigned as subsidy 2 was 180,000 dinars, that of Palestine was 350,000; that of Damascus 400,000; that of Hims with Kinnasrin and the regions called to-day al-'Awasim, 800,000, and ac- cording to others 700,000.

1 Ar. diwdn which may also be used in the sense of office or bureau.

2 Ar. ma'unah; see Mubarrad, Kdmil, p. 76, last line.


PART IV[edit]



TRADITIONS have been communicated to me by Muham- mad ibn-Isma/il of Bardha'ah and others on the authority of abu-Bara' 'Anbasah ibn-Bahr al- Armani; by Muham- mad ibn-Bishr al-Kali on the authority of his sheikhs; by Barmak ibn-'Abdallah ad-Dabili, Muhammad ibn-al-Mu- khaiyis al-Khilati and others on the authority of some well versed in the affairs of Armenia. These traditions I here- with transmit, having pieced them up together into one whole, to wit :

The four provinces. Shimshat, Kalikala, Khilat Arjish and Bajunais constituted Armenia IV; the district of al- 194 Busfurrajan [Waspurakan], Dabil [Dwin], Siraj Tair and Baghrawand constituted Armenia III; Jurzan [Georgia] constituted Armenia II; as-Sisajan and Arran constituted Armenia I. 1 According to others, Shimshat alone consti- tuted Armenia IV; Kalikala, Khilat, Arjish and Bajunais, Armenia III; Siraj Tair, Baghrawand, Dabil, and al-Bus- furrajan, Armenia II; and as-Sisajan, Arran [Albania], and Taflis, Armenia I. 2 Jurzan and Arran were held by the Khazar, while the rest of Armenia was held by the Greeks under the governorship of " the Lord of Armaniyakus ".

Kubddh ibn-Fairuz builds many cities. Al-Khazar used from time to time to make raids and reach as far as ad- Dinawar. Because of it, Kubadh ibn-Fairuz al-Malik 3

i The Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. i, p. 444.

8 Khurdadhbih, pp. 122-123.

  • '. e., the king. He belonged to the Sassanian Dynasty.


3 o6

despatched one of his great generals at the head of 12,000 men, who ravaged the land of Arran and conquered the region lying between ar-Rass river and Sharwan. Ku- badh then followed him and built in Arran the city of al- Bailakan, the city of Bardha'ah which is the capital of the whole frontier region, and the city of Kabalah, i. e., al- Khazar. After that he erected Sudd al-Libn [brick dam] lying between the land of Sharwan and al-Lan gate. Along this Sudd, he established 360 cities which fell into ruins after the erection of the city of al-Bab wa-1-Abwab.

Anushirzvdn builds other cities. Kubadh was succeeded by his son Anushirwan Kisra who built the cities of ash- Shabiran and Maskat, and later al-Bab wa-1-Abwab 1 which was called Abwab because it was built on a road in the mountain. He settled in the places he built a people whom he called as-Siyasijun. 2 In the land of Arran, he es- tablished Abwab Shakkan, 3 al-Kamibaran, and Abwab ad- Dudaniyah. Ad-Dudaniyah are a tribe who claim to be descended from the banu-Dudan ibn-Asad ibn-Khuzaimah. He also built ad-Durdhukiyah 4 which consisted of twelve gates, 5 each one of which was a castle of stone. In the land of Jurzan he established a city, Sughdabil, which he popu- lated with a body of as-Sughd [Sogdians] and Persians, making it a fortified town. Next to the Greek lands in the region of Jurzan, he built a castle and called it Bab Fairuzi- kubadh; another called Bab Ladhikah; still another Bab

1 Derbencl. See Meynard, Dictionnaire de la Perse, p. 68; Hama- dhani, pp. 286-288; Haukal, pp. 241-242.

  • Cf. St. Martin, Memoires sur I'Armime, vol. i, pp. 207-214.

sHamadhani, p. 288, "Shakka"; Yakut, "Shaka"; tfaukal, p. 254, "Shakka".

4 Hamadhani, p. 288, " ad-Durzukiyah " ; St. Martin, vol. ii, p. 189.

5 Cf. Hamadhani, p. 288.


Barikah which lies on the Tarabazundah sea [Black Sea]. He also erected Bab al-Lan, Bab Samsakhi, 1 al-Jardaman fort, and Samshulda fort. Moreover, Anushirwan conquered all the forts of Armenia held by the Greeks, built and forti- fied the city of Dabil, built an-Nashawa the capital of the al-Busfurrajan district, the fort of Wais and other castles in the land of as-Sisajan including al-Kilab and Sahyunis castles. In the forts and castles, he stationed Siyasijiyah men noted for valor and efficiency in warfare. Anushirwan builds a wall between his domain and that of

the Turks. Anushirwan then wrote to the king of the Turks asking for reconciliation and peace and for action in unison. In order to assure him of his friendliness, Anu- shirwan sought his daughter's hand and expressed a desire to be his son-in-law. Meanwhile, he sent him a maid of his, who was adopted by one of his wives, and said she was his daughter. Consequently, the Turk presented his daugh- ter to Anushirwan and came to see him. The two met at al-Barshaliyah where they caroused together for some days, and each felt the other was friendly to him and expressed his loyalty. Anushirwan ordered some of his friends in whom he confided to wait for nightfall and set fire to a part of the Turkish camp, which they did. In the morning, the Turkish king complained to Anushirwan ; but the latter denied having ordered it or known that his men had done it. After a few nights, Anushirwan gave his orders to repeat the act, and his men did. The Turk grumbled so much at the act that Anushirwan had to show sympathy for him 196 and apologized to him, upon which he was appeased. By order of Anushirwan, fire was set in a corner of his own camp where nothing but cottages of straw and twigs stood. In the morning, Anushirwan grumbled to the Turk, saying,

1 Brosset, Histoire de la Georgie, vol. i, p. 238.

3 o8

" Thy men were on the point of destroying my camp; and thou rewardest me by throwing suspicion upon me! " The Turk swore that he knew no reason for the act, upon which Anushirwan addressed him, saying, " Brother, thy troops and mine look with disfavor on the peace we made, because they have thereby lost the booty depending on razzias and wars that might be carried out between us. I fear they un- dertake things to corrupt our hearts after our mutual agree- ment of sincerity, so that we may once more have recourse to enmity after our new blood relationship and our friend- ship. I deem it wise, therefore, that thou allowest me to build a wall between thee and me with one gate through which none from us will go to you and from you to us, ex- cept the ones thou wishest and we wish." The Turk ac- cepted the proposal and left for his own land.

Anushirwan commenced building the wall. He built the side of it that faced the sea with rock and lead. Its width he made 300 dhira's, and its height reached the mountain heights. He ordered that stones be carried in boats and dropped into the sea, so that when they appeared above the surface, he could build on them. The wall extended over a distance of three miles in the sea. When the construction was completed, he fixed on its entrance iron gates and en- trusted it to one hundred horsemen to guard it. Before this, it took 50,000 troops to guard the place. On this wall he also set a mantelet. The Khakan x was later told, "Anu- shirwan has deceived thee and given thee for wife one who is not his daughter and fortified himself against thee " ; but Khakan was no match for such wiles.

Anushirwan assigns kings. Anushirwan assigned kings, stationed them in different districts, and conferred on each one of them the governorship [made him Shah] of one dis-

1 The Turkish king.


trict One of these was " Khakan al-Jabal " [lord of the mountain] who bore the title " Sahib as-Sarir " * [holder of the throne] and was named Wahrarzan-shah. Another was the king of Filan surnamed Filan-shah. Others were Tabarsaran-shah, the king of al-Lakz surnamed Jar- shan-shah the king of Maskat (whose kingship has been abolished), the king of Liran surnamed Liran-shah and the king of Sharwan called Sharwan-shah. He also made 197 the chief of Bukh 2 its king, and the chief of Zirikiran its king. The kings of Jabal al-Kabak 3 he left over their king- doms and made terms with them, stipulating that they pay an annual tribute.

Thus Armenia was in the hands of the Persians until the appearance of Islam, at which time many Siyasijun aban- doned their forts and cities which fell into ruins. The Kha- zar and Greeks thus got possession of what was once in their hands.

Kalikala. At a certain period, the Greek princes were scattered about and some of them became like Muluk at- Tawa'if, 4 and one ruled over Armaniyakus. After the death of the latter, his wife succeeded him and her name was Kali. 5 She built the city of Kalikala 6 which she named Kalikalah. The meaning of the word is " the benevolence of Kali." She set her picture on one of the city gates. The Arabs arabicized Kalikalah into Kalikala.

Kalikala reduced. When 'Uthman ibn-'Affan became caliph, he wrote to Mu'awiyah, his 'amil over Syria and

1 Istakhri, p. 191, note f ; Mas'udi, vol. ii, pp. 41-42.

2 St. Martin, vol. i, p. 76.

3 Cf. Meynard, p. 437, " Qabq (Caucase) ".

4 Petty kings among whom the Persian kingdom was divided after Alexander. Tabari, vol. i, pp. 704-713.

5 Hamadhani, p. 292.

6 Armen. Karin, modern Erzerum.

3 io

Mesopotamia together with their frontier cities, ordering him to send Habib ibn-Maslamah-1-Fihri into Armenia. 1 Habib had left a good impression in connection with the conquest of Syria and the invasion of the Greeks. This fact was fully realized by 'Umar, by 'Uthrnan and by 'Uthman's successor. Others say that 'Uthman wrote [directly] to Habib ordering him to make an expedition against Ar- menia. The former view is more authentic. Accordingly, Habib went against it at the head of 6,000, but according to another estimate, 8,000, of the people of Syria and Meso- potamia. Arriving in Kalikala, he camped around it; and when its people came out against him, he fought them and drove them to the city. They then asked for peace, agree- ing to evacuate the place and pay the tax. Many of them left the city and went as far as Asia Minor. Habib re- mained in the city with his men for a few months. He then learned that the patrician of Armaniyakus had massed a large army against the Moslems and was reinforced by troops from al-Lan, Afkhaz and from Samandar in al- Khazar. Therefore, he wrote to 'Uthman asking for rein- forcement. 'Uthrnan wrote to Mu'awiyah asking him to send to Habib a body of men from Syria and Mesopotamia interested in the "holy war" and booty. Accordingly, Mu- 'awiyah sent 2,000 men who were settled in Kalikala, given fiefs and stationed as horsemen guard to keep post in it. At the receipt of Habib's request, 'Uthman also wrote to Sa'id ibn-al-'Asi ibn-Sa'id ibn-al-'Asi ibn-Umaiyah, his 'amil over al-Kufah, ordering him to reinforce Habib with an army headed by Salman ibn-Rabi'ah-1-Bahili who bore the title "Salman al-Khail" [the Salman of horsemen] and who was generous, benevolent and of a warlike nature. Salman set out at the head of 6,000 Kufites. The Greeks

1 Miiller, Der Islam in Morgen- und Abendland, pp. 259-260.


and their followers had already arrived and encamped on the Euphrates, before Habib received the reinforcement. Taking advantage of the night, the Moslems swept over them and killed their chief. That evening Habib's wife, umm-'Abdallah, daughter of Yazid of the Kalb tribe, asked Habib, " Where shall I meet thee?" To this, Habib re- plied, " Either at the tents of the ' tyrant ', x or in Para- dise !" When he got to those tents he found her there.

When the Moslems were done with their enemy, Salman returned. The Kufite troops wanted to have a share in the booty but were refused, which led into a verbal dispute between Habib and Salman. Some Moslems threatened Salman with death, regarding which the poet said :

" If ye kill Salman, we kill your Habib; and if ye depart towards ibn-'Affan, we would also depart." 2

'Uthman was communicated with, and he wrote back, " The spoils belong wholly to the Syrians by right." Meanwhile, he wrote to Salman ordering him to invade Arran.

It is reported by others that in the caliphate of 'Uthman, Salman ibn-Rabi'ah went to Armenia, made captives and plundered, returning in the year 25 to al-Walid ibn-'Ukbah at Hadithat al-Mausil. Al-Walid received a letter from 'Uthman informing him that Mu'awiyah had written him to the effect that the Greeks were gathered against the Mos- lems in great numbers, and that the Moslems wanted rein- forcements, and ordering him to send 8,000 men. 3 Accord- ingly, al-Walid sent 8,000 men under Salman ibn-Rabi'ah- 1-Bahili. Mu'awiyah sent an equal number under Habib ibn-Maslamah-1-Fihri. The two leaders reduced many

1 Referring to the Greek general. 1 Tabari, vol. i, pp. 2893-2894. 8 Ibid., vol. i, pp. 2807-2808.


forts, carried away many prisoners and fell to dispute re- garding the general leadership. The Syrians wanted to kill Salman, hence the verse quoted above. The former report, however, is more authentic and was orally communicated to me by many from Kalikala and in writing by al-'Attaf ibn-Sufyan abu-1-Asbagh, the kadi of Kalikala.

Habib kills al-Mauriyan. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from 'Abd-al-Hamid ibn-Ja'far's father: Habib ibn-Maslamah besieged the inhabitants of Dabil and camped around the city. Al-Mauriyan ar-Rumi * came against him ; but under the cover of the night, Habib killed him and plundered what was in his camp. Salman then joined Habib. The authorities of this tradition believe that Habib fell upon the Greek at Kalikala.

Kusan subdues Kalikala. Muhammad ibn-Bishr al-Kali and ibn-Warz al-Kali from the sheikhs of Kalikala: Ever since its conquest, the city of Kalikala held out against attacks until the year 133 in which " the tyrant" set out, besieged Malatyah, destroyed its wall and expelled the Moslems that were in it to Mesopotamia, after which he encamped at Marj al-Hasa whence he directed Kusan al- Armani against Kalikala. Kusan came and invested the city, whose inhabitants at that time were few and whose 'dmil was abu-Karimah. In the course of the siege, two Armenian brothers who lived in the city made a breach through a rampart in its wall, went out to Kusan and brought him in to the city. Thus Kusan subdued the city, killed [many], took captives and razed it to the ground, carrying off what he plundered to " the tyrant ". The cap- tives he distributed among his companions.

Al-Mansur rebuilds and al-Mu'tasim fortifies Kalikala.

1 Patrician of Armaniyakus which province is listed in De Goeje's edition of Baladhuri as a name of person.


According to al-Wakidi, in the year 139 al-Mansur gave ransom * for those of the captives of Kalikala who sur- vived; and he rebuilt Kalikala, populated it, and returned them into it. He also invited to it troops from Mesopo- tamia and other places to live in it. In the caliphate of al- Mu'tasim-Billah, the Greek "tyrant" came to Kalikala and threw projectiles on its wall until it was on the point of falling. Thereupon al-Mu'tasim had to spend 500,000 dirhams to make the city strong again.

The patricians of Khilat and Muks. After having cap- tured Kalikala, Habib marched to Mirbala where the pa- trician of Khilat brought him a statement written by Tyad ibn-Ghanm, who had guaranteed to the patrician the secur- ity of his life, possessions and country and had concluded a treaty with him stipulating that the patrician should pay tax. Habib sanctioned the terms of the statement. He then occupied a house between al-Harak 2 and Dasht al-Warak. The patrician of Khilat brought him the money he owed and offered a present which Habib refused to accept. Ha- bib then visited Khilat and passed to as-Sababah [ ?] 3 where he was met by the chief of Muks, 4 one of the dis- tricts of al-Busfurrajan. Habib made peace with him in exchange for an annual tax to be paid for his land, sent a 200 man with him and wrote him a statement of peace and safety.

Arjish, Bdjunais and at-Tirrikh. To the villages of Arjish and Bajunais, Habib sent a body of men who sub- dued them and laid poll-tax on them. The leading men of these villages came to Habib and made a treaty agreeing to

1 Ar. fdda bihim ; see Mawardi, pp. 82 and 232.

2 St. Martin, vol. i, p. 101. 8 Original not clear.

4 St. Martin, vol. i, p. 175.

3 1 4

pay the khardj on their lands. As for at-Tirrikh lake, he did not interfere with it, and it was used by the public until Muhammad ibn-Marwan ibn-al-Hakam became governor of Mesopotamia and Armenia, upon which he took posses- sion of its fish and sold them, making an income out of it. The lake after that became the property of Marwan ibn- Muhammad and was thus lost to Muhammad.

Dabil and other towns sue for peace. Habib now came to Azdisat, 1 the chief village of al-Hurmuz, 2 crossed Nahr al-Akrad and encamped at Marj Dabil. Thence he sent the cavalry against Dabil and marched until he reached its gate. The people took to the fortifications and threw projectiles on him. Habib set a mangonel against the city and used it until they sued for peace and capitulation. This he granted them. His cavalry wandered around, occupied Jurna, 3 reached as far as Ashush, dhat-al-Lujum, al-Jabal Kuntah 4 and Wadi-1-Ahrar and subdued all the villages of Dabil. He also despatched a force against Siraj T air and against Baghrawand whose patrician came and made terms, agree- ing to pay an annual tribute, to be loyal to the Moslems, to entertain them, and to aid them against the enemy. The text of the treaty with Dabil ran as follows :

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. This is a treaty of Habib ibn-Maslamah with the Chris- tians, Magians and Jews of Dabil, including those present and absent. I have granted you safety for your lives, pos- sessions, churches, places of worship, and city wall. Thus ye are safe and we are bound to fulfil our covenant, so long as ye fulfil yours and pay poll-tax and khardj. Thereunto

1 " Aschdischad," St. Martin, vol. i, p. 101 ; Yakut, vol. i, p. 199, "Ardashat".

2 Baladhuri reads " Kirmiz," which is a clerical error.

3 Marasid, vol. i, p. 25.

4 Original not clear.


Allah is witness; and it suffices to have him for witness. Signed by Habib ibn-Maslamah."

An-Nashawa and al-Busfurrajan. Habib after this pro- ceeded to an-Nashawa and took possession of it on terms similar to those of Dabil. The patrician of al-Busfurrajan came and made terms regarding all of his country together with the land of Hasatiltah 1 [ ?] and Afaristah [ ?], agree- ing to pay a certain tax every year.

As-Slsajan. Habib then moved to as-Sisajan 2 whose people resisted him but were defeated. He also conquered Wais ; and made terms with the holders of the forts at as- 201 Sisajan to the effect that they pay tax. He then proceeded to Jurzan.

Dhdt-al-Lujum. I was informed by certain sheikhs from Dabil, among whom was Barmak ibn-'Abdallah, that Habib ibn-Maslamah marched with his men bent on Jurzan. When they got to dhat-al-Lujum, they left some of their horses and mules to graze, leaving their bridles together in one place. Suddenly, a band of the "uncircumcised" fell upon them before they could bridle their animals. In the fight that ensued, the " uncircumcised " drove the Moslems away and seized the bridles together with as many horses and mules as they could. Later, the Moslems returned to them, massacred them and took back what has been carried away from them. That is why this spot was called " dhat- al-Lujum " [the place of the bridles].

As Habib was advancing against the patrician of Jur- zan, he was met by a messenger of the patrician and the in- habitants of the town, who presented a written message and asked for a treaty of peace and security. Accordingly, Habib wrote to them :

1 Certain diacritical points missing.

2 Meynard, p. 335-

" Your messenger, Nukla, 1 came lo me and my compan- ions ' the Believers ' saying on your behalf that we are a nation whom Allah has honored and given superiority, which Allah did, great praise be to Allah, and prayer and peace be on Muhammad his Prophet and noblest creature! Ye also stated that ye would like to make peace with us. As for your present, I have estimated its value and consid- ered it a part of your tax. I have made a treaty of peace with you and inserted one condition in it. If ye accept the condition and live up to it, well and good. Otherwise * an- nounce ye a war waged by Allah and his Prophet 2 '. Peace be to those who follow the proper guidance."

The treaty with the people of Taflis. Habib thence pro- ceeded to Taflis [Tiflis] and made the following statement of peace to its people :

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. This is a statement from Habib ibn-Maslamah to the inhabi- tants of Taflis which lies in Manjalis 3 at Jurzan al-Hur- muz, 4 securing them safety for their lives, churches, con- vents, religious services and faith, provided they acknowl- edge their humiliation and pay tax to the amount of one dinar on every household. Ye are not to combine more than one household into one in order to reduce the tax, nor are we to divide the same household into more than one in order to increase it. Ye owe us counsel and support against the enemies of Allah and his Prophet to the utmost of your ability, and are bound to entertain the needy Moslem for one night and provide him with that food used by * the peo- ple of the Book ' and which it is legal for us to partake of.

1 Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2674. 1 Kor., 2 : 279.

3 Brosset, vol. i, pp. 245, 248.

4 and not " Kirmiz " as Baladhuri has it. See Tabari, vol. i, p. 2674.


If a Moslem is cut off from his companions and falls into your hands, ye are bound to deliver him to the nearest body of the * Believers ', unless something stands in the way. 202 If ye return to the obedience * of Allah and observe prayer, ye are our brethren in faith, otherwise poll-tax is incum- bent on you. In case an enemy of yours attacks and sub- jugates you while the Moslems are too busy to come to your aid, the Moslems are not held responsible, nor is it a vio- lation of the covenant with you. The above are your rights and obligations to which Allah and his angels are witness and it is sufficient to have Allah for witness."

The following is a copy of the treaty made by al-Jarrah ibn-'Abdallah-l-Hakami with the people of Taflis :

" In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful. This is a treaty made by al-Jarrah ibn-'Abdallah with the inhabitants of Taflis in the district of Manjalis and the province of Jurzan. They have shown me the treaty made with them by Habib ibn-Maslamah to the effect that they accept the humiliation of the tax, and that he made terms with them regarding lands belonging to them, vineyards, and mills, called Awara and Sabina in the district of Man- jalis, and regarding Ta'am and Diduna in the district of Kuhuwit in the province of Jurzan, stipulating that they pay on these mills and vineyards a tax of 100 dirhams per annum without repeating it. These terms of peace and se- curity I put into effect and ordered that the sum be never increased on them. Let no one, therefore, to whom this my treaty is read increase the tax on them; so Allah wills. Written by ."

Various places conquered by Habib. Habib conquered Hawarih, Kasfaryabs [?], 2 Kisal, Khunan, Samsakhi, al-

1 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2675 : " become Moslem ". 1 Lacking in diacritical points.


Jardaman, Kastasji, 1 Shaushit, 2 and Bazalit, 3 which capitu- lated on the terms that the lives of the inhabitants be spared, that places of worship and their walls be not molested and that they pay annual tribute on their lands and persons. The people of Kalarjit, Tharyalit, 4 Khakhit, 5 Khukhit, 6 Artahal, 7 and Bab al-Lal 8 also made terms with Habib. As-Sanariyah and ad-Dudaniyah made terms, agreeing to pay an annual tax.

Al-Bailakan. By order of 'Uthman, Salman ibn- Rabi'ah-1-Bahili proceeded to Arran. Here he conquered the city of al-Bailakan which capitulated on terms stipu- lating that he guarantee the safety of their lives, posses- sions and city walls, and that they pay poll-tax and khardj.

Bardha'ah and other places. Thence Salman advanced to Bardha'ah and camped on ath-Thurthur 9 river which flows at a distance of less than one parasang from the city. The inhabitants closed their city gates against him ; and he made an attempt on it for many days, making raids on its vil- lages. It was the time for reaping the harvest. At last, its people made terms similar to those of al-Bailakan and opened their gates. Thus he made his entrance and occu- pied the city. Salman then sent his cavalry which con- quered Shi f shin, al-Misfawan, "Ddh, al-Misryan, 10 al-Hur-

1 Brosset, vol. i, p. 512.

2 St. Martin: " Schauscheth" ; cf. Kazwini, vol. ii, p. 413, line 20. 8 Brosset, vol. i, pp. 45, 86.

4 " Thrialeth," Brosset, vol. i, pp. 248, 285.

5 " Kakheth " in Brosset, /. /.

8 "Kukhet," Brosset, vol. i, pp. 315, 349; St. Martin, vol. ii, p. 198.

7 Brosset, vol. i, p. 39.

8 St. Martin, vol. ii, p. 227.

9 St. Martin, vol. i, p. 87.

10 Text not clear.


hilyan and Tabar, all of which are districts. Other places in Arran were reduced. The Kurds of al-Balasajan 1 he sum- moned to Islam ; but they fought against him and were sub- jugated. Some were made to pay tax and others sadakah; but the latter were few.

Shamkur. I was informed by some people from Bardha'ah that Shamkur was an ancient city to which Salman ibn-Rabi'ah sent someone who reduced it. It was well populated and flourishing until it was destroyed by as-Sawardiyah, who after the departure of Yazid ibn- Usaid from Armenia came together and became a source of trouble and misfortune. In the year 240, the city was re- built by Bugha, the freedman of al-Mu'tasim and the gov- ernor of Armenia, Adharbaijan and Shimshat. He settled in it people from al-Khazar who, because of their interest in Islam came, and sought security. He also transplanted merchants to it from Bardha'ah and called it al-Mutawak- kiliyah.

Kabalah and other places. Salman thence advanced to the junction of ar-Rass and al-Kurr behind Bardij. Cross- ing al-Kurr he reduced Kabalah ; and the chief of Shakkan and al-Kamibaran capitulated, agreeing to pay annual tax. In like manner did the people of Khaizan, 2 the king of 204 Sharwan and the other kings of al-Jibal, the people of Mas- kat, ash-Shabiran and the city of al-Bab capitulate. The city of al-Bab was closed after him. Khakan with his cav- alry met Salman beyond al-Balanjar river. The latter was killed with 4,000 Moslems who in that critical position were heard shouting " Allah is great! " 3

1 Yakut, vol. i, p. 173, and vol. ii, p. 780.

2 St. Martin, vol. i, pp. 175 seq. ; Yakut, vol. ii, p. 507: "Khaizar"; Mas'udi, vol. ii, pp. 39-40 ; Meynard, p. 350.

3 Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 194.

3 20

Salman the first kadi of al-Kufah. This Salman ibn- Rabi'ah was the first to hold the position of kadi in al- Kufah, 1 where he spent forty days without hearing a case. He transmitted traditions on 'Umar- ibn-al-Khattab's au- thority. Says ibn-Jumanah-1-Bahili referring to Salman and Kutaibah ibn-Muslim :

" We have two tombs one at Balanjar

and another at Sin-Istan [China] and what a tomb that is ! The one who lies in China has brought about conquests in all places;

and the merits of the other cause abundant rain to fall." *

Among the companions of Salman at Balanjar was Kar- zah ibn-Ka'b al-Ansari. It was he who carried the news of Salman's death to 'Uthman.

Habib put by 'Uthman in charge of the frontier fortresses. Having made these conquests in Armenia, Habib re- ported his success to 'Uthman ibn-'Affan who received his letter immediately after the news of Salman's death. 'Uth- man was on the point of assigning Habib over all Armenia ; but he then deemed it best to put him in charge of the cam- paigns on the frontiers of Syria and Mesopotamia, because of his efficiency in doing what he intended to do. 'Uthman conferred on Hudhaifah ibn-al-Yaman al-'Absi the gover- norship of the frontier fortresses of Armenia; and the latter left for Bardha'ah and sent his 'dmils to the places that lay between it and Kalikala and up to Khaizan. He then received 'Uthman's message instructing him to depart and leave in his place Silah ibn-Zufar al-'Absi who was in his company. Hudhaifah assigned Silah as his successor.

Habib returned to Syria and began his campaigns against the Greeks. He settled in Hims, but Mu'awiyah moved him to Damascus, where he died in the year 42, aged 35. Once

1 Gottheil, Egyptian Cadis, page VI.

1 For an explanation see ibn-Kutaibah, Kitab al-Ma'arif, p. 221.


when 'Uthman was besieged, Mu'awiyah sent this Habib at the head of an army to his relief. Having arrived in Wadi-1-Kura, Habib heard of the death of 'Uthman and 205 took his way back. 1

Various governors of Adharbaijdn and Armenia. 'Uthman appointed al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah governor of Adharbaijan 2 and Armenia, but dismissed him later, and appointed al-Kasim ibn-Rabi'ah ibn-Umaiyah ibn-abi-as- Salt ath-Thakafi governor of Armenia. Others say he ap- pointed 'Amr ibn-Mu'awiyah ibn-al-Muntafik al-'Ukaili governor of Armenia ; and still others say that for 1 5 years after al-Mughirah, one of the banu-Kilab ruled over Arme- nia, and that he was succeeded by al-'Ukaili. Under 'Ali ibn-abi-Talib, al-Ash'ath ibn Kais ruled over Armenia and Adharbaijan. He was followed by 'Abdallah ibn-Hatim ibn-an-Nu'man ibn-'Amr al-Bahili who ruled over it in the name of Mu'awiyah. 'Abdallah died in it and was suc- ceeded by his brother 'Abd-al-'Aziz ibn-Hatim ibn-an-Nu'- man, who built the city of Dabil, fortified it and enlarged its mosque. He also built the city of an-Nashawa and repaired the city of Bardha'ah. Others say he rebuilt Bardha'ah and deepened the trenches around it. He also rebuilt the city of al-Bailakan. These cities were dilapidated and ready to fall into ruins. According to others, it was Mu- hammad ibn-Marwan who in the days of 'Abd-al-Malik ibn- Marwan rebuilt Bardha'ah. Al-Wakidi states that 'Abd-al- Malik built Bardha'ah under the supervision of Hatim ibn- an-Nu'man al-Bahili or his son. This 'Abd-al-Malik ap- pointed 'Uthman ibn-al-Walid ibn-'Ukbah ibn-abi-Mu'ait to the governorship of Armenia.

1 Ghazarian, "Armenien unter der Arab Herrschaft," Zeitschrift fur Armen. PhiloL, vol. ii, pp. 177-182 (Marburg, 1904).

  • Meynard, pp. 14-17.


Armenia rebels. During the insurrection of ibn-az- Zubair, Armenia rose and its nobles 1 with their followers threw off their allegiance. When Muhammad ibn-Marwan held under his brother 'Abd-al-Malik the governorship of Armenia, he led the fight against them and won the victory, slaughtering and taking captives. Thus, he subdued the land. He promised those who survived higher stipends than the ordinary soldiers' pay. For that purpose they assem- bled in churches in the province of Khilat where he locked them in and put guards on the door, and then he frightened them. In this campaign umm-Yazid ibn-Usaid was taken captive from as-Sisajan, she being the daughter of as-Sisa- jan's patrician.

f Adi governor of Armenia. Sulaiman ibn-'Abd-al-Malik made 'Adi ibn-'Adi ibn-'Amirah M-Kindi governor of Ar- menia. 'Adi ibn-'Amirah was one of those who had left 'AH ibn-abi-Talib and settled in ar-Rakkah. He was later made the governor of Armenia by 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz. This 'Adi was the one after whom the Nahr 'Adi at al- Bailakan was named. According to others, the 'drnil of 'Umar was Hatim ibn-an-Nu'man, but that is not con- firmed.

Mi'lak and al-Harith as governors. Yazid ibn-'Abd-al- Malik conferred the governorship on Mi'lak ibn-Saffar al- Bahrani, but he later dismissed him and assigned al-Harith ibn-'Amr at-Ta'i, who made an incursion against the in- habitants of al-Lakz 3 conquering the district of Hasma- dan. 4

Al-Jarrah as governor. When al-Jarrah ibn-'Abdallah

1 Ar. ahrar, the class that constituted the aristocracy of Armenia before the Persian rule; see Yakut, vol. i, pp. 222, 438.

2 Tabari, vol. ii, p. 887 : " 'Umairah ".

  • Yakut, vol. iv, p. 364.

4 " Jashmadan," Istakhri, p. 187.


al-Hakami of Madhhij became governor of Armenia, he stopped at Bardha'ah where his attention was called to the different measures and weights used by the people and which he fixed according to the standards of justice and honesty introducing a new measure, called al-Jarrahi, with which they deal until to-day. After crossing al-Kurr, 1 he marched until he went over the river known by the name of as-Samur and came to al-Khazar, among whom he wrought a great slaughter. He also fought against the inhabitants of the land of Hamzin 2 and made terms with them stipu- lating that they be transplanted to the district of Khaizan where he gave them two villages. He then attacked the people of Ghumik 3 and captured some of them. Turning back, he came to Shakka, and his army spent the winter at Bardha'ah and al-Bailakan. Al-Khazar assembled their troops and crossed ar-Rass.* He fought against them in Sahra' [desert] Warthan, and when they withdrew to the region of Ardabil 5 he engaged them in battle at a distance of four parasangs from Armenia. After a three days' battle, he suffered martyrdom together with his men, and therefore was the river called Nahr al-Jarrah. A bridge spanning it also bore the same name.

Maslamah as governor. Hisham ibn-'Abd-al-Malik after that appointed Maslamah ibn-'Abd-al-Malik to the gover- norship of Armenia, put at the head of the van of his [Mas- lamah's] army Sa'id ibn-'Amr ibn-Aswad al-Jurashi, and accompanied him by Ishak ibn-Muslim al-'Ukaili with his brothers, Ja'wanah ibn-al-Harith ibn-Khalid of the banu-

1 Istakhri, p. 187.

2 " Ilamrin," Mahasin. vol. i, p. 318.

8 "Ghumik," Istakhri, p. 185; cf. Mas'udi, vol. ii, p. 40; "'Amik" in Yakut, vol. i, p. 438.

4 Istakhri, p. 187 ; Yakut, vol. ii, p. 779-

5 Meynard, pp. 21-22.


Rabi'ah ibn-'Amir ibn-Sa'sa'ah, Dhufafah and Khalid the two sons of 'Umair ibn-al-Hubab as-Sulami al-Furat ibn-Salman al-Bahili, and al-Walid ibn-al-Ka'ka' al-'Absi. Sa'id engaged in conflict with al-Khazar who were at this time besieging Warthan, and forced them to withdraw, putting them to flight. Al-Khazar came to Maimadh in Adharbaijan; and as Sa'id was preparing for the conflict with them, he received a message from Maslamah ibn- 'Abd-al-Malik blaming him for attacking al-Khazar before his [Maslamah's] arrival, and informing him that he had assigned in his place over the army 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Muslim al-'Ukaili. As soon as Sa'id turned over the army to his successor, he was arrested by Maslamah's mes- senger who fettered him and carried him to Bardha'ah where he was thrown into its prison. Al-Khazar left and Maslamah followed them. When Maslamah communicated the news to Hisham, Hisham wrote back :

" Dost thou leave them at Maimadh where thou canst see them, and then seek them beyond the limit of soil [where sand begins] ?"

Thereupon Hisham ordered that al-Jurashi be released from prison.

Maslamah made peace with the people of Khaizan, and by his order, its fort was dismantled. He appropriated in it estates for himself. It is known to-day by the name of Hauz Khaizan. The kings of al-Jibal also made peace with him. The Shahs of Sharwan, Liran, Tabarsaran, Filan and Jarshan presented themselves before him; and so did the chief of Maskat Maslamah, thereupon, betook himself to the city of al-Bab, which he reduced. In its castle were a thousand families of al-Khazar whom he besieged and against whom he hurled stones and then pieces of iron shaped like stones. All that, however, was of no avail. He, therefore, resorted to the spring, the water of which Anu-


shirwan had conducted into their cistern, and slew on it cows and sheep throwing the contents of their stomachs and some assafoetida into the water. It did not take the water more than one night before it bred worms, became vitiated and corrupted. Therefore, the holders of the castle fled under the cover of the night and vacated the castle. In the city of al-Bab wa-1-Abwab, 24,000 Syrians were settled by Maslamah ibn-'Abd-al-Malik and assigned stipends. Ac- cordingly, the inhabitants of al-Bab to-day do not allow any 'dmil to enter their city unless he has money to distribute among them. He, moreover, built a granary for food, an- other for barley, and an armory. He ordered that the cis- tern be filled with earth, repaired the city, and provided it with embattlements. In the company of Maslamah was Marwan ibn-Muhammad who took part in the attack against al-Khazar and distinguished himself in fighting. After Maslamah, Hisham appointed Sa'id al-Jurashi who spent two years in the frontier region.

Marwan as governor. Marwan ibn-Muhammad * then be- came the ruler of the frontier and took up his abode at Kisal. Marwan was the one who built the city of Kisal. This city lies 40 parasangs from Bardha'ah and 20 from Taflis. Marwan then entered the country of al-Khazar next to Bab al-Lan and made Asid z ibn-Zafir as-Sulami abu-Yazid, accompanied by the kings of al-Jibal, enter it from the side of al-Bab wa-1-Abwab. Then Marwan made an incursion on the Slavs who were in the land of al-Kha- 208 zar and captured 20,000 families whom he settled in Kha- khit. When they later put their commander to death and took to flight, Marwan pursued and slaughtered them.

When the chief of al-Khazar learned of the great num-

1 Brosset, vol. i, pp. 238 seq.

  • " Usaid " in Duraid, p. 187, line before last.


her of men with whom Marwan had swept over his land and of their equipment and strength, his heart was filled with cowardice and fear. When Marwan came close to him, he sent him a messenger inviting him to " Islam or war ", to which he replied, " I have accepted Islam. Send there- fore someone to present it to me." Marwan did so. The chief professed Islam and made a treaty with Marwan ac- cording to which Marwan confirmed him as ruler of his kingdom. Marwan with a host of al-Khazar accompanied the chief; and al-Khazar were made to settle in the plain of the province of al-Lakz between as-Samur and ash-Sha- biran.

The land of as-Sarir. After that, Marwan made his entrance to the land of as-Sarir, slaughtered its inhabitants, and reduced certain forts in it. Its king offered him sub- mission and allegiance and made terms, agreeing to give every year 1,000 youths 500 lads and 500 maids with black hair and eyebrows and with long eyelashes, together with 100,000 modii * to be poured in the granaries of al- Bab. Marwan took from him a pledge.

The people of Tuman made terms with Marwan, agree- ing to give every year 100 youths 50 maids and 50 lads each 5 spans in height, with black hair and eyebrows and with long eyelashes, together with 20,000 modii for the granaries.

The land of Zirikirdn. He then entered the land of Zirikiran, 2 whose king made terms, agreeing to offer fifty youths, and 10,000 modii for the granaries every year. Thence he proceeded to the land of Hamzin which refused to make terms and whose fort, after an investment of one month, he reduced. He then set fire to the fort and de-

1 Wheat measure.

2 Original not clear.


stroyed it. The terms agreed upon were that they give 500 youths only once and not to be responsible for such a gift any more, and that they carry 30,000 modii every year to the granaries of al-Bab. Then he advanced to Sindan, 1 which capitulated on condition that it offer 100 youths to be given by its chief only once and not to be responsible for such a gift in the future, together with 5,000 modii to be carried every year to the granaries of al-Bab. On the fol- lowers of the Shah of Tabarsaran, Marwan assessed 10,000 modii to be carried per annum to the granaries of al-Bab; but on the Shah of Filan he did not assess anything, because 209 of his distinction in warfare, ability in conflict and the praiseworthiness of his cause.

Al-Lakz, Khirsh and other places. Marwan thence made a descent on al-Lakz castle [whose chief] had refused to pay anything of what was assessed, had set out to meet the chief of al-Khazar and was killed by a shepherd who shot an arrow at him without knowing him. The people of al- Lakz then made terms, agreeing to give 20,000 modii to be carried to the granaries. Having appointed Khashram as- Sulami as their ruler, Marwan came to the castle of the chief of Sharwan which was called Khirsh and which lay on the sea shore. The chief rendered submission and agreed to leave the height. 2 Marwan imposed 10,000 modii on the people of Sharwan per annum, and made it a condition on their chief to be in the van of the army when the Moslems start the attack against al-Khazar, and in the rear when they return ; and on the Shah of Filan that he should only take part in the attack ; on the Shah of Tabarsaran that he be in the rear when the Moslems start, and in the van when they return.

1 Lacking in diacritical points, d'Ohsson, p. 68 ; "Misdar" in Mahasin, vol. i, p. 318.

2 Surrender the castle.


Thdbit rebels. Marwan then advanced to ad-Dudaniyah and slaughtered its people. The news of the death of al- Walid ibn-Yazid then came to him, and Thabit ibn-Nu'aim al-Judhami rose against him. 1 Musafir al-Kassab, who was one of those established in al-Bab by ad-Dahhak al- Khariji [the rebel], now came to Thabit, espoused his cause and was made by him governor over Armenia and Adharbaijan. Musafir then came to Ardabil in disguise, where he was joined by a group of the ash-Shurat, and they all came to Bajarwan 2 in which they found people with sim- ilar views and were joined by them. Thence they came to Warthan from whose inhabitants a large body of men, who held similar views, joined them; and they all crossed over to al-Bailakan where they were joined by a large crowd holding similar views. Marwan then came to Yu- nan. 3 Ishak ibn-Muslim was made governor of Armenia by Marwan ibn-Muhammad and never ceased to fight against Musafir who was at al-Kilab castle in as-Sisajan.

When the " blessed dynasty " appeared and abu-Ja'far al-Mansur was made ruler of Mesopotamia and Armenia in the caliphate of as-Saffah abu-1-' Abbas, he sent against Musafir and his followers a general from Khurasan, who fought them until he overpowered them and slew Musafir. The inhabitants of al-Bailakan, who had fortified them- selves in al-Kilab castle under the leadership of Kadad ibn- Asfar al-Bailakani, surrendered.

The governorship of Yazid. When al-Mansur became caliph, he made Yazid ibn-Usaid as-Sulami governor of Armenia. The latter reduced Bab al-Lan and stationed in 210

1 Tabari, vo i jj^ pp I %g 2 seq. a Meynard, p. 74.

' First syllable mutilated in the original; cf. Istakhri, p. 192; Haukal, p. 251.


it a cavalry guard with stipends. He also subdued as-Sa- nariyah, whose inhabitants paid khardj. In compliance with al-Mansur's orders, he married the daughter of the king of al-Khazar. She gave birth to a child which did not live ; she herself died in child-birth. Yazid sent someone to the naphtha and salt mines of the land of Sharwan and levied tax on them. He put someone in charge of them. He also built the city of Arjil as-Sughra [the Less] and Arjil al-Kubra [the Great], and settled people from Pales- tine in them.

Ash-Shamdkhiyah. Muhammad ibn-Isma/il from certain sheikhs from Bardha'ah : Ash-Shamakhiyah x which lay in the province of Sharwan was thus called after ash-Sha- makh ibn-Shuja', who was the king of Sharwan during the rule of Sa'id ibn-Salim 2 al-Bahili over Armenia.

Al-Hasan suppresses the revolt. Muhammad ibn-Isma'il from certain sheikhs: After the dismissal of ibn-Usaid and Bakkar ibn-Muslim al-'Ukaili, and during the gover- norship of al-Hasan ibn-Kahtabah at-Ta'i, the Armenians broke off their allegiance under their chief Musha'il 3 al- Armani. Al-Mansur sent reinforcements under 'Amir ibn- Isma'il. Al-Hasan engaged himself in fight with Musha'il and killed him, dispersing his troops. Things went on well with al-Hasan. The Nahr al-Hasan in al-Bailakan is named after this al-Hasan ; and so are the Bagh * at Bar- dha'ah named Bagh al-Hasan, and the crown-lands known as al-Hasaniyah.

Different governors of Armenia. 'Uthman ibn-'Umarah ibn-Khuraim succeeded al-Hasan ibn-Kahtabah, and then

1 Mukaddasi, p. 276 ; Istakhri, p. 192 ; Meynard, p. 353 : " Shamakhi." " Salm," Tabari, vol. iii, p. 305.

3 St. Martin, vol. i, p. 342 ; Brosset, vol. i, p. 159.

4 Persian garden, vineyard.


came Rauh ibn-Hatim al-Muhallabi, Khuzaimah ibn-Kha- zim, Yazid ibn-Mazyad ash-Shaibani, 'Ubaidallah ibn- al-Mahdi, al-Fadl ibn-Yahya, Sa'id ibn-Salim, and Muham- mad ibn- Yazid ibn-Mazyad. Of these rulers, Khuzaimah was the severest. It was he who introduced the system by which Dabil and an-Nashawa paid land tax according to the area, not the produce. The Armenian patricians did not cease to hold their lands as usual, each trying to protect his own region ; and whenever a 'dmil came to the frontier they would coax him ; and if they found in him purity and severity, as well as force and equipment, they would give the khardj and render submission, otherwise they would deem him weak and look down upon him.

The governorship of Khdlid ibn-Yazid. In the caliphate of al-Ma'mun, the Armenian patricians were under the rule of Khalid ibn- Yazid ibn-Mazyad, who accepted their pres- ents and associated personally with them. This corrupted them and encouraged them against the 'dmils of al-Ma'- mun who came after him.

Al-Hasan ibn- AH over the frontier region. Al-Mu'tasim- Billah appointed to the governorship of the frontier region al-Hasan ibn-'Ali-l-Badhaghisi, better known as al-Ma'- muni, who let its patricians and nobles go their way, and dealt so leniently with them that they became more disloyal to the Sultan and more severe on the people who came under their rule. Jurzan was subdued by Ishak ibn-Isma'il ibn-Shu'aib, a freedman of the banu-Umaiyah. Sahl ibn- Sanbat, the patrician, rose against the l dmil of Haidar ibn- Kawus al-Afshin over Armenia and killed his secretary and had a narrow escape by flight. Armenia after this was ruled by 'dmils who would remit to its people what was due from them, and accept whatever khardj could be of- fered.

The governorship of Yiisuf ibn-Muhammad. Two years


after al-Mutawakkil became caliph, he conferred the gov- ernorship of Armenia upon Yusuf ibn-Muhammad ibn- Yusuf al-Marwazi. As he passed through Khilat, Yusuf seized its patrician Bukrat ibn-Ashut and carried him off to Surra-man-ra'a, which act greatly offended the patricians, nobles and feudal lords [Ar. mutaghallibah] . Later a 'dmil of his, named al-'Ala' ibn- Ahmad, went to a convent at as- Sisajan, called Dair al-Akdah, which was highly respected and richly endowed with gifts by the Armenian Christians, and carried away all what was in it and oppressed its occu- pants. This act was too much for the patricians, who held communication with each other and urged each other to throw off their allegiance and rise in revolt. They insti- gated al-Khuwaithiyah, 1 who were " uncircumcised " and were known by the name of al-Artan, to fall upon Yusuf, and urged them against him in revenge for the carrying- away of their patrician Bukrat. Meanwhile, every one of the patricians and feudal lords sent them horses and men to help them bring that about. Accordingly, they fell upon Yusuf at Tarun, after he had distributed his followers in the villages, and slew him, carrying away all that his camp contained.

The governorship of Bugha the Elder. Al-Mutawakkil assigned to the governorship of Armenia Bugha-1-Kabir [the Elder] who, arriving in Badlis, seized Musa ibn-Zura- 212 rah who, in revenge for Bukrat, had favored and taken part in killing Yusuf. Bugha warred against al-Khuwaithiyah, slaughtering a great number, and carrying many away as captives. He then invested Ashut ibn-Hamzah ibn-Jajik, the patrician of al-Busfurrajan, at al-Bak, 2 compelled him to surrender his castle and carried him as captive to Surra-

1 St. Martin, vol. i, p. 100.

  • Khurdadhbih, p. 123, line n ; Tabari, vol. iii, p. 1410, line 3.


man-ra'a. He then advanced to Jurzan and succeeded in laying hold on Ishak ibn-Isma'il, whom he kept in confine- ment until his death. Bugha reduced Jurzan, and carried away those Christians and non-Christians of Arran, of the elevated region of Armenia, 1 and of as-Sisajan, who be- longed to the revolutionary party. Thus the political state of affairs in that frontier region became so quiet as never before. In the year 241, he came to Surra-man-ra'a.

x Text corrupt.



f Amr moves against Egypt. After the battle of al-Yar-muk, 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi laid siege to Caesarea [Kaisariyah]. When Yazid ibn-abi-Sufyan assumed power, 'Amr left his son in his place at Caesarea and led, all of his own accord, an army of 3,500 to Egypt. 'Umar was angry because of it and wrote to him, rebuking and reprimanding him for following his own opinion, without consulting 'Umar, and ordering him to return home in case the message was received before his arrival in Egypt. 'Amr, however, received the message in al-'Arish. 1 It is asserted by others that 'Umar wrote to 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi, ordering him to proceed to Egypt. 'Amr received the message as he was besieging Caesarea. The one who delivered the message was Sharik ibn-'Abdah, to whom 'Amr gave 1,000 dinars, which Sharik refused to accept. 'Amr asked him to conceal the matter and not disclose it to 'Umar. Al-Fustdt. The advance of 'Amr against Egypt took place in the year 19. He first stopped at al-'Arish and then proceeded to al-Farama', 2 in which were troops ready for the fight. 'Amr fought and defeated them, taking possession of their camp. Thence he advanced straight on to al-Fustat and camped at the myrtle gardens, as the people of 213 al-Fustat had dug moats. The name of the city was Alyunah, 1 but the Moslems called it Fustat because they said, " This is the meeting place [Ar. fustdt] of the people, and the place where they assemble." Others say that 'Amr pitched a tent [also ftistdt] in it, and it bore its name from it. As 'Amr ibn-al-Asi was besieging al-Fustat, he was joined by az-Zubair ibn-al-'A-uwam ibn-Khuwailid at the head of 10,000 others say 12,000 men among whom were Kharijah ibn-Hudhafah-l-'Adawi and 'Umair ibn-Wahb al-Jumahi. Az-Zubair was on the point of leading an incursion and wanted to go to Antioch; but 'Umar said to him, " Abu-'Abdallah, wouldst thou like to take the governorship of Egypt?" To this az-Zubair replied, "I do not care for it, but would like to go there on a holy war and co-operate with the Moslems. If I find that 'Amr has already reduced it, I would not interfere with his affairs, but would go to some sea-coast and keep post at it; but if I find him in the struggle, I shall fight on his side." With this understanding, he left.

Az-Zubair led the attack on one side, and 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi on the other. Finally az-Zubair brought a ladder and climbed on it until, with his sword unsheathed, he looked down upon the fort and exclaimed, " Allah is great! " and so did the Moslems exclaim and follow him up. Thus he took the fort by assault, and the Moslems considered it legal to take all that was in it. 'Amr made its holders dhimmis, imposed a poll-tax on their person and kharaj on their land, and communicated that to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab who en- dorsed it. Az-Zubair marked certain lots in Misr [Old Cairo] for himself [ikhtatta] and built a well-known mansion in which 'Abdallah ibn-az-Zubair resided when he invaded Ifrikiyah * in the company of ibn-abi-Sarh. The ladder which az-Zubair used is still in Misr.

'Affan ibn-Muslim from Hisham ibn-'Urwah: Az-Zubair was sent to Misr; and when he was told there were in it warfare and pest, he replied, " We have come here only for warfare and pest." The Moslems put ladders up and climbed on them.

'Amr an-Nakid from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib: 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi entered Egypt with 3,500 men. When 'Umar ibn- al-Khattab heard about the situation in Egypt, he was affected with solicitude and fear and despatched az-Zubair ibn-al-'Auwam at the head of 12,000 men. Az-Zubair 214 took part in the conquest of Misr and marked out in it certain lots.

The division of the land. 'Amr an-Nakid from Sufyan ibn-Wahb al-Khaulani : When we conquered Misr with- out making a covenant with it, az-Zubair rose and said to 'Amr, "Divide it"; but 'Amr refused. Then az-Zubair said, " By Allah, thou shouldst divide it as the Prophet divided Khaibar." 'Amr wrote that to 'Umar who wrote back, saying, " Leave it as it is, so that the descendants of the descendants may profit by it."

A tradition to the same effect was communicated to me by 'Abdallah ibn-Wahb on the authority of Sufyan ibn-Wahb.

( Amr and az-Zubair conquer Egypt. Al-Kasim ibn-Sal-lam from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib: 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi entered Egypt at the head of 3,500 men. Just before that, 'Umar was affected with solicitude and fear and sent az-Zubair ibn-al-'Auwam at the head of 12,000 men. Az-Zubair took part with 'Amr in the conquest of Egypt and marked out for himself two lots in Misr and Alexandria.

Ibrahim ibn-Muslim al-Khawarizmi from 'Abdallah ibn-'Amr ibn-al-'Asi : The latter said, " There is a disagreement regarding the conquest of Misr: some say it was conquered by force, and others by capitulation. The fact is that my father ['Amr ibn-al-'Asi] arrived in it and was resisted by the people of Alyunah. He finally took possession of it by force and led the Moslems in. Az-Zubair was the first to climb its fort. The chief of Misr said to my father, ' We have heard of what ye did in Syria and how ye assessed poll-tax on the Christians and Jews, leaving the land in the hands of its owners to utilize it and pay its khardj. If ye treat us the same way, it would do you more good than to kill, capture and expel us.' My father consulted with the Moslems and they all advised him to accept the terms, with the exception of a few men who asked him to divide the land among them. Accordingly, he assessed on every adult, excepting the poor, two dinars as poll-tax, and on every land-owner, in addition to the two dinars, three irdabbs of wheat, two kists of oil, two kists of honey and two kists of vinegar, to be given as a subsistence allowance to the Moslems, and gathered in the public house of provision [ddr-ar-rizk] , where it is divided among them. A census was taken of the Moslems, and the inhabitants of Misr were required to provide every one of the Moslems with a woolen upper gown, an upper cloak or turban, breeches and a pair of shoes per annum. Instead of the woolen gown, a Coptic robe would do. To this end, a statement was written, in which it was stipulated that so long as they lived up to these terms, their women and children would neither be sold nor taken captives, and their possessions and treasures would be kept in their hands. The statement was submitted to 'Umar, the Commander of the Believers' who endorsed it. Thus, the whole land became 'kharaj-land'.

Because, however, 'Amr signed the contract and the statement, some people thought that Misr was taken by capitulation." After the king of Alyunah had made arrangements for himself and for the people in his city, he made terms on behalf of all the Egyptians similar to the terms of Alyunah. The Egyptians consented, saying, " If those of us who are protected by fortifications have accepted such terms, and were content with them, how much more should we be content who are weak and have no power of resistance." Khardj was assessed on the land of Egypt to the amount of one dinar and three irdabbs of wheat on every jarib, and two dinars on every adult. The statement was submitted to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab.

The terms made with ( Amr. 'Amr an-Nakid from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib : Al-Mukaukis 3 made terms with 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi, stipulating that 'Amr should let those of the Greeks go who wanted to leave, and keep those who wanted to stay, on certain conditions, which he specified, and that he would assess on the Copts, two dinars per head. Hearing this, the king of the Greeks was enraged and sent his troops, who, closing the gates of Alexandria, announced to 'Umar their readiness for war. Al-Mukaukis presented himself before 'Amr and said, " I have three requests to make : do not offer to the Greeks the same terms thou hast offered me, because they have distrusted me; do not violate the terms made with the Copts, for the violation was not started by them ; and when I die, give orders that I be buried in a church at Alexandria (which he named)." 'Amr answered, " The last is the easiest x for me."

Bilhit, al-Khais, Sultais and Alexandria. Certain villages in Egypt resisted the advance of the Moslems, and 'Amr carried away some of their inhabitants as prisoners. These were the following : Bilhit, 2 al-Khais, 3 and Sultais. 4 Their captives were carried away to al-Madinah. 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab sent them back and made them, together with the Coptic community, dhimmis. The covenant they had, they did not violate. The following is the report of the conquest of Alexandria made by 'Amr to 'Umar : " Allah has given to us the possession of Alexandria by force and against its will, without covenant or contract ". According to Yazid ibn-abi-Habib, however, the city was taken by capitulation.

The tax of Egypt. Abu-Aiyub ar-Rakki from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib: The kharaj and poll-tax which 'Amr raised from Egypt amounted to 2,000,000 dinars ; but that raised by 'Abdallah ibn-Sa'd ibn-Abi-Sarh, 4,000,000. When 'Uthman remarked to 'Amr, saying, " After thee the milch camels have yielded more milk ", 'Amr replied, " This is because ye have emaciated their young ". In the year 21, 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab wrote to 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi informing him of the straits in which the inhabitants of al-Madinah were, and ordering him to transport by sea to al-Madinah all the food he had collected as khardj. Accordingly, the food with the oil was carried there; and when it reached al-Jar, 1 it was received by Sa'd al-Jar. Later it was kept in a special house at al-Madinah and distributed among the Moslems by measure. At the time of the first insurrection, the supply was cut off. In the days of Mu'awiyah and Yazid, it was again carried to al-Madinah. Then it was cut off until the time of 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan, after which it was carried until the caliphate of abu-Ja'far, or a little previous to that.

Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib : After the first peace was made, the tax-payers in Egypt made new terms in the caliphate of 'Umar, stipulating that instead of the wheat, oil, honey and vinegar they offered, they would pay two dinars in addition to the other two dinars. Each one thus was bound to pay four dinars ; and they consented to that and preferred it.

f Ain Shams, al-Faiyum and other places reduced. Abu-Aiyub ar-Rakki from al-Jaishani : The latter said, " I heard it stated by a number of those who witnessed the conquest of Egypt that when 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi reduced al-Fustat, he despatched to 'Ain Shams 3 'Abdallah ibn-Hu-dhafah as-Sahmi, who took possession of its land and made 217 terms with the inhabitants of its villages similar to those of al-Fustat. Likewise 'Amr despatched Kharijah ibn-Hudhafah al-'Adawi to al-Faiyum, 4 al-Ushmtmain, Ikh-mim, al-Basharudat * and the villages of upper Egypt, which he reduced on the same terms. 'Amr also sent 'Umair ibn-Wahb al-Jumahi to Tinnis, Dimyat, Tunah, Damirah, Shata, Dikahlah, 2 Bana and Busir, which he reduced on the same terms. 'Amr also sent 'Ukbah ibn-'Amir al-Juhani (others say 'Amr's freedman, Wardan after whom Suk [market] Wardan in Egypt is named) to the rest of the villages in the lower part of the country; and he did the same. Thus did 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi effect the conquest of all Egypt and make its land khardj-land."

The Copts have no covenant. Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from Aiyub ibn-abi-l-'Aliyah's father: The latter said, " I heard 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi say from the pulpit, ' I have occupied this position and am bound to none of the Egyptian Copts by covenant or contract. If I want, I can kill; if I want, I can take one-fifth of the possessions ; if I want, I can sell captives. The people of Antabulus are excluded because they have a covenant which must be kept '."

Al-Maghrib and Egypt taken by force. Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from Musa ibn-'Ali ibn-Rabah al-Lakhmi's father : All al-Maghrib was taken by force. Abu-'Ubaid from as-Salt ibn-abi-'Asim, the secretary of Haiyan ibn-Shuraih : The latter said that he read the letter of ( Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz to Haiyan, his 'dmil over Egypt, stating that Egypt was taken by force, with no covenant or contract.

Poll-tax of the Copts not to be increased. Abu-'Ubaid from 'Ubaidallah ibn-abi-Ja'far : Mu'awiyah wrote to Wardan, a freedman of 'Amr, ordering him to increase the poll-tax of every Copt by one kirat, but Wardan wrote back, " How can I increase it while it is stated in their covenant that their tax should not be increased ?" Egyptians overtaxed. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from 'Abd-al-Hamid ibn-Ja'far's father: The latter heard 'Urwah ibn-az-Zubair say, " I spent seven years in Egypt and was married in it. I found its people exhausted, being burdened with more than they could bear. The country was conquered by 'Amr through capitulation, covenant and something assessed on the inhabitants/'

The statement of 'Amr. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from 'Ukbah ibn-'Amir al-Juhani : The Egyptians had a cove- nant and a contract. 'Amr gave them a statement to the effect that they were secure with respect to their possessions, lives and children, and that none of them would be sold as slaves. He imposed on them a khardj not to be increased, and promised to expel all fear of attack by an enemy. 'Ukbah added, " And I was a witness thereunto ". The division of the land. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Suf^lTibn^W^h^l^haulani : The latter said, " At the conquest of Misr by us, which was effected without covenant, az-Zubair ibn-al-'Auwam rose and said, ' 'Amr, divide it between us !' 'Amr replied, 'By Allah, I will not divide it before I consult 'Umar.' He wrote to 'Umar, and the latter wrote back, 'Leave it as it is, so that the descendants of the descendants may profit by it.' '

Its kharaj. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from Usamah ibn-Zaid ibn-Aslam's grandfather : In the year 20, 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi, accompanied by az-Zubair, subdued Egypt. When Egypt was conquered, the people made terms, agreeing to pay something he imposed on them, which was two dinars on every man, excluding women and boys. The kharaj of Egypt during his governorship amounted to 2,000,000 dinars; but later it reached 4,000,000.

Two dinars on each Copt. Abu-'Ubaid from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib : Al-Mukaukis, the chief of Egypt, made terms with 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi, stipulating that each Copt pays two dinars. Hearing this, Heraclius, the chief of the Greeks, was enraged with anger and sent the troops to Alexandria and closed its gates ; but 'Amr reduced the city by force. The poll-tax of the native village of umm-Ibrahim annulled. Ibn-al-Kattat, i. e., abu-Mas'ud, from ash-Sha'bi: 'Ali ibn-al-Husain, or al-Husain himself, interceded with Mu'awiyah regarding the poll-tax of the fellow- villagers in Egypt of the mother of Ibrahim, 1 the Prophet's son ; and it was cancelled. The Prophet himself used to recommend that the Copts be favorably treated.

The Prophet recommends the Copts. 'Amr from Malik, and al-Laith from a son of Ka'b ibn-Malik : The Prophet said, " If ye conquer Egypt, treat the Copts favorably, because they have dhimmah and blood-relationship." It is stated by al-Laith that umm-Isma/il 2 was a Copt.

'Umar confiscates 'Amr's possessions. Abu-1-Hasan al- Mada'ini from 'Abdallah ibn-al-Mubarak : 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab used to record the possessions of his f dmils at the time of their appointment ; and whatsoever was later added was partly or wholly confiscated by him. He once wrote to 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi, " It has become revealed that thou ownest commodities, slaves, vases and animals which thou didst not possess when thou wert made governor of Egypt." 'Amr wrote back, " Our land is a land of agriculture and trade ; we, therefore, get as income more than what is necessary for our expenses." To this, 'Umar replied, " I have had enough experience with the wicked 'amils. Thy letter is the letter of one disturbed because justice has been meted out to him. Therefore, my suspicion has been aroused against thee, and I have sent to thee Muhammad ibn-Maslamah with a view to dividing with thee what thou hast. Reveal to him thy secret, and give out whatever he demands of thee; thereby thou wouldst be spared his severity. What is concealed has been revealed. 1 " Thus were 'Amr's possessions confiscated by 'Umar.

Al-Mada'ini from 'Isa ibn-Yazid : When Muhammad ibn-Maslamah divided with 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi his possessions, 'Amr made this remark, " An age in which the son of Hantamah treats us in this manner is certainly an evil age. Al-'Asi used to put on silk garments with brocade borders ! " " Hush," said Muhammad, " had it not been for this age of ibn-Hantamah which thou hatest, thou wouldst be found bending in the court-yard of thy house, at the feet of a goat, whose abundance of milk would please thee and scarcity would displease thee." 3 " I beg thee by Allah," exclaimed 'Amr, " report not what I have just uttered to 'Umar. A conversation is always confidential." Muhammad replied, " So long as 'Umar lives, I shall not mention anything that took place between us."

Egypt taken by force. 'Amr an-Nakid from 'Abdallah ibn-Hubairah : Egypt was taken by force.

'Amr from ibn-An'am's grandfather (who witnessed the conquest of Egypt) : Egypt was taken by force without covenant or contract.


The battle of al-Kiryaun. When 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi con- quered Misr, he settled in it and wrote to 'Umar ibn-al- Khattab soliciting his orders to march against Alexandria [al-Iskandariyah]. 1 'Umar wrote and ordered him to do so; so 'Amr marched against it in the year 21, leaving as his substitute [lieutenant] over Misr Kharijah ibn-Hudhafah ibn-Ghanim ibn-'Amir ibn-'Abdallah ibn-'Ubaid ibn-'Awij ibn-'Adi ibn-Ka'b ibn-Lu'ai ibn-Ghalib. In the meantime, those Greeks and Copts who lived below Alexandria had gathered and said, " Let us attack him in al-Fustat before he reaches here and makes an attempt on Alexandria." 'Amr met them at al-Kiryaun 2 and defeated them with a great slaughter. In their ranks were men from Sakha, Bil- hit, al-Khais and Sultais, and others who came to their as- sistance and support.

Alexandria reduced. 'Amr kept his way until he arrived in Alexandria, whose inhabitants he found ready to resist him, but the Copts in it preferred peace. Al-Mukaukis communicated with 'Amr and asked him for peace and a truce for a time ; but 'Amr refused. Al-Mukaukis then or- dered that the women stand on the wall with their faces turned towards the city, and that the men stand armed, with their faces towards the Moslems, thus hoping to scare them

1 Dukmak, vol. v, p. 121.

2 Chaereum, Butler, pp. 28&-28g ; al-Idrisi, Sifat al-Maghrib, as-Sudan, Misr w-al-Andalus, p. 160.



[Moslems]. 'Amr sent word, saying, " We see what thou hast done. It was not by mere numbers that we conquered those we have conquered. We have met your king Her- aclius, and there befell him what has befallen him." Hear- ing this, al-Mukaukis said to his followers, " These people are telling the truth. They have chased our king from his kingdom as far as Constantinople. It is much more prefer- able, therefore, that we submit." His followers, however, spoke harshly to him and insisted on fighting. The Mos- lems fought fiercely against them and invested them for three months. At last, 'Amr reduced the city 1 by the sword and plundered all that was in it, sparing its inhabitants of 221 whom none was killed or taken captive. He reduced them to the position of dhimmis like the people of Alyunah. He communicated the news of the victory to 'Umar through Mu'awiyah ibn-Hudaij al-Kindi (later as-Sakuni) and sent with him the [usual] fifth.

Some state that al-Mukaukis made terms with 'Amr to the effect that he should pay 13,000 dinars, that those who prefer to leave Alexandria should leave, and those who pre- fer to stay should stay, and that two dinars be assessed on every adult Copt. To this end, 'Amr wrote a statement. He then left in his place over Alexandria 'Abdallah ibn- Hudhafah ibn-Kais ibn-'Adi ibn-Sa'd ibn-Sahm ibn-'Amr ibn-Husais ibn-Ka'b ibn-Lu'ai at the head of a cavalry guard of the Moslems, and departed for al-Fustat. 2

Manuwil captures Alexandria. The Greeks wrote to Constantine, son of Heraclius, who was their king at that time, telling him how few the Moslems in Alexandria were, and how humiliating the Greeks' condition was, and how they had to pay poll-tax. Constantine sent one of his men, called

1 Cf. ibn-Iyas, Ta'rikh Misr, vol. I, p. 22.

  • Makrizi, vol. i, pp. 263 seq.


Manuwil * [Manuel], with three hundred ships full of fight- ers. Manuwil entered Alexandria and killed all the guard that was in it, with the exception of a few who by the use of subtle means took to flight and escaped. This took place in the year 25. Hearing the news, 'Amr set out at the head of 15,000 men and found the Greek fighters doing mischief in the Egyptian villages next to Alexandria. The Moslems met them and for one hour were subjected to a shower of arrows, during which they were covered by their shields. They then advanced boldly and the battle raged with great ferocity until the " polytheists " were routed ; and nothing could divert or stop them before they reached Alexandria. Here they fortified themselves and set mangonels. 'Amr made a heavy assault, set the ballistae and destroyed the walls of the city. He pressed the fight so hard until he en- tered the city by assault, killed the fighters and carried away the children as captives. Some of its Greek inhabitants left to join the Greeks somewhere else; and Allah's enemy, Ma- nuwil, was killed. 'Amr and the Moslems destroyed the wall of Alexandria in pursuance of a vow that 'Amr had made to that effect, in case he reduced the city.

According to certain reports, this invasion took place in the year 23 ; and according to others, the insurrection took place in the years 23 and 25 ; but Allah knows best. 'Arm* 222 assessed on the land of Alexandria khardj; and on its peo- ple, poll-tax.

Al-Mukaukis. Some report that al-Mukaukis forsook the people of Alexandria when they violated the covenant, but 'Amr reinstated him with his people on the terms of their first capitulation. Others assert that he died before this invasion.

Alexandria taken by capitulation. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd

1 Butler, pp. 468-475.


from 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz : The latter said, " Not a town in al-Maghrib did we take by capitulation except three: Alexandria, Kafartis and Sultais. 'Umar used to say, ' Whosoever of the inhabitants of these places accepts Islam will be set free together with his possessions '."

How the dwellings were divided. 'Amr an-Nakid from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib: 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi conquered Alex- andria, and some Moslems took up their abode in it as a cavalry guard. Later, they withdrew, after which they made an assault and hastened to secure dwellings. Some of them would come to the houses they once occupied and find them already held by a fellow Moslem. Regarding this, 'Amr remarked, " I am afraid the dwellings would fall into ruins if different ones of you should occupy them in turn." Consequently, when the invasion was made and the Moslems arrived in al-Kiryaun, he said, " Go with Allah's blessing. Whosoever of you sticks his lancet into a house, that house is his and his father's sons'." Thus, the Moslem would enter a house and stick his lancet into some apart- ment of it; then another would come and stand his lancet in the same house. The same house would thereby be in the possession of two or three persons, 1 which they would occupy until their withdrawal, at which the Greeks would come and occupy it.

Yazid ibn-abi-Habib used to say, " No money from the rent of these houses is legal. 2 They can neither be sold nor bequeathed, but they are dwelling-places for the Moslems during the time they hold their post as guard."

Alexandria, when Manuwil, the Greek eunuch, came, the

The second conflict. During the second conflict with

people closed the gates ; but 'Amr reduced it and destroyed its wall.

1 Makrizi, vol. i, p. 269: "tribes". * Dukmak, vol. v, p. 118.


'Abdallah ibn-Sa'd replaces 'Amr. No sooner had 'Amr returned to al-Fustat after assigning his freedman, War- dan, as governor of Alexandria, than he was dismissed. In the place of 'Amr, 'Uthman appointed 'Abdallah ibn-Sa'd ibn-abi-Sarh ibn-al-Harith of the banu-'Amr ibn-Lu'ai, 1 'Uthman's foster-brother. That took place in the year 25.

According to others, 'Abdallah ibn-Sa'd was in charge of 223 the khardj of Egypt in behalf of 'Uthman. Between 'Ab- dallah and 'Amr, a verbal dispute arose and 'Abdallah wrote and accused 'Amr. 'Amr was dismissed by 'Uthman, who assigned 'Abdallah to both functions, and wrote him saying that Alexandria was taken once by force and re- volted two times, and ordering him to station in it a cavalry guard that would never depart from it, and to assign abun- dant subsistence allowances to the guard, and change its personnel once in every six months. 2

Ibn-Hurnmz. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al-Wakidi : ibn-Hurmuz al-A'raj al-Kari [the lame " reader "] used to say, " Your best coast, from the standpoint of guard, is Alexandria." At last he left al-Madinah and joined the guard stationed in Alexandria, where he died in the year 117.

The capitation tax. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from Musa ibn-'Ali's father: The capitation tax from Alexandria was 18,000 dinars-, but when Hisham ibn-'Abd-al-Malik became caliph, it amounted to 36,ooo. 8

' Abdallah ibn-Sa ( d made governor. 'Amr from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib : 'Uthman dismissed 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi from Egypt and assigned in his place 'Abdallah ibn-Sa'd. But when the Greeks occupied Alexandria, the Egyptians asked

1 Nawawi, pp. 345-347- 8 Makrizi, vol. i, p. 270. 8 Makrizi, vol. i, p. 269.


'Uthman to keep 'Amr until he was through with the fight against the Greeks, because he had special knowledge of warfare and inspired awe in the enemy. 'Uthman did so; and 'Amr defeated the Greeks. 'Uthman then wanted 'Amr to be in charge of the army, and 'Abdallah in charge of the khardj; but 'Amr refused, saying, " My case is that of one who holds the horns of the cow while the chief milks it." 'Uthman then appointed ibn-Sa'd to the governorship of Egypt.

The Abyssinians of al-Bima. For seven years after the conquest of Egypt, the Abyssinians of al-Bima x kept up their resistance, and could not be subjugated because of the water with which they flooded their thickets.

The second conquest of Alexandria. 'Abdallah ibn-Wahb from Mtisa ibn-'Ali's father : 'Amr conquered Alexandria for the second time by capitulation, which conquest took place in the caliphate of 'Uthman after the death of 'Umar.

1 Tabari, vol. iii, p. 1106.


Barkah makes terms. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from 'Abdal- lah ibn-Hubairah : After reducing Alexandria, 'Amr ibn- al-'Asi led his army intent upon the conquest of al-Magh- rib [Mauritania] until he arrived in Barkah, the chief city of Antabulus, 1 whose inhabitants made terms on a poll-tax of 13,000 dinars to be raised as the price of those of their children whom they desired to sell. 2

Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from 'Abdallah ibn-Hubairah: After investing and fighting the people of Antabulus and its city, Barkah, 3 which lay between Egypt and Ifrikiyah [Africa Tunis], 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi made terms with them, stipulating that they pay a poll-tax which might include the price of those of their children whom they desired to sell. 'Amr wrote a statement to that effect.

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from Ishak ibn-'Abdallah ibn-abi- Farwah: The inhabitants of Barkah used to send their khardj to the governor of Egypt without having anyone come to urge them for it. 4 Their land was the most fertile land of al-Maghrib, and it never saw an insurrection.

Al-Wakidi states that 'Abdallah ibn-'Amr ibn-al-'Asi used to say, " Had it not been for my possessions in al-

1 Pentapolis. Khurdadhbih, p. 91. Cf. Caetani, vol. iv, p. 534.

2 Caetani in vol. iv, p. 533, nota, thinks it must have meant the right to offer to the Moslems their children as slaves according to a fixed price.

8 Barca. Butler, p. 429.

4 As-Suyuti, Husn al-Muhadarah, vol. i, p. 86. 352


Hijaz, I would live in Barkah, because I know of no place that is more safe or isolated than it."

'Amr's report to 'Umar. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from Mu^awiyah ibn-Salih : 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi wrote to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab informing him that he had appointed 'Ukbah ibn-Nafi' al-Fihri governor of al-Maghrib and that the latter had reached as far as Zawilah. He also informed him that peace prevailed among all between Zawilah x and Barkah, that their allegiance was strong and that the Mos- lems among them had paid sadakah and the " people of the covenant " acknowledged the poll-tax imposed. 'Amr also wrote that he had assessed on the inhabitants of Zawilah and on those living in the region between his town and Za- wilah, what he saw would be tolerated by them, and or- dered all his 'dmils to collect sadakah from the rich to be 225 distributed among the poor, and poll-tax from the dhimmis to be carried to 'Amr in Egypt, and to raise from Mos- lem lands the tithe and half the tithe, and from those who capitulated, what had been agreed upon.

The origin of the Berbers. Bakr ibn-al-Haitham once told me, " I asked 'Abdallah ibn-Salih regarding the Ber- bers, 2 and he said, ' They claim to be the descendants of Barr ibn-Kais; but Kais had no son with the name, Barr. In fact they are descended from the race of the giants [Philistines] against whom David fought. In ancient times, their home was Palestine; and they were tent-dwellers. Later on, they came to al-Maghrib, where they multiplied'."

The Berbers of Luwatah. Abu-'Ubaid al-Kasim ibn-Sal- lam from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib : 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi made this a condition on the Berber inhabitants of Luwatah 3 at

1 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2646.

1 See article on Berbers in the Encyclopedia of Islam.

3 Butler, p. 430.


Barkah. " Ye have to sell your children and wives in order to pay the poll-tax on you." Commenting on this, al-Laith said, "If they were slaves, that would not be a legal thing for them to do."

Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib : 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz wrote regarding the Luwatah women, " Whoever has a Luwatah woman, let him either be en- gaged to her through her father, or return her to her peo- ple." Luwatah x is a village inhabited by Berbers who had a covenant.

1 Cf. Khurdadhbih, pp. 90 and 91 ; ibn-Khaldun, Kitab al-Ibar fi- Aiydm al-'Arab w-al-'Ajam w-al-Barbar, vol. ii 2 , p. 128 (Bulak, 1284).


Bakr ibn-al-Haitham from 'Ali ibn-abi-Talhah : In the year 22, 1 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi advanced to Tripoli. 2 He met resistance but reduced the place by force, carrying away many loads of fine silk brocade from its merchants. This booty he sold and divided its price among the Mos- lems. He wrote to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab, " We have ar- rived in Tripoli which lies nine days from Ifrikiyah. If the ' Commander of the Believers ' thinks it best to allow us to invade the latter, it will be well." 'Umar wrote back, 226 ordering him not to go, saying, " This should not be called Ifrikiyah, but Mufarrikah, 3 which is treacherous to others, and to which others are treacherous." 'Umar wrote that because its inhabitants used to pay something to the king of the Greeks and often treated him treacherously, while the king of al-Andalus, who had made terms with them, treated them treacherously. These facts were known to 'Umar.

According to a tradition communicated to me by 'Amr an-Nakid on the authority of certain sheikhs, Tripoli was taken by 'Amr ibn-al-'Asi through a covenant made by him.

1 Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, vol. i, p. 124 note : " year 23 ".

2 Tripolis ; Ar. Atrabulus. Yakut, vol. i, p. 309 ; Ya'kubi, Bulddn, p. 346.

3 Pun on words. Mufarrikah means causing deviation from the right course.



'Uthmdn reinforces ibn-Sa'd. When 'Abdallah ibn-Sa'd ibn-abi-Sarh was appointed governor over Egypt and al- Maghrib, he sent out the Moslems in cavalry detachments, and they plundered as far as the extremities of Ifrikiyah [modern Tunis]. 'Uthman ibn-'Affan first hesitated to at- tack Ifrikiyah; but after consultation, he made up his mind to do so, and wrote to 'Abdallah in the year 27 (others say 28, still others 29), ordering him to lead the attack, and re- inforced him with a large army in which were Ma'bad ibn-al-' Abbas ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib, Marwan ibn-al-Hakam ibn-abi-l-'Asi ibn-Umaiyah and his brother al-Harith ibn- al-Hakam, 'Abdallah ibn-az-Zubair ibn-al-'Auwam, al- Miswar ibn-Makhramah ibn-Naufal ibn-Uhaib ibn-'Abd- Manaf ibn-Zuhrah ibn-Kilab, 'Abd-ar- Rahman ibn-Zaid ibn-al-Khattab, 'Abdallah ibn-^Umar ibn-al-Khattab, 'Asim ibn-'Umar, 'Ubaidallah ibn-'Umar, 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn- abi-Bakr, 'Abdallah ibn-'Amr ibn-al-'Asi, Busr ibn-Abi- Artah ibn-'Uwaimir al-'Amiri, and abu-Dhu'aib Khuwailid ibn-Khalid al-Hudhali, the poet. Abu-Dhu'aib died in this campaign and ibn-az-Zubair had charge of the burial. In this campaign, a great host of the Arabs from the environs of al-Madinah took part.

The magnates of Ifrikiyah make terms with 'Abdalldh. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from 'Abdallah ibn-az-Zubair: The latter said : " 'Uthman ibn-'Affan sent us on an expedition 227 against Ifrikiyah, whose patrician exercised authority from 356


Tripoli to Tanjah [Tangiers]. 'Abdallah ibn-Sa'd ibn-abi- Sarh marched against him and occupied 'Akubah. After a few days' fight, I was enabled to kill, by Allah's help, the patrician. His army took to flight and was torn to pieces. Ibn-abi-Sarh sent detachments and scattered them all over the country ; and they carried away a large booty and drove before them all the cattle they could. Seeing that, the great men of Ifrikiyah met together and offered 'Abdallah ibn- Sa'd 300 quintals * of gold provided he would let them alone and leave their land. Their request was granted."

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from ibn-Ka'b: 'Abdallah ibn- Sa'd ibn-abi-Sarh made terms with the patrician of Ifriki- yah, stipulating that the latter should pay 2,500,000 dinars.

'Ukbah ibn-Ndfi f . Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from Musa ibn-Damrah-1-Mazini's father: When 'Abdallah ibn-Sa'd made terms with the patrician of Ifrikiyah, he returned to Egypt without appointing anyone to the governorship of Ifrikiyah, which at that time had no meeting-place 2 or cen- tral town. When 'Uthman was murdered and Muhammad ibn-abi-Hudhaifah ibn-'Utbah ibn-Rabi'ah ruled over Egypt, he sent nobody to Ifrikiyah; but when Mu'awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan came to power, he assigned over Egypt Mu- 'awiyah ibn-Hudaij as-Sakuni who, in the year 20, sent 'Ukbah ibn-Nafi' ibn-'Abd-Kais ibn-Lakit al-Fihri to Ifriki- yah. 'Ukbah invaded it and parceled it out into lots among the Moslems.

'Ukbah sent Busr ibn-abi-Artah 3 to a castle in al-Kaira- wan, which he reduced, killing and capturing many. It is now known as Kal'at Busr and lies near a city called Maj ja- nah, near the silver mine.

1 Ar. kintdr = " 1,200 dinars, and in the language of Barbar = 1,000 mithkdls of gold or silver"; T.'A.

2 Ar. kairawdn. See De Goeje's edition of Baladhuri, gloss., pp. 92-93. 8 Makrizi, vol. i, p. 272, does not have " abi " in the name.


I heard it said that Musa ibn-Nusair sent Busr, who was then 82 years old, to this castle; and the latter reduced it. This Busr was born two years before the Prophet's death. Others than al-Wakidi claim that Busr was one of those who transmitted traditions from the Prophet; but Allah knows better.

Various governors. It was stated by al-Wakidi that 'Ab- daflah ibn-Sa'd held the governorship until Muhammad ibn- abi-Hudhaifah assumed authority over Egypt, which he had made to rise in rebellion against 'Uthman. Later on, 'AH assigned Kais ibn-Sa'd ibn-'Ubadah-l-Ansari as governor of Egypt, after which he dismissed him and chose Muham- mad ibn-abi-Bakr as-Siddik. The latter he also dismissed and assigned Malik al-Ashtar, who was taken sick 1 at al-Kulzum [Suez]. 'Ali once more assigned Muhammad ibn-abi-Bakr, who was later killed by Mu'awiyah ibn-Hu- daij and burned in a donkey's belly. 2

'Arm* ibn-al-'Asi ruled in the name of Mu'awiyah ibn- abi-Sufyan. He died in Egypt on the feast of the breaking of the fast of Ramadan [al-fitr] in the year 42 (others say 43), and was succeeded by his son 'Abdallah whom Mu- 'awiyah dismissed. Mu'awiyah assigned ibn-Hudaij, who spent four years in Egypt ; at the close of which he made a razzia and plundered. After that he returned to Egypt and sent there 'Ukbah ibn-Nafi' al-Fihri. Others say that 'Ukbah was appointed by Mu'awiyah over al-Maghrib ; and so he invaded Ifrikiyah at the head of 10,000 Moslems and reduced it. He parceled out its Kairawan * in lots among the Moslems, the site being a thicket covered with tamarisk and other trees and which nobody could attempt because of

1 Mahasin, vol. i, pp. 116-117.

Ibid., vol. i, p. 125 ; Khaldun, vol. ii 2 , p. 182.

  • 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 12.


the beasts, snakes and deadly scorpions. This ibn-Nafi' was a righteous man whose prayer was answered. He prayed to his Lord, who made the scorpions disappear; even the beasts had to carry their young and run away.

Al-Wakidi says, " I once said to Musa ibn-'Ali, ' Thou hast seen the buildings in Ifrikiyah that are connected to- gether and that we still see to-day. Who was it that built them ? ' And Musa replied, ' The first one was 'Ukbah ibn- Nafi' al-Fihri who marked out the plans for the buildings, himself built a home, and the Moslems at the same time built houses and dwelling-places. He also built the cathe- dral mosque that is in Ifrikiyah.' '

It was in Ifrikiyah that Ma'bad ibn-al-' Abbas fell a mar- tyr in the campaign of ibn-abi-Sarh during the caliphate of 'Uthman. Others say he met natural death during the war ; but that he fell a martyr is the more authentic report.

According to al-Wakidi and others, Mu'awiyah ibn-abi- Sufyan dismissed Mu'awiyah ibn-Hudaij * and conferred the governorship of Egypt and al-Maghrib on Maslamah ibn-Mukhallad al-Ansari, 2 who appointed his freedman, abu-1-Muhajir, governor of al-Maghrib. When Yazid ibn- Mu'awiyah, however, came to power, he reinstated 'Ukbah ibn-Nafi' in his position, and the latter invaded as-Sus al- 229 Adna, 3 which lay behind Tan j ah. There he went about without being molested or fought by anybody. At last he departed.

Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah died and his son Mu'awiyah ibn- Yazid, surnamed abu-Laila, was proclaimed caliph. Mu- 'awiyah called a general public prayer meeting, and resigned the caliphate. He retired to his home where he died after

1 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 14. a Suyuti, Husn, vol. ii, 7.

8 i. e., the nearer ( Dar'ah) in distinction from al-Aksa the far- ther ; Ya'kubi, Bulddn, pp.


two months. Later came the rule of Marwan ibn-al-Hakam and the insurrection of ibn-az-Zubair.

Then came 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan to power; and everything went smoothly with him. He assigned as t dmil over Egypt his brother 'Abd-al-'Aziz who put over Ifrikiyah Zuhair ibn-Kais al-Balawi. 1 Zuhair conquered Tunis and left for Barkah. Hearing that a band of Greeks had landed from their ships and were doing mischief, he went against them with a cavalry detachment. On meeting them, he fell a martyr with his companions. His tomb is still there. His and his companions' tombs are called Kubur ash-Shu- hada [the martyrs' tombs].

Then Hassan ibn-an-Nu'man al-Ghassani 2 became ruler. He made an incursion against al-Kahinah, 3 the queen of the Berbers. He was defeated by her and came and occu- pied certain castles within the territory of Barkah. These castles were included within one whose roof was an arched structure upon which one could cross over. Since then, these castles were called Kusur Hassan. 4

Hassan made another incursion, killed the queen and carried into captivity many Berbers whom he sent to 'Abd- al-'Aziz. Regarding these captives, the poet, abu-Mihjan Nusaib, used to say, " I have seen in 'Abd-al-' Aziz's home Berber captives who have faces more beautiful than which I never saw."

According to ibn-al-Kalbi, Hisham assigned Kulthum ibn-'Iyad ibn-Wahwah al-Kushairi to the governorship of Ifrikiyah, whose people rebelled and put him to death. Ibn- al-Kalbi also states that Ifrikiyah was subdued in pre-

1 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 16.

2 Ibid., vol. i, pp. 18 seq.

  • Fern, of kahin = soothsayer.

4 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 21.


Islamic times by Ifrikis ibn-Kais ibn-Saifi-1-Himyari and was named after him. He killed Jurjir 1 [Gregory] its king and said regarding the Berbers, "How barbarous they are!" Hence the name, Berbers.

Al-Kairawdn. According to a tradition communicated to me by certain inhabitants of Ifrikiyah on the authority of their sheikhs, when 'Ukbah' al-Fihri wanted to build al-Kairawan, 2 he began to think regarding the site of the mosque, and he saw in a dream as if a man called to prayer at a certain spot where he later erected the minaret. When he awoke, he started to erect the boundary marks 230 where he had seen the man stand, after which he built the mosque.

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al-Wakidi : Muhammad ibn- al-Ash'ath al-Khuza'fi ruled over Ifrikiyah in the name of abu-1-' Abbas " the Commander of the Believers ", and re- paired the city of al-Kairawan with its mosque. He was later dismissed by al-Mansur, who assigned 'Umar ibn- Haf s Hizarmard a in his place.

1 Cf. 'Adhari, vol. i, pp. 5-6.

8 Istakhri, pp. 39-40.

3 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 64. " 'Amr ibn-IIafs ibn-Kabisah."


ACCORDING to al-Wakidi, 'Abd-al-'Aziz ibn-Marwan made Musa ibn-Nusair, 1 a freedman of the banu-Umaiyah and who came originally from 'Ain at-Tamr (some say he belonged to the clan of Arashah, a branch of the Bali ; others say, to the clan of Lakhm) governor over Ifrikiyah. Ac- cording to others, Musa ruled over it in the time of al- Walid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik, in the year 89. He reduced Tan- jah and occupied it, he being the first to occupy and mark it in lots for the Moslems. His horsemen went as far as as-Sus al-Adna, 2 which was over twenty days' journey from as-Sus al-Aksa [the farther as-Sus = modern Morocco]. Thus he subjugated as-Sus al-Aksa, carrying many captives from the inhabitants and receiving homage. His 'dmil col- lected from them sadakah. Later he assigned Tarik ibn- Ziyad, his freedman, over it [Tanjah and environs] and departed to Kairawan Ifrikiyah.

1 'Adhari, vol. i, pp. 24 seq. 1 Ibid., vol. i, p. 27. 362

PART VI[edit]



Tarik crosses the Straits. According to al-Wakidi, the first to invade Andalusia x was Tarik ibn-Ziyad, 2 the 'dmil of Musa ibn-Nusair, and that was in the year 92. Tarik was met by Ulyan, the commander of the Majaz 3 al-Anda- lus, whom he promised safety provided he would trans- port him with his companions to Andalusia in his ships. When he arrived there, Tarik was resisted by the people, but he effected the conquest of the land in the year 92. 4 The king of Andalusia, it is claimed, belonged to the Ashban [Spanish] people whose origin was from Isbahan. 5 Musa ibn-Nusair wrote Tarik a severe letter for risking the lives 231 of the Moslems and following his own opinion without con- sulting Musa as regards the campaign. In the meantime, he ordered him not to go beyond Cordova [Ar. Kurtubah]. 6 Musa himself proceeded to Cordova in Andalusia; and Tarik sought and was reinstated in his favor. Tarik then reduced the city of Tulaitulah, 7 the capital of the kingdom

1 Al-Andalus, Spain. Ya'kubi, Bulddn, pp. 353-355- a 'Adhari, vol. ii, pp. n seq.

a " The straits separating Morocco from Andalusia," al-Marakishi, al-Mu'jib fi-Talklns Akhbdr al-Maghrib, p. 6.

4 'Adrian, vol. ii, pp. 5 seq.

5 Ispahan of Persia. The Arabs were misled to this conclusion by the accidental similarity between the two names. See Mas'udi, vol. ii, pp. 326-327.

' Idrisi, Si fat al-Maghrib, pp. 208-214.

7 Toledo. Mukaddasi, p. 235 ; Khurdadhbih, p. 89.



of Andalusia and which lies next to France [Ar. Faranjah]. Here he carried off a wonderful table x which Musa ibn- Nusair, on his return in the year 96, offered as a present to al-Walid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik in Damascus, who was sick at that time. When Sulaiman ibn-'Abd-al-Malik came to power, he demanded 100,000 dinars from Musa ibn-Nusair; but when Yazid ibn-al-Muhallab interceded in Musa's be- half, he was spared.

Isma'il governor of al-Maghrib. When 'Umar ibn-'Abd- al-'Aziz became caliph, he appointed over al-Maghrib Isma'il ibn-'Abdallah ibn-abi-1-Muhajir, a freedman of the banu-Makhzum, who behaved according to the best stan- dards and invited the Berbers to Islam. 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al- 'Aziz also wrote them letters to that effect, which were read to them in the different districts by Isma'il. Thus did Islam prevail over al-Maghrib.

Yazid as governor. When Yazid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik as- sumed power, he appointed Yazid ibn-abi-Muslim. a freed- man of al-Hajjaj ibn-Yusuf, over Ifrikiyah and al-Magh- rib. The latter arrived in Ifrikiyah in the year 102, and had his guard of Berbers. On the hand of every guard, he in- scribed the word " Guard ", 2 which act displeased them and made them impatient with him. Some of them entered into a conspiracy and agreed to kill him. One evening, he went out for the sunset prayer, and they killed him in his place of worship. Yazid then appointed Bishr ibn-Saf- wan al-Kalbi. Bishr beheaded 'Abdallah ibn-Musa ibn- Nusair in revenge for Yazid [ibn-abi-Muslim] on the ground that he was suspected of killing him and arousing people against him.

Bishr and other governors. Hisham ibn-'Abd-al-Malik

1 " Once owned by king Solomon ", Marakishi, p. 8.

2 Ar. harasi. 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 34.


again appointed Bishr ibn-Safwan. 1 The latter died in al- Kairawan in the year 109. Hisham appointed in his place 'Ubaidah ibn-'Abd-ar-Rahman al-Kaisi, 2 after whom Hi- sham appointed 'Abdallah 3 ibn-al-Habhab, a f reedman of the banu-Salul. 'Abdallah sent 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn- Habib ibn-abi-'Ubaidah ibn-'Ukbah ibn-Nafi' al-Fihri to the invasion of as-Sus 4 and the land of as-Sudan. The victories won by 'Abd-ar-Rahman were unparalleled, and 232 among the booty he carried away were two of the women slaves of that region, each with one bosom. These people are known by the name of Tarajan.

After ibn-al-Habhab, Hisham appointed Kulthum ibn- 'lyad al-Kushairi who arrived in Ifrikiyah in the year 23 5 and was killed in it. Hisham appointed after Kulthum, Hanzalah ibn-Safwan al-Kalbi, 6 a brother of Bishr, who fought against the Kharijites 7 and died there while he held the governorship.

When al-Walid ibn-Yazid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik assumed power, 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-Habib al-Fihri rose against him. 'Abd-ar-Rahman was in good favor with the inhabi- tants of this frontier region [northern Africa and al-Magh- rib], because of the good deeds done in it by his grand- father 'Ukbah ibn-Nafi'. Consequently, 'Abd-ar-Rahman subdued this region ; and Hanzalah departed, leaving 'Abd- ar-Rahman over it.

1 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 35.

2 Ibid., vol. i, p. 36 : " as-Sulami ".

8 Ibid., vol. i, p. 38: " 'Ubaidallah " ; cf. Mahasin, vol. i, p. 319. 4 Idrisi, Sifat al-Maghrib, p. 165.

  • 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 41.

6 Al-Kindi, Kitab al-Wulat w-al-Kudat, pp. 71-72, 80-82 (ed. Guest). 7 Al-Khawdrij. Rebels led by the heretic 'Ukkashah as-Sufri; see 'Adhari, vol. i, pp. 45-47.


When Yazid ibn-al-Walid assumed the caliphate, he did not send to al-Maghrib any l dmil.

Then came Marwan ibn-Muhammad to power. 'Abd- ar-Rahman ibn-Habib communicated with him and pro- fessed homage and sent him presents. Marwan had a sec- retary, Khalid ibn-Rabi'ah-1-Ifriki, who was a special friend of 'Abd-al-Hamid ibn-Yahya and kept up a corres- pondence with him. Marwan confirmed 'Abd-ar- Rahman as governor of the region, and appointed after him Ilyas ibn- Habib, and after that, Habib ibn-'Abd-ar-Rahman. After this, the Ibadites * and the Berbers of the Kharijites had the upper hand.

Towards the end of abu-1-' Abbas' caliphate, Muhammad ibn-al-Ash'ath al-Khuza'i came to Ifrikiyah as its ruler at the head of 70,000 men, according to others, 40,000. His rule lasted for four years, during which he repaired the city of al-Kairawan. At last, the troops of the city rose against him together with others. I heard it reported that the in- habitants of the town and the troops that were in it rose against him and he held out against them in his castle for 40 days, during which his followers from Khurasan, and others who owed him allegiance, came to his help. Conse- quently, he succeeded in laying hold on those who fought against him. He then went over the names and put to death every one whose name was Mu'awiyah, Sufyan, Marwan or any other name that is borne by anyone of the banu-Umaiyah, sparing only those who had different names. He was thereupon dismissed by al-Mansur.

'Umar ibn-Hafs ibn-'Uthman ibn-Kabisah ibn-abi-Suf- rah-l-'Ataki, known as Hizarmard, was then made governor by al-Mansur, who had great admiration for him. 'Umar entered Ifrikiyah and launched in it a campaign that carried

1 Ash-Shahrastani, Kitab al-Milal w-an-Nihal, p. 100 (ed. Cureton).


him to the extremity of the land of the Berbers, where he built a city which he called al-'Abbasiyah. Abu-Ha- 233 tim as-Saddarati-1-Ibadi (one of the inhabitants of Sad- daratah and a freedman of the Kindah) fought against Hizarmard; and the latter suffered martyrdom together with some members of his family. The frontier region broke out in revolt, and the city he had established was de- stroyed.

Hizarmard was succeeded by Yazid ibn-Hatim ibn-Ka- bisah ibn-al-Muhallab, 1 who rebelled at the head of 50,000 men and was accompanied to Jerusalem by abu-Ja'far al- Mansur who spent large sums of money on him. Yazid ad- vanced until he met abu-Hatim in Tripoli [Ar. Atrabulus]. He killed him and made his entrance to Ifrikiyah, where everything went smoothly with him.

Yazid ibn-Hatim was succeeded by Rauh ibn-Hatim, and the latter by al-Fadl ibn-Rauh, who was slain by the troops that rose up against him.

I was informed by Ahmad ibn-Nakid, a freedman of the banu-1-Aghlab, that al-Aghlab ibn-Salim at-Tamimi, 2 of Maru ar-Rudh, 3 was among those who came from Khura- san with al-Musauwidah.* Al-Aghlab was appointed by Musa-1-Hadi governor of al-Maghrib. When al-Aghlab came to Kairawan Ifrikiyah, Harish, who was once in the army of the frontier region of Tunis, gathered a body of men, with whom he marched against him and besieged him. Al-Aghlab later made a sortie, and in the battle which followed was hit by an arrow and fell dead. Neither his followers nor those of Harish knew of it. At last Harish

1 Kindi, pp. 111-117. a Ibid., p. no.

3 Hamadhani, Buldan, pp. 319-322.

4 The partisans of the Abbasid dynasty, so called because they wore black clothes.


was defeated with his army and were pursued by the men of al-Aghlab for three days, during which many were killed, including Harish himself, who fell in a place called Suk al- Ahad. Al-Aghlab after this was called " the martyr " [ash-Shahid],

Ibrahim ibn-al-Aghlab, one of the leading men of the Egyptian army, arose one day with twelve men and carried away from the treasury the exact value of their subsistence allowances and no more. They ran away to a place called az- Zab which lay at a distance of more than ten days from al- Kairawan. The 'dmil of this frontier region, at that time under ar-Rashid Harun, was Harthamah ibn-A'yan. 1 Ib- rahim ibn-al-Aghlab assumed the commandership of the troops that were in that region and offered presents to Harthamah, showing him kindness and telling him in writ- ing that he did not rebel or disobey, but was rather forced to what he did by urgency and necessity. Harthamah as- signed him to be governor of the region and intrusted to him its affairs.

When Harthamah's resignation from the governorship of this region [Ifrikiyah] was accepted, he was succeeded by ibn-al-'Akki. 2 whose rule was so bad that the people rose up against him. Ar-Rashid consulted Harthamah regarding a man whom he could assign to that post and intrust to him its management, and Harthamah advised him that Ibrahim be reconciled, won over and appointed over the region. Ac- cordingly, ar-Rashid wrote to Ibrahim, stating that he had forgiven him his crime, excused his fault and thought it wise to assign him to the governorship of al-Maghrib as an act of favor, expecting to receive from him loyalty and good counsel. Ibrahim became ruler of the region and managed its affairs thoroughly.

1 Kindi, p. 136. ' 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 80.


One of the city troops named Tmran ibn-Mujalid rose in a revolt and was joined by the army of the region, who de- manded that their subsistence allowances be given them, and laid siege to Ibrahim in al-Kairawan. Soon after that, those who pay allowances and stipends came bringing money from the khardj of Egypt ; and when the dues were given, they [the rebels] dispersed themselves. Ibrahim built al-Kasr al-Abyad [the white citadel] two miles to the kib- lah of al-Kairawan, and parceled out the land around it among the Moslems, who established themselves and their residences there. Thus did that section become populated. Ibrahim also built a cathedral mosque with gypsum and brick and marble columns, and covered it with cedar wood, making it 200 dhira's in length and almost 200 dhird's in width. He bought slaves to the number of 5,000, emanci- pated them and made them settle around it. This city he called al-'Abbasiyah, which is still flourishing to-day.

Al-Abbdsiyah. Muhammad ibn-al-Aghlab ibn-Ibrahim ibn-al-Aghlab x built in the year 239 a city near Tahart 2 and named it al-'Abbasiyah, too. This city was de- stroyed by Aflah ibn-'Abd-al-Wahhab al-Ibadi, who wrote to the Umaiyad chief of Andalusia, informing him of his act in order to win his favor. The Umaiyad chief sent him 100,000 dirhams.

Bdrah. There lies in al-Maghrib a land known as al- Ard al-Kabirah 3 [the big land], situated at a distance of 15 days, more or less, from Barkah. In it lies a city on the coast, called Barah, whose inhabitants were Christians, but not Greeks. This city was invaded by Hablah, 4 the freed-

1 'Adhari, vol. i, p. 107.

  • Tabari, vol. iii, p. 562.

s Idrisi, Sifat al-Maghrib, p. 56.

  • "Hayah" in Athir, vol. vi, p. 370.


man of al-Aghlab, who failed to reduce it. It was later in- vaded by Khalfun al-Barbari (supposed to have been a freedman of the Rabi'ah) who reduced it in the early part of al-Mutawakkil's caliphate.

Al-Mufarraj ibn-Salldm. After Khalfun there arose one called al-Mufarraj ibn-Sallam who conquered and brought under his control 24 forts. He then forwarded the news of the situation to the Master of the post x in Egypt, and told him that he and his followers could conduct no [public] prayer unless the imam confirms him over his district and makes him its ruler, so that he may not be included in the category of usurpers. Al-Mufarraj erected a cathedral mosque. Finally his men rose up against him and killed him.

Suran. He was followed by Suran who sent his messen- ger to al-Mutawakkil, the " Commander of the Believers," asking for a confirmation and a letter of appointment to a governorship. Al-Mutawakkil, however, died before his messenger departed with the message to Suran.

Al-Muntasir-Billah died after holding the caliphate for six months. Then came al-Musta'in-Billah Ahmad ibn-Mu- hammad ibn-al-Mu'tasim who ordered his 'dmil over al- Maghrib, Ctamish, a freedman of the " Commander of the Believers ", to confirm Suran; but no sooner had the mes- senger started from Surra-man-ra'a, than Ctamish was slain. 2 That region was after that governed by Wasif, a freedman of the caliph, who confirmed Suran in his position.

1 S&jiib al-barid. Ibn-at-Tiktaka, al-Fakhri, p. 129. 'Tabari, vol. in, pp. 1512,

PART VII[edit]



Sicily. The first to invade Sicily 1 was Mu'awiyah ibn- Hudaij al-Kindi 2 in the days of Mu'awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan. It was continually invaded after that. The descendants of al-Aghlab ibn-Salim al-Ifriki conquered more than 20 cities in it, which are still in the hands of the Moslems. In the caliphate of al-Mutawakkil, Ahmad ibn-Muhammad ibn- al-Aghlab reduced in it the Yanah castle and Ghalyanah 8 fortress.

It is stated by al-Wakidi that 'Abdallah ibn-Kais ibn- Makhlad ad-Dizaki plundered Sicily and carried off idols of gold and silver studded with pearls, which he sent to Mu'a- wiyah. Mu'awiyah sent them to al-Basrah to be carried into India and sold there with a view to getting a higher price for them.

Rhodes. Mu'awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan sent expeditions by sea and by land. He sent to Rhodes * Junadah ibn-abi- 236 Umaiyah-1-Azdi. Junadah was one of those on whose au- thority traditions were reported. He had chance to meet abu-Bakr, 'Umar and Mu'adh ibn-Jabal, and died in the year 80. Junadah took Rhodes by force. Rhodes was a thicket in the sea. In pursuance of Mu'awiyah's order, Junadah caused Moslems to settle in it. This took place in the year 52.

1 Ar. Sikilliyah. Idrisi, "Italy", in Nuzhat al-Mushtdk fi-Ikhtirak al-Afdk, pp. 57-58 (Rome, 1878). 1 Kindi, pp. 17-19, 27-30.

1 Cf. Idrisi, "Italy", p. 49; Amari, Bibliotheca Arabo-Sicula, p. 60.

  • Rudis. See Kindi, p. 38.



Rhodes is one of the most fertile of all islands, and is about sixty miles in size. It is rich in olive trees, vineyards, fruits and fresh water.

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from al-Wakidi and others: The Moslems occupied Rhodes for seven years, living in a fort made for them. At the death of Mu'awiyah, Yazid wrote to Junadah ordering him to destroy the fort and return. Mu'awiyah used to alternate its occupants, making them live there in turns. Mujahid ibn-Jabr * lived in it and taught the Koran.

Arwad. In the year 54, Junadah ibn-abi-Umaiyah re- duced Arwad, 2 and Mu'awiyah made the Moslems settle in it. Among those who took part in conquering it was Mu- jahid and Tubai', 8 a son of Ka'b al-Ahbar's * wife. It was here that Mujahid taught Tubai' the Koran. Others say that he did it in Rhodes. This Arwad is an island lying near Constantinople [al-Kustantiniyah].

Crete. Junadah led a razzia against Crete [Ikritish], 6 a part of which he conquered at the time of al-Walid. Later, the island was lost to the Moslems. In the caliphate of ar- Rashid it was invaded again by Humaid ibn-Ma'yuk al- Hamdani, who reduced a part of it. In the caliphate of al- Ma'mun, it was invaded by abu-Hafs 'Umar ibn-'Isa-l-An- dalusi, known by the name of al-Ikritishi, who first reduced one fort and occupied it. Then he kept on reducing one part after another until none of the Greeks were left. He also dismantled their forts.

1 Kindi, p. 39.

2 Tabari, vol. ii, p. 163.

8 Tabari, vol. ii, p. 163 ; Dhahabi, p. 69.

4 A Jewish rabbi of JJimyar converted to Islam in the time of 'Umar. Muir, Annals, p. 236, note i.

8 Idrisi, "Italy", p. 19; Rustah, p. 85; " Ikritiyah ".




( Ukbah leads the attack. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from abu- 1-Khair : When the Moslems subdued Egypt, 'Amr ibn-al- 'Asi sent to the surrounding villages, in order to overrun and pillage them, a detachment of cavalry under 'Ukbah ibn- Nafi' al-Fihri (Nafi' being a brother of al-Asi on his mother's side). The cavalry entered the land of Nubia 1 as 237 the summer expeditions of the Greeks do. The Moslems met in Nubia determined resistance. They were subjected to such severe showers of arrows until most of them were wounded and had to return with many wounds and blinded eyes. Therefore were the Nubians called the " archers of the eyes ".

The terms made. This state of affairs continued until 'Abdallah ibn-Sa'd ibn-abi-Sarh ruled over Egypt. The Nubians asked for peace and conciliation from 'Abdallah, who granted their request, the terms being that they pay no tax but offer as a present three hundred slaves per annum; and that the Moslems offer them as a present food equiva- lent to the value of the slaves.

The Nubians as archers. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from a sheikh of the tribe of Himyar : The latter said, " I have been to Nubia twice during the caliphate of 'Umar ibn-al- Khattab, and I never saw a people who are sharper in war- fare than they. I heard one of them say to the Moslem, ' Where do you want me to hit you with my arrow ?' and

1 An-Nubah. See Idrisi, Sifat al-Maghrib, p. 19.



in case the Moslem would disdainfully say, ' In such a spot ', the Nubian would never miss it. They were fond of fighting with arrows; but their arrows would scarcely ever hit on the ground. 1 One day, they arrayed themselves against us and we were desirous to carry the conflict with the sword ; but they were too quick for us and shot their ar- rows, putting out our eyes. The eyes that were put out numbered 150. We at last thought that the best thing to do with such a people was to make peace. We could carry very little booty away from them; and their ability to in- flict injury was great. 'Amr, however, refused to make peace with them and went on contending against them until he was dismissed and was succeeded by 'Abdallah ibn-Sa'd ibn-abi-Sarh, who concluded peace with them."

According to al-Wakidi, Mu'awiyah ibn-Hudaij al-Kindi lost his eye in Nubia and thus became one-eyed.

The legality of selling their children as slaves. Abu- 'Ubaid al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib : The latter said, "Between us and the black tribes [Ar. asd- wid], no treaty or covenant exists. Only a truce was ar- ranged between us, according to which we agreed to give them some wheat and lentils, and they to give us slaves. It is all right to buy their slaves from them or from others."

Abu-'Ubaid from al-Laith ibn-Sa'd: The latter said, " The terms we made with the Nubians stipulated only that we neither fight against them nor they against us, that they 238 give slaves and we give them their value in terms of food. If they desire, therefore, to sell their wives or children, there is no reason why they should not be bought."

In a report of abu-1-Bukhturi and others, it is stated that 'Abdallah ibn-Sa'd ibn-abi-Sarh made terms with the Nu- bians to the effect that they give four hundred slaves per

1 1. e. they scarcely ever missed their aim.


year, whom they shall bring forth and for whom they shall receive food in exchange.

The caliph al-Mahdi ordered that Nubia be held respon- sible every year for 360 slaves and one giraffe, and that they be given wheat, vinegar, wine, clothes and mattresses or the value thereof.

The Nubians recently claimed that the tribute x is not due on them every year, and that it was demanded from them in the caliphate of al-Mahdi, at which time they told the caliph that the tribute was a part of what they took as slaves from their enemies and therefore they had, if they could not get enough slaves, to use their own children and offer them. Al-Mahdi ordered that they be tolerated, and that the tribute of one year be considered as if for three. No confirmation, however, could be found in the registers of al-Hadrah ; 2 but it was found in the register in Egypt.

Al-Kummi in al-Bujah. Al-Mutawakkil ordered one, Muhammad ibn-'Abdallah, known as al-Kummi, to be sent and put in charge of al-Ma'din 3 in Egypt. He also put him in charge of al-Kulzum [Suez], the road of al-Hijaz, and the furnishing of guides to the Egyptians when on holy pilgrimage. Arriving in al-Ma'din, he con- veyed provisions in ships from al-Kulzum to the land of al- Bujah. He then proceeded to a sea-coast, called 'Aidhab, 4 where the ships met him. With these provisions, he and his followers were strengthened and fed until they came to the castle of the king of al-Bujah. Al-Kummi attacked him in

1 Ar. bakt, Quatremere, Memoires Geographiques et Historiques sur l'gypte, vol. ii, pp. 42, 53.

2 Perhaps al-Khadra'. See Idrisi, Sifat al-Maghrib, p. 84 ; Hama- dhani, Buldan, pp. 79-80.

3 The mine land. Makrizi, vol. i, pp. 313, 318; Mas'udi, Tanbih, p. 330.

4 Idrisi, Sifat al-Maghrib, p. 27.


small force, and the king of al-Bujah made a sally with his numerous men on camels fastened with girths. Al- Kummi brought bells and put them on his horses. As soon as the camels heard the bell sounds, they ran away with the al-Bujah men over hills and valleys. The chief of al-Bujah was killed and was succeeded by his sister's son, 1 whose father was one of the kings of al-Bujah. He sued for a truce, which al-Mutawakkil granted only on condition that 239 he [the chief] should tread on his [al-Mutawakkil's] carpet. Accordingly, he came to Surra-man-ra'a and made terms in the year 241, agreeing to pay tribute in money and slaves. He was then sent back with al-Kummi. Thus, the people of al-Bujah are in a state of truce in which they pay tax 240 and do not prevent the Moslems from working in the gold mine, which terms are mentioned in the conditions im- posed upon their chief.

1 Makrizi, vol. i, p. 317: "his brother's son"; cf. Quatremere, op. it., vol. ii, p. 136.



THE Greeks used to get the kardtis from Egypt, 2 and the Arabs used to get the dinars from the Greeks. 'Abd-al- Malik ibn-Marwan was the first to inscribe on the upper part of these fabrics 3 such phrases as " Declare : Allah is one ! " and others with the name of Allah. One day, he re- ceived from the Byzantine king a message, saying, " You have recently introduced upon your kardtis some inscription that we hate. If you leave that out, well and good ; otherwise, you shall see on the dinars the name of your Prophet asso- ciated with things you hate." This was too much for 'Abd- al-Malik, who hated to abolish a worthy law that he had es- tablished. He thereupon sent for Khalid ibn-Yazid ibn- Mu'awiyah and said to him, " O abu-Hashim ! It is a calamity ! " Khalid replied, " Be free from your fright, ' Commander of the Believers ' ; declare the use of their dinars illegal ; strike new coinage in place of them, and let not these infidels be free from what they hate to see on the fabrics." " Thou hast eased my mind," said 'Abd-al-Ma- lik, " may Allah give thee ease ! " He then struck the dinars.

According to ' Awanah ibn-al-Hakam, the Copts used to

1 Rolls of papyrus for writing; also, cloth of Egyptian fabric used for carrying vases or clothes. Zaidan, Ta'rikh at-Tamaddun, vol. i, p. 103; Zeitsfhrift fur Assyrologie, pp. 187-190, yr. 1908.

2 Al-Kindi, Fada'il Misr, p. 209, lines 9-10 (ed. Oestrup).

3 Ar. tawamir. Fraenkel, op. cit., p. 251.



inscribe the word " Christ " at the top part of the karatis, and to ascribe divinity to him (may Allah be highly exalted above that ! ) ; and they used to put the sign of the cross in place of "In the name of Allah, the compassionate, the merciful ". That is why the Byzantine king was disgusted and his anger was aroused with the change that 'Abd-al- Malik introduced.

According to al-Mada'ini, it was stated by Maslamah ibn-Muharib that Khalid ibn-Yazid advised 'Abd-al-Malik to declare the use of the Greek dinars illegal, to prohibit their circulation and to stop the sending of the karatis to the Byzantine empire. Accordingly, no karatis were carried there for some time.

PART IX[edit]





Al-Muthanna invades as-Sawad. Al-Muthanna ibn-Ha- rithah ibn-Salamah ibn-Damdam ash-Shaibani used to lead incursions with some of his men against as-Sawad. 1 Hav- ing heard of it, abu-Bakr made inquiries regarding him and learned from Kais ibn-'Asim ibn-Sinan al-Minkari that that was not a man with no reputation, or of unknown origin, or of no support; but it was al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah ash- Shaibani. Later, al-Muthanna presented himself before abu-Bakr and said to him, " Caliph of the Prophet of Allah, make me your lieutenant over those of my people who have accepted Islam, that I may fight against those foreigners, the Persians." Abu-Bakr wrote him a covenant to that ef- fect. Al-Muthanna proceeded till he came to Khaffan ; and inviting his people to Islam, they accepted it.

Khalid in al-Ubullah. Abu-Bakr then wrote to Khalid ibn-al- Walid al-Makhzumi, ordering him to go against al- 'Irak. Others say that he sent him from al-Madinah. In the meantime, abu-Bakr wrote to al-Muthanna ibn-Ha- rithah ordering him to receive Khalid and obey his word.

Previous to this, Madh'ur ibn-'Adi-l-'Ijli had written to abu-Bakr presenting his case and the case of his people, and asking to be put in charge of the campaign against the Persians. Now, abu-Bakr wrote and ordered him to join Khalid, stop with him when he stopped and move with him

1 'Irak, the region west of the Tigris. Rustah, p. 104.



when he moved. On the arrival of Khalid in an-Nibaj, 1 he was met by al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah. Thence Khalid proceeded to al-Basrah in which there was at this time Suwaid ibn-Kutbah adh-Dhuhli (others than abu-Mikhnaf say that there was in it Kutbah ibn-Katadah adh-Dhuhli) of the tribe of Bakr ibn-Wa'il, accompanied by a band of followers. Suwaid had designs regarding al-Basrah simi- lar to those of al-Muthanna regarding al-Kufah, which at that time was not called al-Kufah but al-Hirah. Suwaid said to Khalid, " The inhabitants of al-Ubullah had assem- bled against me but failed to make the attack simply because of thy presence, as I believe." " If that is so," answered Khalid " the advisable thing for me would be to leave al- Basrah in the day time and return in the night, at which time my companions would enter thy camp and we will fight together." Accordingly, Khalid left in the direction 242 of al-Hirah and when darkness fell, he turned back until he got to the camp of Suwaid, which he entered with his men. In the morning, the inhabitants of al-Ubullah, hearing that Khalid had left al-Basrah, advanced towards Suwaid. Seeing the great number of men in his army, they were con- founded and turned back. Thereupon, Khalid shouted, "On them! I see in them the looks of a people whose hearts Allah has filled with terror!" Then the Moslems charged them, put them to flight, and by Allah's help, killed a great number and caused others to drown in Dijlat al-Basrah. 2 Thence Khalid passed through al-Khuraibah, 3 reduced it and carried its inhabitants away into captivity. He left over it in his place as it is reported by al-Kalbi Shuraih ibn-

1 Khurdidhbih, pp. 146, 147.

  • or Dijlat al-'Aura the united course of the Tigris and the Eu-

phrates before they empty into the Persian Gulf. Yakut, vol. iii, p. 745. ' Hamadhani, Buldan, p. 189.


'Amir ibn-Kain 1 of the banu-Sa'd ibn-Bakr ibn-Hawazin. The city was a fortified frontier town for the Persians.

Nahr al-Mar'ah. It is also reported that Khalid came to the river known as al-Mar'ah 2 river, with whose people he made terms. He then fought against a body of men as- sembled at al-Madhar. 3

Khalid proceeds to al-Hirah. Khalid then proceeded to al-Hirah, 4 and left Suwaid ibn-Kutbah to rule over his dis- trict, saying, " We have crushed the Persians in thy dis- trict in a way that will humiliate them before thee."

Others report that when Khalid was in the district of al- Yamamah, he wrote to abu-Bakr for reinforcements; and abu-Bakr sent him Jarir ibn-'Abdallah al-Bajali. Jarir met Khalid as the latter was on his way out of al-Yamamah, joined him and attacked the al-Madhar's chief by Khalid's orders. Allah knows if that is so.

Al-Wakidi states, " Our friends in al-Hijaz maintain that Khalid left for al-'Irak, passing by Faid 5 and ath- Tha'labiyah, 6 after which he came to al-Hirah.

Zandaward, Duma and other places reduced by Khalid. Khalid ibn-al-Walid passed through Zandaward in Kaskar and reduced it; he also reduced Durna and its territory, which capitulated after one hour's shooting by the people of Zandaward on the Moslems.

He then proceeded to Hurmuzjarad, to the inhabitants of which he made a promise of security. The city itself was taken. Khalid then came to Ullais. Jaban, 7 the chief

1 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2382.

1 t. e., the woman's river ; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2026.

8 Yakut, vol. iv, p. 468; Hamadhani, p. 211.

4 tfaukal, p. 163.

8 A town in central Najd. Mukaddasi, p. 254.

  • On the west bank of the Euphrates. Kuhrdadhbih, p. 127.

7 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2018.


of the Persians, set out against him and Khalid sent ahead al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah ash-Shaibani who met Jaban at Nahr ad-Damm [sanguine canal]. Khalid made terms with the inhabitants of Ullais, stipulating that they act as spies, guides and helpers to the Moslems against the Per- sians.

Khalid in al-Hirah. Khalid then proceeded to Mujtama' al-Anhar x [confluence of canals], where he was met by Azadhbih, the holder of the frontier fortifications of Kisra that lay between the Persian and the Arab territories. The 243 Moslems fought against him and defeated him. Then Khalid came and stopped at Khaffan. Others say he pro- ceeded directly to al-Hirah, where he was met by 'Abd-al- Masih ibn-'Amr ibn-Kais ibn-Haiyan ibn-Bukailah 2 ( Bukai- lah's proper name being al-Harith) of the Azd, Hani' ibn- Kabisah ibn-Mas'ud ash-Shaibani and lyas ibn-Kabisah at- Ta'i (others say Farwah ibn-Iyas), lyas being the 'dmil of Kisra Abarwiz over al-Hirah after an-Nu'man ibn-al- Mundhir. These men made terms with Khalid, stipulating that they pay 100,000 dirhams per year, others say 80,000 per year, that they act as spies for the Moslems against the Persians, and that Khalid would not destroy any of their churches or citadels.

It was reported by abu-Mikhnaf , on the authority of abu- 1-Muthannah-l-Walid ibn-al-Katami, who is the same as ash-Sharki ibn-al-Katami-1-Kalbi, that 'Abd-al-Masih, who was an aged man, appeared before Khalid who asked him, " Where dost thou come from, old man?" And he re- plied, " From my father's back." " What didst thou come out from?" "From my mother's womb." " Woe unto thee! Where aft thou now? " " In my clothes." " Woe

1 Wellhausen, Skizzen, vol. vi, p. 42 ; Caetani, vol. ii, p. 937- Duraid, p. 285; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2019; Mas'udi, vol. i, p. 217.


to thee ! Where dost thou stand now ?" "On the ground." " Dost thou have reason [Ar. ta'kul] ?" " Yes, I can bind [a'kul] and tie up [a camel]." 1 " Woe to thee! I am speaking to thee like a man !" " And I am answering thee like a man." "Art thou for peace or for war?" " For peace."" What are these forts then?"" We built them for the rogue until the meek comes." 2 The two then discussed the question of peace and it was agreed that 100- ooo [dirhams] be offered the Moslems every year. The money taken from these people was the first sum carried to al-Madinah from al-'Irak. It was also stipulated that they seek no evil for the Moslems and that they act as spies against the Persians. All that took place in the year 12.

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Yahya ibn-Adam: The latter said : " I heard it said that the people of al-Hirah were 6,000 men, on each one of whom 14 dirhams, each having the weight of 5 kirats, were assessed, making 84,000 dir- hams in all, of 5 kirats each, or 60,000 of 7 each. To that end, he [Khalid] wrote them a statement which I myself have read." 244

It is reported that Yazid ibn-Nubaishah-l-'Amiri said, " We came to al-'Irak with Khalid and went as far as the frontier fort of al-'Udhaib. We then came to al-Hirah whose people had fortified themselves in al-Kasr al-Abyad [white citadel], Kasr ibn-Bukailah and Kasr al-'Adasiyin. We went around on horseback in the open spaces among their buildings, after which they made terms with us." (Ac- cording to ibn-al-Kalbi al-'Adasiyin were a branch of the Kalb, and were named after their mother who was also of the Kalb tribe.)

1 Pun on words. Caetani, vol. iv, p. 657 takes it to mean, " I am rich enough to pay the blood-wit [ c akl] and to retaliate by killing [kawad] ".

s Cf. Mas'udi, vol. i, p. 218; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2019; Caetani, vol. iv. p. 657.

Abu-Mas'ud al-Kufi from ash-Sha'bi : Khuraim 1 ibn- Aus ibn-Harithah ibn-Lam at-Ta'i said to the Prophet, "If Allah enables thee to reduce al-Hirah, I shall ask thee to give me Bukailah's daughter." When Khalid wanted to make terms with the inhabitants of al-Hirah, Khuraim said to him, " The Prophet has given me Bukailah's daughter. She should not therefore be included in thy terms." This was testified to by Bashir ibn-Sa'd and Muhammad ibn- Maslamah of the Ansdr; and therefore, Khalid did not in- clude her in the terms, but turned her over to Khuraim. She was then bought from Khuraim for 1,000 dirhams, she being too old for Khuraim to marry her. Some one re- marked to Khuraim, " She was sold very cheap. Her peo- ple would have paid thee many times the price thou hast charged." And he replied, " I never thought there was a number above ten hundred."

Another tradition has it that the one who asked the Pro- phet to give him Bukailah's daughter was one of the Rabi'ah. The former view, however, is more authentic.

Bdnikiya taken. Khalid ibn-al-Walid despatched Bashir ibn-Sa'd abu-an-Nu'man ibn-Bashir of the Ansdr to Bani- kiya. 2 Bashir was met by the Persian horsemen headed by Farrukhbundadh. Bashir's men were shot with arrows ; but he led the charge and put the enemy to flight, killing Far- rukhbundadh. He then returned with a wound which be- came recrudescent, when he came to 'Ain at-Tamr, and caused his death. Others say that Khalid himself, accom- panied by Bashir, met Farrukhbundadh.

Khalid then sent Jarir ibn-'Abdallah al-Bajali to the peo- ple of Banikiya. Jarir was met by Busbuhra ibn-Saluba, who refused to fight and proposed to make peace. Jarir

1 Mawardi, p. 333; Tabari, vol. i, pp. 2047-2048. 1 Hamadhani, p. 165.


made terms with him on 100,000 dirhams and one mantle. 1 Others say that ibn-Saluba came to Khalid and, refusing to fight, made those terms. After the battle of an-Nukhailah 245 and the death of Mihran, Jarir came and received from ibn- Saluba's people and from the people of al-Hirah the sum agreed upon, and wrote them a receipt. Others deny that Jarir ibn-'Abdallah ever came to al-'Irak except in the caliphate of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab. Abu-Mikhnaf and al- Wakidi, however, repeat that he went there twice.

Khalid wrote a statement to Busbuhra ibn-Saluba and sent the mantle to abu-Bakr together with the money from al-Hirah and the thousand dirhams. Abu-Bakr offered the mantle as a present to al-Husain ibn-'Ali.

Abu-Nasr at-Tammar from 'Abdallah ibn-Mughaffal 2 al- Muzani : No part of al-'Irak made covenant [with the Moslems] except al-Hirah, Ullais and Banikiya.

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from ibn-Mughaffal : No land below al-Jabal 3 is fit for sale except the land of the banu- Saluba and the land of al-Hirah.

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from al-Aswad ibn-Kais's father : The latter said, " We arrived in al-Hirah and made terms on so much money and a camel's saddle." In answer to my question, " What did ye do with the saddle?" he replied, " One of us had no saddle and we gave it to him."

Abu-'Ubaid from Humaid ibn-Hilal : When Khalid ar- rived in al-Hirah, its inhabitants made terms without of- fering any resistance. The following verse was written by Dirar ibn-al-Azwar al-Asadi :

1 Ar. tailasan = Persian apparel of dark wool. Dozy, V elements, pp. 278-280.

2 Mughaffal and not Mughaffil as Baladhuri has it. See Dhahabi, p. 477-

3 Al-Jabal or al-Jibal = Media. Hamadhani, pp. 209 seq.


" I had insomnia in Banikiya and whosoever receives what I received there a wound, would certainly have insomnia."

Al-Wakidi states, " Our companions agree that this Dirar was slain in al-Yamamah."

Al-Faldlij and Tustar. From Banikiya, Khalid came to al-Falalij, 1 in which was massed a host of Greeks. They were soon dispersed, and Khalid, meeting no resistance, re- 246 turned to al-Hirah. Hearing that Jaban was at the head of a great army in Tustar, 2 Khalid sent against him al-Mu- thanna ibn-Harithah ash-Shaibani and Hanzalah ibn-ar- Rabi' 3 ibn-Rabah al-Usaidi of the banu-Tamim (he is the one called Hanzalah-l-Katib[the scribe]). No sooner had these two come to the place where Jaban was, than he fled.

Suk Baghdad and al-Anbdr. Khalid proceeded to al- Anbar 4 whose people betook themselves to their fortifica- tions. Here some one came to Khalid and pointed out to him Suk [market] Baghdadh, 5 which later [after Baghdadh was founded] was called as-Suk al-'Atik [the old market] and which lay near Karn as-Sarat 6 Khalid sent al-Mu- thanna who made a raid on this market, and the Moslems filled their hands with gold and silver and commodities light to carry. They spent the night at as-Sailahin, and then came to al-Anbar where Khalid was. The Moslems then invested the inhabitants of al-Anbar and set fire to places in its district. Al-Anbar was thus called because the Persian granaries were in it and the friends and proteges of an-Nu*

1 PL of Fallujah. Yakut, vol. iii, p. 908.

a Haukal, p. 172.

8 "'Rabi'ah" in Duraid, p. 127; and " Rabi'ah ibn-Saifi " in Kutaibah, Ma'drif, p. 153.

4 Istakhri, p. 77.

6 Le Strange, Baghdad during the Abbasid Caliphate, p. 12.

6 As-Sarat Point, where as-Sarat canal disembogued to the Tigris. See Ya'kubi, Buldan, p. 235.


man used to get their subsistence allowances from it. See- ing what had befallen them, the inhabitants of al-Anbar made terms which satisfied Khalid, and so he left them in their homes.

Others assert that Khalid sent al-Muthanna before him to Baghdadh and then followed him and directed the raid against it, after which he returned to al-Anbar. This, how- ever, is not authentic.

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from ash-Sha'bi : The people of al-Anbar have a covenant [with the Moslems] .

A tradition communicated to me by certain sheikhs from al-Anbar states that terms were concluded with the people of al-Anbar in the caliphate of 'Umar in which it was stipu- lated that they pay for their canton \tassu j~\ 400,000 dir- hams and i ,000 cloaks fabricated in Katawan, per year. The terms were made by Jarir ibn-'Abdallah al-Bajali. Others say that the sum was 80,000 ; but Allah knows best.

Jarir reduced Bawazij al-Anbar in which are to-day many of his freedmen.

According to a report there came to Khalid ibn-al-Walid someone who pointed out to him a market above al-Anbar in which the Kalb, Bakr ibn-Wa'il and others from the tribe of Kuda/ah used to meet. Khalid despatched against this place al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah who made a raid against it, carried as booty what there was in it, slaughtered and took captives.

'Am at-Tamr. Thence Khalid advanced to 'Ain at- Tamr * and invested its fort in which a great frontier guard of Persians was stationed. The holders of the fort made a sally and fought, but after that, they confined themselves to their fort, where Khalid and the Moslems besieged them 247 until they sued for peace. Khalid refused to give them

1 Yakut, vol. iii, p. 759.


promise of security and reduced the fort by force, slaugh- tering and carrying away captives. Here he found certain persons in a church whom he took captives. Among these captives was (i) Humran ibn-Aban ibn-Khalid at-Tarnri. Others say his father's name was Abba. This Humran was the freedman of 'Uthman. He first belonged to al-Musai- yab ibn-Najabah-1-Fazari from whom 'Uthman bought him, and then released him. 'Uthman later sent him to al- Kufah to make inquiry regarding the conduct of his 'drnil there, on which occasion Humran did not tell the truth. So 'Uthman denied him the rights of protection [Ar. jiwdr] and Humran went and settled in al-Basrah. Among other captives were (2) Sirin, father of Muhammad ibn-Sirin, 1 whose brothers were Yahya ibn-Sirin, Anas ibn-Sirin, and Ma'bad ibn-Sirin, Muhammad being the eldest brother, and all being the freedmen of Anas ibn-Malik al-Ansari; (3) abu-'Amrah, a grandfather of 'Abdallah ibn-'Abd-al-A'la, the poet; (4) Yasar, a grandfather of Muhammad ibn- Ishak the author of as-Sirah 2 and a freedman of Kais ibn-Makhramah ibn-al-Muttalib ibn-'Abd-Manaf ; (5) Murrah abu-'Ubaid, a grandfather of Muhammad ibn-Zaid ibn-'Ubaid ibn-Murrah (Nafis ibn-Muhammad ibn-Zaid ibn-'Ubaid ibn-Murrah, the owner of the citadel [kasr] near al-Harrah [volcanic tract of al-Madinah] was a son of this Muhammad. His descendants give the name of their ancestor as 'Ubaid ibn-Murrah ibn-al-Mu'alla-1-An- sari and later az-Zuraki) ; (6) Nusair, the father of Musa ibn-Nusair, the governor of al-Maghrib. This Nusair was a freedman of the banu-Umaiyah, as it is asserted by freed- men in the frontier towns descended from slaves whom he

1 Bakri, p. 199.

  • The biography of the Prophet from which ibn-Hisham's was



had released. Ibn-al-Kalbi says that abu-Farwah 'Abd ar- Rahman ibn-al-Aswad and Nusair abu-Musa ibn-Nusair were both Arabs of [the clan of] Arashah of [the tribe of] Bali and that they were taken captives from Jabal al-Jalil [Mt. Galilee] in Syria during the caliphate of abu-Bakr. Nusair's name was originally Nasr which was later used in the diminutive form Nusair. Some one of the banu- Umaiyah gave him his liberty; and he returned to Syria where in a village called Kaf armara * his son Musa was born. Musa was lame. Al-Kalbi adds that some one said that the two [Nusair and abu-Farwah] were brothers taken captives from 'Ain at-Tamr, and that they owed their lib- erty to the banu-Dabbah.

According to 'AH ibn-Muhammad al-Mada'ini, it is stated by someone that abu-Farwah and Nusair were of the cap- tives of 'Ain at-Tamr. Abu-Farwah was bought by Na'im al-Asadi who sold him later to 'Uthman who used him for digging graves. When the people rose up against 'Uthman, 248 abu-Farwah joined them and said to 'Uthman, " Restore what thou hast wrongfully taken from others ! " To this 'Uthman replied, " Thou representest the first thing. I bought thee out of the sadakah funds that thou mayest dig the tombs ; but thou hast left that." His son 'Abdallah ibn- abi-Farwah was one of the illustrious freedmen. One of his descendants 2 was ar-Rabi' ibn-Yunus ibn-Muhammad ibn-abi-Farwah, a companion of al-Mansur. Abu-Farwah was thus called because of a furred garment [Ar. farwah] which he had on when he was taken captive. 3

According to certain reports, Khalid made terms with the

1 " Kaf armathra " in Marasid, vol. ii, p. 504.

  • Caetani, vol. ii, p. 945.

8 Aghani, vol. iii, p. 127, adds Kaisan, one of the ancestors of abu-1- 'Atahiyah, to the list of captives.


holders of 'Ain at-Tamr fort and these captives [mentioned above] were found in a church in a certain canton. 1 Some say that Sirin was one of the inhabitants of Jarjaraya and that he came there on a visit to a relative of his and was taken captive together with those in the church.

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Yahya ibn-Adam from ash-Sha'bi : Khalid ibn-al-Walid made terms with the peo- ple of al-Hirah and 'Ain at-Tamr, and stated them in a letter to abu-Bakr, which the latter endorsed. Yahya adds, " I asked al-Hasan ibn-Salih, 2 ' Have the people of 'Ain at- Tamr, like those of al-Hirah, to pay something for their lands, but nothing for their persons ? ' To this al-Hasan replied, ' Yes/ '

It is stated by someone that there was at 'Ain at-Tamr at the head of the an-Namir ibn-Kasit tribe, Hilal ibn-'Ak- kah ibn-Kais ibn-al-Bishr an-Namiri, 3 who gathered an army and fought against Khalid. He was defeated, killed and crucified. According to ibn-al-Kalbi, there was at the head of the an-Namir at that time 'Akkah ibn-Kais ibn-al- Bishr himself.

The wound of Bashir ibn-Sa'd al-Ansari became recru- descent and caused his death. He was buried at 'Ain at- Tamr. By his side was buried 'Umair ibn-Ri'ab ibn-Mu- hashshim ibn-Sa'id ibn-Sahm ibn-'Amr, who was hit by an arrow at 'Ain at-Tamr and fell a martyr.

The razzias of an-Nusair ibn-Daisam. When Khalid ibn-al-Walid was at 'Ain at-Tamr he sent an-Nusair ibn- Daisam ibn-Thaur to a spring of water by which were set- tled the banu-Taghlib, whom he surprised by night, killing and carrying away many captives. One of the prisoners

1 tassuj. Noldeke, ZDMG, 1874, vol. xxviii, p. 94, note. 1 One of the intermediate authorities of this tradition. 8 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2122 : " an-Namari ".


asked Khalid to release him, promising to point out to him a quarter inhabited by the banu-Rabi'ah. Khalid did so and an-Nusair came to the Rabi'ah quarter, where he fell upon them in the night-time and carried away booty and captives. He then proceeded inland towards Takrit. Thus did the Moslems enrich themselves with booty. 249

According to a tradition communicated to me by abu- Mas'ud al-Kufi, on the authority of Muhammad ibn-Mar- wan, an-Nusair came to 'Ukbara/ and gave promise of se- curity to its inhabitants, who brought forth food for his men and their animals. He then passed through al-Bara- dan, whose people hurried to present themselves before the Moslems. An-Nusair said, " Never mind !" ; which was enough to guarantee their safety.

Thence an-Nusair advanced to al-Mukharrim which ac- cording to abu-Mas'ud was not called then Mukharrim, 1 but was so called after being occupied by a certain descendant of Mukharrim ibn-Hazn ibn-Ziyad ibn-Anas ibn-ad-Daiyan al-Harithi, as it is mentioned by Hisham ibn-Muhammad al-Kalbi.

The Moslems then crossed a bridge lying near Kasr [castle] Sabur, known to-day by the name of Kasr 'Isa ibn- 'Ali. The bridge was in charge of Khurzad ibn-Mahibun- dadh who went out against the Moslems, but was fought and defeated by them. The Moslems then retreated to 'Ain at-Tamr.

An-Nusair and Hudhaifah. It is stated by al-Wakidi that after the battle of al-Jisr [bridge] and after making the Moslems withdraw to Khaffan, al-Muthanna ibn-Ha- rithah sent in the caliphate of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab an- Nusair and Hudhaifah ibn-Mihsan at the head of a body of horsemen, who destroyed a band of the banu-Taghlib

Ya'kubi, Buldan, p. 253.


and crossed over to Takrit from which they carried away camels and goats.

" One of the things told me by abu-Mas'ud," said 'Attab ibn-Ibrahim, " was that an-Nusair and Hudhaifah promised security to the people of Takrit and wrote a statement which was carried out by 'Utbah ibn-Farkad as-Sulami when he reduced at-Tirhan [or Tirahan] and al-Mausil. He also mentioned the fact that an-Nusair, directed by Khalid ibn-al-Walid, made a raid against villages in Maskin and Katrabbul [or Kutrubbul] from which he carried off large booty."

From 'Ain at-Tamr, Khalid advanced to Syria and said to al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah, "Return [to al-Hirah?] may Allah have mercy on thee to thy Sultan, untired and unfailing." x

The departure of Khalid for Syria took place in Rabi' II, 250 according to others, Rabi' I, year 13. It is claimed by some that Khalid came from 'Ain at-Tamr to Dumah,* which he reduced, and after that he proceeded to al-Hirah and thence to Syria. That he departed for Syria from 'Ain at-Tamr, is, however, more reliable.

1 Certain verses describing the battles referred to above are here omitted from the translation. This was done in a few other cases.

  • Skizzen, vol. iv, p. 47, n. 3. De Goeje, Memoire, p. 15, takes this to

be Dumah al-Hirah and not al-Jandal. Cf. Miiller, Der I slaw, vol. i, p. 229, note.


Abu-Ubaid chief commander. When 'Umar ibn-al- Khattab was proclaimed caliph, he directed abu-'Ubaid ibn- Mas'ud ibn-'Amr ibn-'Umair ibn-'Auf ibn-'Ukdah ibn-Ghi- yarah ibn-'Auf ibn-Thakif (who is identical with abu-1- Mukhtar ibn-abi-'Ubaid) to al-'Irak with 1,000 men. Meanwhile, he wrote to al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah, order- ing him to receive abu-'Ubaid and obey his word. In the company of abu-'Ubaid, he sent Salit ibn-Kais ibn-'Amr al- al-Ansari, saying to him, " Had it not been for the fact that thou art too hasty, I would have put thee in chief com- mand. But warfare is a stubborn thing, and only the cau- tious man is fit for it."

Abu-Ubaid defeats Jaban, al-Jdlmus and other Persian chiefs. Abu-'Ubaid marched forward and left no Arab tribe by which he passed without arousing its interest in the " holy war " and plunder. Thus, he was joined by a large host. On arriving in al-'Udhaib, he heard that Jaban, the Persian, was at Tustar with a laige body of men. Abu- 251 'Ubaid met Jaban and put his troops to flight, taking some of them captive.

Thence abu-'Ubaid proceeded to Durna 1 in which there was assembled a body of Persians. These abu-'Ubaid chased to Kaskar. He then advanced to meet al-Jalinus, 2

1 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2169: "Durtha"; cf. Yakut, vol. ii, pp. 565, 569; Bakri, p. 345. 1 " Jalinus ", in Tabari, vol. i, p. 2170.



who was at Barusma [or Marusma] ; but ibn-al-Andarz- 'azz * made terms with him, agreeing to pay four dirhams on every person, provided abu-'Ubaid should keep his way. Abu-'Ubaid sent al-Muthanna to Zandaward, 2 and find- ing that its inhabitants had violated their covenant, al-Mu- thanna fought against them, won the victory and carried away [many] captives. Abu-'Ubaid also sent 'Urwah ibn- Zaid-al-Khail at-Ta'i to az-Zawabi, with whose chief [dih- kdn] me made terms similar to those made with Barusma.

1 Tabari, vol. i, pp. 2029 seq.

2 Yakut, vol. ii, pp. 951-952.


Dhurl-H&jib. Hearing that the Arabs were massing their forces, the Persians sent dhu-1-Hajib [the eye-browed] Mardanshah who was nicknamed by Anushirwan " Bah- man " [potent, endowed with great means] because he au- gured good from him. 1 He was called dhu-1-Hajib because, in his pride, he tied up his brows, to lift them above his eyes. His name, it is said, was Rustam. 2

The elephant. Abu-'Ubaid ordered that the bridge [on the Euphrates] be erected ; and it was, the people of Bani- kiya helping in the construction. It is said that this bridge once belonged to the people of al-Hirah on which they crossed over to their farms. Being in ruins, abu-'Ubaid or- dered it repaired. Over this bridge, abu-'Ubaid and the Moslems crossed from al-Marwahah 3 and met dhu-1-Hajib who was accompanied by 4,000 men armed from head to foot, and one elephant others say many elephants. A fierce fight ensued, in the course of which many wounds were inflicted on the Moslems. At this, Salit ibn-Kais said to abu-'Ubaid, " I have warned thee against crossing this bridge and advised thee to withdraw to some quarter and write for reinforcements to the ' Commander of the Be- lievers ' ; but thou hast refused." Salit fought until he was killed. Abu-'Ubaid asked, " Which is the vulnerable point in this creature?" and he was told that it was its trunk, 252 upon which he made a rush and struck the trunk of the ele-

1 Cf. Caetani, vol. iii, p. 148. s Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 161.

8 Yakut, vol. iv, p. 505.



phant. Abu-Mih j an ibn-Habib ath-Thakafi also charged the elephant and struck and broke its leg. The " polythe- ists ", thereupon, made an attack which resulted in the death of abu-'Ubaid. Others say that the elephant threw its weight upon him and crushed him. 1

The Moslems who fell. After abu-'Ubaid, the flag was carried by his brother, al-Hakam, who was then killed, and the flag passed to the hands of his son, Jabr, who also fell. Al-Muthanna 2 ibn-Harithah carried it for one hour, after which he withdrew his men as some of them defended the others. On this occasion, 'tlrwah ibn-Zaid al-Khail fought so fiercely that his action was estimated to be equivalent to that of a whole group of men.

Among those who took part in the defense of the Mos- lems on the west bank of the river, was the poet abu-Zubaid at-Ta'i, who happened to be at al-Hirah on some personal business. Abu-Zubaid was a Christian.

Al-Muthanna came and occupied Ullais and communi- cated the news in a letter to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab sent with 'Urwah ibn-Zaid.

Among those killed in the battle of al-Jisr [the bridge], according to abu-Mikhnaf, was abu-Zaid al-Ansari, one of those who compiled the Koran in the days of the Prophet.

The battle of al-Jisr was fought on Saturday at the end of Ramadan, year 13.

Abu-'Ubaid al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from Kais ibn-abi- Hazim : As abu-'Ubaid was crossing Banikiya with a band of followers, the " polytheists " cut the bridge and many of his men lost their lives. Isma/il ibn-abi-Khalid adds that abu-'Amr ash-Shaibani stated that the battle of Mihran was fought at the beginning of the year, and al-Kadisiyah at the end of it.

1 Tabari, vol. i, pp. 217^-2179 ; Athir, vol. ii, pp. 332-333- a Dinawari, p. 119.


Jarir ibn-Abdalldh's campaign in al-'Irak^ According to abu-Mikhnaf and others, for one year after the calamity that befell abu-'Ubaid and Salit, 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab re- frained from the mention of the name of al-'Irak. In the meantime, al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah was staying in the region of Ullais summoning the Arabs to the " holy war ". At last 'Umar invited the Moslems to an expedition to al- 'Irak, but they kept aloof and hesitated to go there, so much so that he was on the point of carrying the expedition in person. Now, a body of al-Azd came to 'Umar intent on the invasion of Syria; but he asked them to go to al-'Irak and aroused their interest in the spoils to be taken from the Kisra family. They left it for him to choose for them, and he ordered them to start [for al-'Irak].

Jarir ibn-'Abdallah came from as-Sarah at the head of the Bajilah 1 tribe, and offered to go to al-'Irak, provided one- quarter of what they took possession of be allotted to him and his men. 'Umar accepted the offer and Jarir started towards al-'Irak. Some claim that he went via al-Basrah and had a conflict with the satrap [Marzuban] of al-Ma- dhar, whom he defeated. Others claim that the conflict with the Marzuban took place when Jarir was in the company of Khalid ibn-al-Walid. Still others assert that Jarir took the road to al-'Udhaib, passing through Paid and ath-Tha'- labiyah.

1 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2186; Caetani, vol. iii, p. 155.


4 06

'Affan ibn-Muslim from ash-Sha'bi : After the death of abu-'Ubaid, who was the first to be directed by 'Umar to al-Kufah, 'Umar directed Jarir ibn-'Abdallah there, saying, " Wouldst thou go to al-'Irak if I allow thee one-third of the spoils after the [usual] fifth has been taken?" and Jarir said, " I will."

Dair Hind. The Moslems assembled in Dair Hind l in the year 14 immediately after the death of Shirawaih, and the succession of Buran, daughter of Kisra, who was to rule until Yazdajird ibn-Shahriyar came of age. Yazdajird 2 sent against them Mihran ibn-Mihribundadh al-Hamadhani at the head of 12,000 men. The Moslems offered no resist- ance until he crossed the bridge on the Euphrates and ar- rived next to Dair al-A'war. 3

The battle of al-Buwaib. It is reported by Saif that Mihran, after crossing al-Jisr [the bridge], came to a place called al-Buwaib. 4 It was in this place that he was killed.

Someone has said that the irregularities in the land of al-Buwaib were filled up with bones in the time of the civil 254 war, 5 made level with the surface and covered with pow- dered soil [and that whenever the soil was removed the bones were seen]. 6 The spot lay between as-Sakun [canal] and the banu-Sulaim [canal]. 7 This was the place in which the water of the Euphrates sank in the time of the Kisras and from which it poured into al-Jauf. 8

1 A convent near al-Ilirah. Hamadhani, Buldan, p. 183 ; Bakri, pp. 362-364; Yakut, vol. ii, pp. 707-709. J Cf. Dinawari, p. 125; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2163. 8 Yakut, vol. ii, p. 644.

4 Ibid., vol. i, p. 764.

5 The reference is, perhaps, to the insurrection of Mus'ab ibn-az- Zubair.

' The text is corrupt. 7 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2191.

8 Ibid., vol. i, p. 2187, lines 12-13; cf. Caetani, vol. iii, pp. 256-257.



The Moslems camped at an-Nukhailah * and were led, ac- cording to the Bajilah, by Jarir ibn-'Abdallah, and, accord- ing to the Rabi'ah, by al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah. Others affirm that the Moslems were commanded in turn by the heads of the various tribes. The Moslems met their enemy, and Shurahbil ibn-as-Simt al-Kindi distinguished himself in the fight that ensued. Mas'ud ibn-Harithah was slain. So al-Muthanna said, " Fear not, Moslems, because my brother is killed. Such is the fate of the best among you." Upon this, the Moslems charged, as if they were one body, with confidence and patience which resulted, by Allah's help, in the death of Mihran and the defeat of the " infi- dels ". 2 The Moslems pursued them with slaughter; and few were those who escaped. On this day, Kurt ibn-Jam- mah al-'Abdi applied his sword until its edge was bent. When the night fell, they returned to their camp. This took place in the year 14.

The death of Mihran was effected by Jarir ibn-'Abdallah and al-Mundhir ibn-Hassan ibn-Dirar ad-Dabbi, each one of whom claimed that he had killed him, which led to a fierce dispute. 3 At last, al-Mundhir carried away Mihran's belt; and Jarir, the rest of the spoils from him. Some as- sert that among those who killed him was al-Hisn ibn-Ma'- bad ibn-Zurarah ibn-'Udas at-Tamimi.

Moslem raids. After this victory, the Moslems did not cease to make raids in the regions between al-Hirah and Kaskar, Sura, Barbisma [ ?] and Sarat 4 Jamasib and between al-Fallujatain, an-Nahrain and 'Ain-at-Tamr. 5

1 Yakut, vol. iv, pp. 771-772. 9 Cf. Mas'udi, vol. iv, pp. 205-206. I 8 Yusuf, p. 16, lines 16-17. 4 Cf. Dinawari, p. 121.

  • 6 See Le Strange, The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, p. 25, map.

4 08

The Moslems also attacked Hisn Malikiya, which was a watching post, and reduced it. They drove the Persians from other watching posts at at-Taff, the Persians by this time having become emaciated and having become weak and feeble in power. Certain Moslems crossed Nahr [canal] Sura and came to Kutha, Nahr al-Malik and Baduraiya; some reaching as far as Kalwadha. The Arabs in these raz- 255 zias lived on what they plundered.

There are those who say that between the battles of Mih- ran and al-Kadisiyah, 18 months elapsed.


'Umar sends Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas. The Moslems wrote to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab telling him of the great number of the Persians massing against them, and asked for rein- forcements. 'Umar desired to lead the razzia in person and collected an army for that purpose; but he was ad- vised by al-'Abbas ibn-'Abd-al-Muttalib and other sheikhs from among the Companions of the Prophet to stay at home and send out the forces and troops; and 'Umar did that. 'Ali ibn-abi-Talib advised him to go himself; but 'Umar replied, " I have made up my mind to stay." 'Umar proposed to 'Ali the idea of going; but the latter refused, upon which 'Umar wanted Sa'id ibn-Zaid ibn-'Amr ibn- Nufail al-'Adawi to go. Finally, it occurred to him to send Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas, which he did. The name of abu- Wakkas was Malik ibn-Uhaib ibn-'Abd-Manaf ibn-Zuh- rah ibn-Kilab. Sa'd was a man of valor and a good shot. Others say that at this time Sa'id ibn-Zaid ibn-'Amr was on an expedition in Syria.

Sa'd proceeded to al-'Irak and stayed at ath-Tha'labiyah for three months, in the course of which all the troops over- took him. Thence he came, in the year 15, to al-'Udhaib. Al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah happened to be ill at that time, and he advised Sa'd to meet the enemy between al-Kadisi- yah and al-'Udhaib. His case soon became serious and he was carried to his clan among whom he died. Sa'd mar- ried his wife.


4 io

Rustam. According to al-Wakidi, al-Muthanna died be- fore Rustam came to al-Kadisiyah. This Rustam, who was from ar-Rai or from Hamadhan as others say came and occupied Burs from which he left for a place between al-Hirah and as-Sailahin, where he stayed for four months without trying measures or fighting with the Moslems. The Moslems, in the meantime, lay camped between al-'Udhaib and al-Kadisiyah. Rustam sent ahead of him dhu-l-Ha- jib, who camped at Tizanabadh. The " polytheists " num- bered about 120,000, and were accompanied by thirty ele- phants, and had a great banner called Diraf sh Kabiyan ; l while the Moslems, taken together, numbered between 9,000 256 and 10,000. When the Moslems were in need of fodder or food, they sent horsemen into the interior of the land who would make raids along the lower course of the Eu- phrates. From al-Madinah, 'Umar used to send them sheep and camels for slaughter.

Al-Mughirah reinforces Sa c d. Al-Basrah was built some- time between the battle of an-Nukhailah and al-Kadisiyah by 'Utbah ibn-Ghazwan. When 'Utbah asked leave for a pilgrimage, he assigned as successor al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'- bah, who was confirmed in his position by a letter from 'Umar. Before long, the charge 2 that was brought against al-Mughirah was brought against him, and 'Umar ap- pointed abu-Musa governor of al-Basrah and recalled al- Mughirah to al-Madinah. Later, 'Umar sent al-Mughirah back to al-Basrah together with those who gave witness against him. Now, on the day of the battle of al-Kadisi- yah, 'Umar wrote to abu-Musa, ordering him to reinforce

1 or Diraf shikabiyan. In Persian : dirafsh-i-Kawiyan the royal standard of the Sassanians; see Vullers' Persian Dictionary; Jabari, vol. i, p. 2175.

1 Of having immoral relations with umm-Jamil, which is discussed later by al-Baladhuri. See abu-1-Fida, vol. i, p. 163.


Sa'd; upon which abu-Musa sent al-Mughirah with 800 (others say 400) men. Having taken part in the battle, al- Mughirah returned to al-Madinah.

Kais reinforces Sa'd. In the meantime, 'Umar wrote to abu-'Ubaidah ibn-al-Jarrah, and he sent to the reinforce- ment of Sa'd Kais ibn-Hubairah ibn-al-Makshuh al-Mu- radi, who according to some, took part in the battle of al- Kadisiyah, and according to others, did not arrive until the battle was over. Kais commanded 700 men.

The battle of al-Kadisiyah took place at the end of the year 16. Some say that it was 'Utbah ibn-Ghazwan who (sent al-Mughirah to the reinforcement of Sa'd, that al- Mughirah was assigned governor of al-Basrah only after he returned from al-Kadisiyah and that 'Umar, after calling al-Mughirah back to al-Madinah because of the charge brought against him, never sent him out of al-Madinah ex- cept when he assigned him governor of al-Kufah.

Al-' Abbas ibn-al-Walid an-Narsi from ash-Sha'bi: 'Umar wrote to abu-'Ubaidah, " Send to al-Kadisiyah Kais ibn-Makshuh at the head of the men he invites to join him." Kais summoned a body of men and arrived, at the head of 700 of them, to find the victory already won by Sa'd. Kais's men asked for a share in the booty. Sa'd wrote to 'Umar, who wrote back, " If Kais arrived before the burial of those that were killed, then thou shouldst give him his share."

Al-Mughirah's interview with Rustam. Rustam asked Sa'd to send some companions of his to consult with him. Sa'd delegated al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah. Al-Mughirah betook himself towards Rustam's throne, in order to sit by him, but was not allowed to do so by the Persian cavalry guard [asdwirah']. Rustam said many things, among which was the following, " I have learned that ye were forced to what ye are doing by nothing but the narrow 257


means of livelihood and by poverty. We are ready to give you what will satisfy you, and to see you leave with certain things that ye choose." Al-Mughirah answered, " Allah has sent us his Prophet by following and obeying whom we were made prosperous, and he has ordered us to fight those who differ from our faith ' Until they pay tribute out of hand and in a humbled state \ 2 We, therefore, call thee to the worship of Allah alone and the belief in his Pro- phet, which if thou shouldst do, well and good; otherwise, the sword will decide between us." Rustam, snorting with anger, said, " By the sun and by the moon, the day will not break to-morrow before we kill you all." " No strength and no force but in Allah," answered al-Mughirah, and de- parted riding a lean horse with a sword broken at its edge and wrapped up in rags. 3

l Amr and al-Ash f ath interview Rustam. 'Umar wrote to Sa'd instructing him to send to the magnate of the Per- sians a delegation to invite him to Islam. Accordingly, Sa'd sent 'Amr ibn-Ma'dikarib az-Zubaidi and al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais al-Kindi at the head of a delegation. They passed by Rustam, and on being brought before him, he asked them, "To whom are ye going?" to which they replied, " To your chief." A long conversation followed in which they said, " Our Prophet has promised us the conquest of your land," upon which Rustam called for a palm-leaf basket full of soil and said, " This is for you from our land !" 'Amr ibn-Ma'dikarib immediately arose, spread his cloak and departed, carrying in it some of the soil. When he was asked later, " Why didst thou do that? ". 'Amr re- plied, " Because I considered it a good omen, indicating that

1 Dinawari, p. 127; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2271.

2 Koran, 9 : 29.

8 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2270.


their land will one day be ours, and we will take possession of it." Finally, they presented themselves before the king and invited him to Islam. The king became angry and or- .dered them to leave, saying, " Had ye not been envoys, I would have put you to death !" He also wrote and rebuked Rustam for sending them to him.

A Moslem forage expedition. Later, a forage expedi- tion x of the Moslems, headed by Zuhrah ibn-Hawiyah ibn- 'Abdallah ibn-Katadah at-Tamimi later as-Sa'di (others say it was headed by Katadah ibn-Hawiyah 2 ) , came across some Persian cavalry, which was the occasion for the final conflict. The Persians rallied to the succor of their cavalry, and the Moslems to those on their expedition ; and a fierce battle raged between the two. The time was an afternoon. 'Amr ibn-Ma'dikarib az-Zubaidi rushed forward and, seiz- ing a Persian chief by the neck, lifted him to the saddle in front of him, saying [to his men] , "I am abu-Thaur ! Do ye as I do ! " He then stabbed the nose of one of the elephants, saying, " Apply your swords to their trunks ; the vulnerable point in the elephant is his trunk."

Sa c d slaps his wife. Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas had, for a special reason, appointed Khalid ibn-'Urfutah-l-'Udhri, an ally of the banu-Zuhrah, to be commander of the army and director of the affairs of the Moslems. Sa'd lived in Kasr [tower] al-'Udhaib. His wife, Salma, daughter of Hafsah of the tribe of the banu-Taimallah ibn-Tha'labah, and for- merly the wife of al-Muthanna ibn-Harithah, often re- peated, " O, Muthanna ! But there is no more Muthanna to aid the cavalry !" Hearing that, Sa'd slapped her on the face; upon which she said, "Is it jealousy or cowardice, Sa'd?"

1 Ar. 'altofoh.

2 Flajar, vol. ii, p. 23.

Abu-Mihjan in prison. Abu-Mihjan ath-Thakafi l was alienated to Badi* 2 by 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab in punishment for his being addicted to wine. He somehow managed to run away and followed Sa'd; he, according to al-Wakidi, not being one of those who had started with Sa'd. In the army of Sa'd, abu-Mihjan again drank wine on account of which Sa'd flogged and imprisoned him in al-'Udhaib tower. Here he asked Zabra', a concubine of Sa'd, to release him that he might take part in the fight, promising to return to his fetters.* She made him swear by Allah that he would do so if released. Riding on Sa'd's mare, he rushed on the Persians, pierced through their line and thrust his sword into the nose of the white elephant. Sa'd who was watch- ing him, said, " The mare is mine; but the charge is that of abu-Mihjan." Abu-Mihjan then returned to his fetters. Others say that it was Salma, daughter of Hafsah, who gave him the mare ; but the former report is more authentic. When the question of Rustam was settled, Sa'd said to abu- Mihjan, " By Allah, I shall never punish thee for wine after seeing what I saw of thee." " As for me," an- swered abu-Mihjan, " by Allah, I shall never drink it again." 4

The slayer of Rustam. On that day, Tulaihah ibn-Khu- wailid al-Asadi distinguished himself in fighting, and with a blow, cut the under-helmet of al-Jalinus, but did not in- jure his head. On the same occasion, Kais ibn-Makshuh turned to the people and said, " To be killed is the fate of the noble. Let not those ' uncircumcised ' have more pa-

1 Yusuf, pp. 17-18; Mas'udi, vol. iv, pp. 213-219; al-'Ikd al-Farid, vol. iii, p. 407.

2 Hamdani, p. 133, 1. 22; p. 41, 1. 7: "Nasi"'; Yakut, vol. i, p. 471; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2480.

' Dinawari, p. 129.

4 Mas'udi, vol. iv, p. 219; Athir, vol. ii, p. 369.


tience or be more anxious to die than yourselves." Saying this, he rushed and fought fiercely. By Allah's help, Rus- 259 tarn was slain and his body was found covered with so many blows and stabs that the one who gave the fatal blow could not be determined. 'Arm* ibn-Ma'dikarib, Tulaihah ibn- Khuwailid al-Asadi, Kurt ibn-Jammah al-'Abdi and Dirar ibn-al-Azwar al-Asadi had all rushed at him. This Dirar, ac- cording to al-Wakidi, was killed in the battle of al-Yama- mah. Some say that Rustam was killed by Zuhair ibn- 'Abd-Shams al-Bajali ; others, by 'Auwam ibn-'Abd-Shams ; and still others by Hilal ibn-'Ullafah at-Taimi. 1

This battle of al-Kadisiyah was fought on Thursday, Friday and the night of Saturday, which last was since called " Lailat al-Harir ". 2 The night of the battle of Sif- f in was also thus called.

Some say that Kais ibn-Makshuh took no part in the fight at al-Kadisiyah, having arrived there after the Moslems had been through with the fighting.

Salman ibn-Rabi' ah' s part. Ahmad ibn-Salman al-Ba- hili from certain sheikhs: Salman ibn-Rabi'ah invaded Syria in the company of abu-Umamah as-Sudai ibn-'Ajlan al-Bahili, and took part in the battles fought by the Moslems there. He then went forth to al-'Irak together with those who, under great urgency, hastened to al-Kadisiyah as a reinforcement, and took part in the decisive conflict. He settled at al-Kufah and was killed in Balanjar.

According to al-Wakidi, a group of Persians, planting their banner firmly in the ground, said, " We shall not leave our position until we die ;" upon which Salman ibn-Rabi' ah- 1-Bahili made an attack and killed them, carrying their ban- ner away.

1 Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 165.

2 The night of yells of pain. Caetani, vol. iii, pp. 643, 675 ; Skvzzen, vol. vi, p. 75 ; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2327.

4I 6

Khalid ibn-'Urf Utah's part. Sa'd sent Khalid ibn-'Urfu- tah at the head of the cavalry charged with pursuing the enemy. Khalid and his men killed every one they over- took until they arrived in Burs. Here Khalid was the guest of one, Bistam, who treated him with kindness and loyalty. A canal that ran there was called Nahr Bistam. Khalid then passed through as- Sarah [canal] and caught up with Jalinus. Kathir ibn-Shihab al-Harithi charged Jalinus and stabbed him, and according to others, killed him. Ibn-al- Kalbi says that it was Zuhrah ibn-Hawiyah as-Sa'di who killed him. The former report is more authentic.

The Persians fled to al-Mada'in, following Yazdajird [their king]. Sa'd immediately communicated with 'Umar, announcing the victory and giving the names of those who had fallen.

The Persian arrows. Abu-Raja' al-Farisi from his grandfather : The latter said : " I took part in the battle of al-Kadisiyah when I was still a Magian. When the Arabs sent their arrows against us, we began to shout, ' duk ! duk !' * by which we meant, spindles. These spindles, however, continued to shower upon us, until we were over- whelmed. Our archer would send the arrow from his Na- wakiyah bow, but it would not do more than attach itself to the garment of an Arab ; whereas their arrow would tear the coat of mail and the double cuirass that we had on."

According to Hisham ibn-al-Kalbi, the first to kill a Per- sian in the battle of al-Kadisiyah was Rabi'ah ibn-'Uth- man ibn-Rabi'ah of the banu-Nasr ibn-Mu'awiyah ibn- Bakr ibn-Hawazin ibn-Mansur.

In this battle, Sa'd ibn-'Ubaid al-Ansari fell a martyr. His death afflicted 'Umar so much that he said, " His death almost marred the joy of the victory for me."

, p. 16: "dus!" Cf. Tabari, vol. t, p. 2236.


An-Nakhirkhdn slain by Zuhair. After the battle of al- Kadisiyah, the Moslems started off, and after passing Dair [monastery] Ka'b [?]/ they were met by an-Nakhir- khan, 2 who appeared at the head of a large body of men from al-Mada'in. 3 In the conflict that ensued, Zuhair ibn-Sulaim al-Azdi seized an-Nakhirkhan by the neck; and they both fell to the ground. Zuhair took a dagger that was in the other man's belt and cut open his abdomen, thereby putting him to death.

Bahurasir. Sa'd and the Moslems went and occupied Sablt They then assembled in the city of Bahurasir, 4 which lay in the Shikk al-Kufah [western bank of the Tigris], where they spent nine months (others say iS), 5 during which they ate fresh dates for two seasons. The inhabitants of that city fought against them until they could offer no more resistance, at which the Moslems entered the city. When the city was thus reduced, Yazdajird ibn-Shah- riyar, the Persian king, resolved to flee and was suspended in a basket from the wall of al-Abyad fort in al-Mada'in and was therefore called by the Nabateans Barzabil [the 263

1 Yusuf, p. 17, 1. 8: "Dair al-Masalih " (?).

2 Tabari, in Noldeke, Geschichte der Perser, pp. 152-153.

3 Seleucia-Ctesiphon. Meynard, Dictionnaire de la Perse, p. 518.

4 Noldeke, Perser, p. 16, n. 4.

5 Dinawari, p. 133.



son of the basket]. Yazdajird thence left for Hulwan l with the principal dignitaries of his kingdom, and carried with him the treasury of the kingdom, his precious but light 2 pieces of furniture, private treasury, wives and children. In the year in which he fled, plague and famine ravaged all Persia. The Moslems then crossed [the Tigris] through a ford, and took possession of the city on the eastern bank of the river.

The Arabs cross the Tigris. 'Affan ibn-Muslim from abu- Wa'il : The latter saidf^When the Persians were put to flight at al-Kadisiyah, we pursued them. They reunited at Kutha 3 and we pursued them until we reached the Tigris, at which the Moslems said, 'Why do you gaze at this small body of water? Let us wade through.' 4 Accord- ingly, we waded through, and once more put the enemy to flight."

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from Aban ibn-Salih : When they were defeated at al-Kadisiyah, the fugitive Persians came to al-Mada'in. The Moslems having arrived at the Tigris, whose water was flowing higher than ever, found that the Persians had removed the ships and ferry-boats to the east- ern bank and burned the bridge. Sa'd and the Moslems find- ing no way to cross over were greatly afflicted. At last, Sa'd chose one of the Moslems who swam across on horseback. Likewise, the other Moslems crossed on horseback and, on landing, made the owners of the ships transport the bag- gage. Seeing that, the Persians said, " By Allah, those we are fighting are nothing less than demons [jinn] !" and they took to flight.

1 Yakut, vol. ii, p. 312.

1 Ar. khiff; Caetani, vol. iii, p. 724, takes it to be khaffa and stretches the meaning into " ma abbandonando in gran parte le sue masserizie ". Cf. Dinawari, p. 133.

8 Yakut, vol. iv, p. 318.

4 Text not clear. Caetani, vol. iii, p. 723.


Sabat and ar-Riiniiyah. 'Abbas ibn-Hisham from 'Awanah ibn-al-Hakam, and abu-'Ubaidah Ma'mar ibn-al- Muthanna from abu-'Amr ibn-al-'Ala' : Sa'd ibn-abi-Wak- kas sent at the head of the van of his army Khalid ibn-'Ur- futah, who succeeded in reducing Sabat 1 before Sa'd's ar- rival. Khalid proceeded and camped at ar-Rumiyah 2 until its people made terms, agreeing to have those of them who wanted to leave, do so, and those who wanted to stay, stay, on condition that they offer homage and give counsel, pay. kharaj, and act as guides for the Moslems, without enter- taining any treachery against them. Sa'd [in crossing the river] found no ferry-boats, but was shown a -ferry near as-Saiyadin village. The horses waded through while the Persians shot them with their arrows. All the Moslems, however, escaped, and only one of them from the tribe of 264 Taiyi', whose full name was Salil ibn-Yazid ibn-Malik as- Sinbisi, was killed.

Kisra's concubines. 'Abdallah ibn-Salih from ash- Sha'bi : The latter said, " In the battle of al-Mada'in, the Moslems carried away many of Kisra's maids [concubines] who had been brought from all quarters of the world and lavishly adorned for him. My mother was one of them. On that day, too, the Moslems found camphor and, taking it for salt, put it in their cooking-pans." 3

According to al-Wakidi, Sa'd was all done with the con- quest of al-Mada'in and Jalula' in the year 16.

1 Sometimes called Sabat Kisra. Yakut, vol. i, p. 3; Caetani, vol. iii, p. 724, I- 4-

  • Perhaps a suburb of Mada'in. Yakut, vol. ii, p. 867.

3 Dinawari, p. 134; Yusuf, p. 17.


A description of the battle. After spending several days in al-Mada'in, the Moslems received word that Yazdajird had massed a great host, which was then at Jalula, and had directed it against them. Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas thereupon dispatched Hashim ibn-'Utbah ibn-abi-Wakkas at the head of 12,000 men to meet them. The Moslems found that the Persians, having left their families and heavy baggage at Khanikin, 1 had dug trenches and fortified themselves, bind- ing themselves with a pledge never to flee. Reinforcements were coming to them all the time from Hulwan and al-Jibal [the mountains, i. e., Media]. The Moslems, thinking it best to hasten the attack before the reinforcements became too strong, met them with Hujr ibn-'Adi-l-Kindi command- ing the right wing, 'Amr ibn-Ma'dikarib commanding the cavalry and Tulaihah ibn-Khuwailid commanding the in- fantry. The Persians were on this occasion led by Khur- razad, a brother of Rustam. The fight that ensued was the fiercest they ever had, in which arrows and lances were used until broken to pieces, and swords were applied until they were bent. Finally the Moslems altogether made one on- slaught and drove the Persians from their position, putting them to flight. The Persians fled away and the Moslems kept pursuing them at their very heels with fear- ful slaughter until darkness intervened and they had to re- turn to their camp.

1 Yakut, vol. ii, p. 393- 420


Hashim ibn-'Utbah left Jarir ibn-'Abdallah in Jalula' with a heavy force of cavalry to act as a check between the Moslems and their enemy. Yazdajird thereupon left Hul- 265 wan.

Mahrudh. The Moslems carried on many raids in the re- gions of as-Sawad on the east bank of the Tigris. Com- ing to Mahrudh, 1 Hashim made terms with its dihkan, stipulating that the latter should pay a jarib of dirhams [ ?] and the former should not kill any of the men.

Ad-Daskarah. On a charge of treachery, against the Moslems, Hashim put the dihkdn of ad-Daskarah 2 to death.

Al-Bandanijain. Hashim then proceeded to al-Bandani- jain, 8 whose inhabitants sued for peace, agreeing to pay tax and khardj. Consequently, Hashim promised them security.

Khanikm. At Khanikin there was a small remnant of the Persians against whom Jarir ibn-'Abdallah now marched and whom he put to death. Thus was no region of the Sawad Dijlah left unconquered by the Moslems or unpossessed by them.

According to Hisham ibn-al-Kalbi, the leader of the army in the battle of Jalula' in behalf of Sa'd was 'Amr ibn-'Utbah ibn-Naufal ibn-Uhaib ibn-'Abd-Manaf ibn- Zuhrah whose mother was 'Atikah, daughter of abu-Wak- kas.

After the battle of Jalula', Sa'd left for al-Mada'in where he gathered a host of men, and then kept on his way to the region of al-Hirah.

The battle of Jalula' took place at the close of the year 16.

The converts. Those who embraced Islam were among

others, Busbuhra the dihkdn of al-Falalij and an-Nahrain,


1 Yakut, vol. iv, p. 700.

  • Ibid., vol. ii, p. 575; Noldeke, Perser, p. 295, n. i.

8 Persian : Bandanikan ; Yakut, vol. i, p. 745.


Bistam ibn-Narsi the dihkdn of Babil and Khutarni- yah, 1 ar-Rufail the dihkdn of al-'Al, 2 and Fairuz the dihkdn of Nahr al-Malik 3 and Kutha. 'Umar ibn-al- Khattab did not interfere with them but left their lands in their own hands and annulled the poll-tax they paid.

Hdshim's campaign. Abu-Mas'ud al-Kufi from 'Awa- nah's father: Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas dispatched Hashim ibn-'Utbah ibn-abi-Wakkas accompanied by al-Ash'ath ibn- Kais al-Kindi. Hashim passed through ar-Radhanat 4 and visited Dakuka and Khanijar, conquering all that region together with all the district of Bajarma. Hashim pene- trated towards Sinn Barimma 5 and Bawazij al-Mulk as far as the border of Shahrazur.

'U mar's message to Sa'd. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Yazid ibn-abi-Habib : When Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas com- pleted the conquest of as-Sawad, he received the following letter from 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab :

" I have received thy letter in which thou statest that thy men have asked thee to divide among them whatever spoils 266 Allah has assigned them. At the receipt of my letter, find out what possessions and horses the troops on ' horses and camels ' 6 have acquired and divide that among them, after taking away one-fifth. As for the land and camels, leave them in the hands of those men who work them, so that they may be included in the stipends [pensions] of the Mos- lems. If thou dividest them among those present, nothing will be left for those who come after them."

1 Yakut, vol. ii, p. 453.

  • Yakut, vol. iii, p. 502.

1 Ibid., vol. iv, p. 846. 4 Ibid., vol. ii, p. 729. 1 Ibid., vol. iii, p. 169. Kor., 59:6.


How the land and the inhabitants of as-Sawad should be considered. Al-Husain from 'Abdallah ibn-Hazim: The latter said, " I once asked Mujahid regarding the land of as-Sawad and he answered, ' It can neither be bought nor sold/ This is because it was taken by force and was not divided. It belongs to all the Moslems."

Al-Walid ibn-Salih from Sulaiman ibn-Yasar: 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab left as-Sawad for those who were still in men's loins and mothers' wombs [i. e., posterity] , consider- ing the inhabitants dhimmis from whom tax should be taken on their person, and khardj on their land. They are therefore dhimmis and cannot be sold as slaves.

The following statement was made by Sulaiman : " Al- Walid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik wanted to consider the inhabitants of as-Sawad as having been acquired without fighting [ Ar. fai'] ; but when I told him of the position 'Umar took re- garding them, Allah prevented him from doing so."

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Harithah ibn-Mudarrib : 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab, desiring to divide as-Sawad among the Moslems, ordered that they be counted. Each Moslem had three peasants for his share. 'Umar took the advice of the Prophet's Companions, and 'AH said, " Leave them that they may become a source of revenue and aid * for the Moslems." Accordingly, 'Umar sent 'Uthman ibn- Hunaif al-Ansari who assessed on each man 48, 24, or 12 [dirhams].

Abu-Nasr at-Tammar from 'AH : The latter said, " If ye were not to strike one another on the face [have civil war] I would divide as-Sawad among you."

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from 'Amir: The people of as-Sawad have no covenant, rather they came under our control by surrender.

1 Ar. tndddah; see an-Nihayah, vol. iv, p. 84.


Al-Husain from ash-Sha'bi : The latter was asked 267 whether the people of as-Sawad had a covenant, to which he replied, " At first, they had none ; but when the Mos- lems consented to take khardj from them, then they came to have one."

Al-Husain from 'Amir : The latter said, " The people of as-Sawad have no covenant."

The Magians. 'Amr an-Nakid from Ja'far ibn-Muham- mad's father: The Emigrants had a sitting place in the mosque in which 'Umar used to discuss with them the news he received from the different regions. One day he said, "I know not how to treat the Magians;" upon which 'Abd- ar-Rahman ibn-'Auf rose and said, " I bear witness that the Prophet said, ' Treat them according to the same law with which ye treat the People of the Book '."

The Bajttah's share in as-Sawdd. Muhammad ibn-as- Sabbah al-Bazzaz from Kais ibn-abi-Hazim : The Baji- lah tribe constituted one- fourth of the Moslems in the battle of al-Kadisiyah, and 'Umar had allotted them one-fourth of as-Sawad. Once when Jarir [ibn-'Abdallah] called on 'Umar, the latter said, " Had I not been responsible for what I divide, I would leave to you the share already given ; but I see that the Moslems have multiplied, so ye have to restore what ye have taken." Jarir and the others did as 'Umar said; and 'Umar offered Jarir a present of 80 dinars . 1

A woman of the tribe of Bajilah, called umm-Kurz, came to 'Umar and said, " My father died and his share in as- Sawad holds good. I shall never deliver it !" 'Umar turned to her and said, " But, umm-Kurz, thy people have all con- sented to do so." " I shall never consent," said she, " un- less thou carry me on a submissive she-camel covered with

1 Yusuf, p. 18.


a red nappy mantle [Ar. katifah] and fill both of my hands with gold," which 'Umar did.

Al-Husain from Jarir : 'Urnar gave to the Bajilah one- quarter of as-Sawad which they held for three years.

Kais said : " Jarir ibn-'Abdallah accompanied by 'Am- mar ibn-Yasir called on 'Umar who said, ' Had I not been 268 held responsible for what I divide, I would leave to you the shares already given ; but I see now that ye ought to restore what ye have taken.' And they did, upon which 'Umar of- fered a present of 80 dinars to Jarir." x

According to a tradition communicated by al-Hasan 2 ibn-'Uthman az-Ziyadi on the authority of Kais, 'Umar gave Jarir ibn-'Abdallah 400 dinars.

Humaid ibn-ar-Rabi' from al-Hasan ibn-Salih: 'Umar gave the Bajilah, in exchange for the fourth of as-Sawad they held, a stipend of 2,000 dirhams.

Al-Walid ibn-Salih from Jarir ibn-Yazid ibn- Jarir ibn- 'Abdallah's grandfather: 'Umar allotted to Jarir and his men one-quarter of what they had conquered in as-Sawad. When the spoils of Jalula' were brought together, Jarir de- manded his quarter. Sa'd communicated the demand to 'Umar who wrote back as follows : "If Jarir wants him- self considered as having with his men, fought for a pay similar to the pay of al-Mu'allafah Kuliibuhum? then ye may give them their pay. If, however, they have fought in Allah's cause and will accept his remuneration, then they are part of the Moslems, having their rights and their ob- ligations." Hearing that, Jarir said, " Truly and honestly has the ' Commander of the Believers ' spoken. We do not want our quarter."

1 Yahya ibn- Adam, pp. 29 seq. a Dhahabi, p. 244.

3 Those whose hearts are won to Islam by special gifts. See De Goeje, Memoire, p. 51; Tabari, vol. i, p. 1679; Kor., 9:60.


Al-Husain from Ibrahim an-Nakha'i : Someone came to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab, saying, " I have accepted Islam and ask thee to exempt my piece from the land-khardj," to which 'Umar replied, " Thy land has been taken by force."

Khalaf ibn-Hisham al-Bazzar from Ibrahim at-Taimi : When 'Umar conquered as-Sawad, the troops said to him, " Divide it among us because we have reduced it by force through our swords." But 'Umar refused, saying, " What will then be left for those Moslems who come after you? Moreover, I am afraid that if I divide it, ye may come to be at variance with one another on account of its water." 'Umar, therefore, left the people of as-Sawad in possession of their lands, assessing a tax on their person and a fixed tax * on their lands which he did not divide.

A survey of as-Sawad. Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from ash- 269 Sha'bi : 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab sent 'Uthman ibn-Hunaif al-Ansari to make a survey [yamsah] of as-Sawad, which he found to be 36,000,000 jaribs, on every jarib of which he assessed one dirham and one kafis. Al-Kasim adds, " I heard that the kafls was a measure of theirs also called ash- shaburkdn." According to Yahya ibn-Adam, it is equiva- lent to al-makhtum al-Hajjaji. z

The tax assessed. 'Amr an-Nakid from Muhammad ibn- 'Abdallah ath-Thakafi: 'Umar assessed on every jarib in as-Sawad, whether cultivated or uncultivated, provided it was accessible to water, one dirham and one kafiz, on every jarib of ratbah [trefoil or clover] five dirhams and five kafizes, and on every jarib of trees ten dirhams and ten ka-

1 Ar. task or tisk. J. Wellhausen, Das Arabische Reich, pp. 172-173, Noldeke, Perser, p. 241, n. i ; Caetani, vol. ii, p. 930, n. 6.

3 Mawardi, pp. 272, 304.

1 Introduced through al-Haj jaj ibn-Yusuf who died in the year 90 A. H.


fizes (palm trees not mentioned). On every man, he as- sessed 48, 24, or 12 dirhams as poll-tax.

Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from abu-Mijlaz Lahik ibn-Hu- maid : 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab assigned 'Ammar ibn-Yasir to act as religious head * for the people of al-Kufah and to command their militia, 'Abdallah ibn-Mas'ud to be their kadi and treasurer, and 'Uthman ibn-Hunaif to measure the land. To these three, he assigned each day one goat, one- half of which, together with the appendages 2 to be taken by 'Ammar and the other half to be divided between the other two. 'Uthman ibn-Hunaif measured the land and assessed on each jarib of palm trees, 10 dirhams ; of vine trees, 10 dirhams; of sugar-cane, 6 dirhams; of wheat, 4 dirhams; and of barley, 2 dirhams. To this end, he wrote to 'Umar, who endorsed the assessments.

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from 'Amr ibn-Maimun : 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab sent Hudhaifah ibn-al-Yaman be- yond the Tigris, and 'Uthman ibn-Hunaif below the Tigris; 9 and they assessed on every jarib one kafiz and one dirham. j

Al-Husain from Muhammad ibn-'Abdallah ath-Tha- 270 f kafi : When al-Mughirab ibn-Shu'bah was governor of as- N Sawad, he wrote, " We find here other products than wheat / and barley," and mentioned Indian peas, grapes, clover 3 / and sesame, upon each of which he assessed 8 dirhams and \^ excluded palm-trees. 4

Khalaf al-Bazzar from al-'Aizar ibn-Huraith: 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab assessed on one jarib of wheat two dirhams and two jaribs; on one jarib of barley, one dirham, and

1 Ar. a/a as-salah ; Caetani, vol. iii, p. 756, translates : " 1'autorita civile."

  • Ar. sawakit. Yusuf , p. 20 : " batn " = belly.

8 Ar. rafbah or rutbah may also be applied to cucumber, melon and the like ; see Caetani, vol. v, pp. 370 and 371 ; Yusuf, pp. 20-22.

4 Cf. Adam, p. 08.

42 g

one jarib ; and on every two jaribs in the uncultivated land that can be sown, one dirham.

Khalaf al-Bazzar from al-'Aizar ibn-Huraith: 'Umar assessed on one jarib of vine-trees 10 dirhams, on one jarib of clover, 10; of cotton, 5; on one Farisi palm-tree, one dirham and if of inferior quality, one dirham on two trees.

'Amr an-Nakid from abu-Mijlaz : 'Umar assessed on a janb of palm-trees 8 dirhams.

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from ash-Sha'bi : 'Umar ibn- al-Khattab sent 'Uthman ibn-Hunaif * who assessed on the people of as-Sawad 5 dirhams on one jarib of clover, and 10 dirhams on one jarib of vine-trees; but he assessed no tax on what was grown among the vines.

Al-Walid ibn-Salih from al-Miswar ibn-Rifa/ah: 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz said that the khardj of as-Sawad in the time of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab was 100,000,000 dir- hams; but in the time of al-Hajjaj, it amounted to 40,- 000,000.

/" Al-Walid from Aiyub ibn-abi-Umamah ibn-Sahl ibn- S Hunaif's father. 'Uthman ibn-Hunaif put seals around 271 \ the necks 2 of 550,000 of the "uncircumcised", and the khardj during his governorship amounted to 100,000,000. w Al-Walid ibn-Salih from Mus'ab ibn-Yazid abu-Zaid al- Ansari's father : The latter said, " 'Ali-ibn-abi-Talib sent me to the land irrigated by the Euphrates, mentioning dif- ferent cantons and villages, and naming Nahr al-Malik 3 Kutha, Bahurasir, ar-Rumakan, Nahr Jaubar, Nahr Durkit and al-Bihkubadhat. He ordered me to assess on every jarib of wheat, if thickly sown, one dirham and a half and one sd c ; if thinly sown, two-thirds of a dirham and if not so

1 Ya'kubi, vol. ii, pp. 173-175.

'Yusuf, p. 73, 1. 12- 16; Caetani, vol. v, pp. 371-372.

8 Yakut, vol. iv, p. 846.


thickly or thinly sown one dirham ; and on barley, one-half of that. He also ordered me to assess on the gardens that include palm-trees and other kinds, 10 dirhams per jarib; on one jo/rib of vine-trees, if its trees had been planted for three full years and a part of the fourth, and if it bears fruit, ten dirhams, with nothing on palm-trees that are outside the villages and the fruits of which are eaten by the passers-by. On vegetables, including cucumbers, grains, sesame and cotton, he ordered me not to assess anything. On those landlords [dihkans] who ride mules and wear rings of gold around their feet, he ordered me to assess 48 dirhams each ; and on those of them who are merchants of medium means, 24 dirhams per annum each; but on the farmers and the rest of them, 12 dirhams each."

Humaid ibn-ar-Rabi' from al-Hasan ibn-Salih : The latter said, " I asked al-Hasan, ' What are those different rates of assessed land-tax [task] ? ' And he replied, * They, one after the other, have been assessed according to the nearness and distance of the land from the markets x and the drinking places in the river [furad].' Yahya ibn- 272 Adam says, ' The Moslems of as-Sawad asked al-Mansur towards the end of his caliphate to introduce the system by which they turn over to the authorities as tax a part of the produce of the land ; 2 but he died before the system was introduced. Later, by al-Mahdi's orders, the system was introduced in all places with the exception of 'Akabat Hulwan.' "

iMawardi, p. 306, 1. 12.

2 Ar. mukdsamah, as contrasted with misdhaJi, is the system of land tenure by which the kharaj is levied on the produce and not the area, and is from one-tenth to one-half of the produce of the lands. Cf. Mawardi, p. 260; De Goeje's Baladhuri " Glossarium ", pp. 86-87; ibn-Tiktaka, p. 215, 1. 16, p. 260, 1. 5; Berchem, La Proprietc Territoriale, P. 45*

43 o

The survey of Hudhaifah. 'Abdallah ibn-Salih al-'Ijli from certain authorities: Hudhaifah who measured the surface of the land irrigated by the Tigris, died at al-Ma- da'in. The Kanatir Hudhaifah [arches of Hudhaifah] are named after him, because he camped near them ; but others say because he renewed them. His cubit [Ar. dhird'], like that of ibn-Hunaif, is the length of a man's arm, hand and thumb, stretched out. When the inhabitants of as-Sawad had the system of khardj proportioned to the produce of the land, after they had that based on the area [misdhah] t one of the officials said : " The tithe levied on the fiefs was a tenth which was not equivalent [ ?] to one-fifth of the half levied on the istdns [administrative districts]. Therefore, it is necessary that there should be levied on the jarib of the fiefs subject to the area [misdhah] system of khardj also one-fifth of what is levied on the jarib of the is- tdns [ ?]." x Such was the case.

Abu-'Ubaid from Maimun ibn-Mihran: 'Umar sent Hudhaifah and ibn-Hunaif to Khanikin, which was one of the first places they conquered ; and after they attached seals to the necks of the dhimmis, they collected its khardj.

Lands confiscated by 'Umar. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-abi-Hurrah's father: The latter said, " 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab confiscated for himself ten pieces of land in as-Sawad of which I remember seven, the remaining three having slipped me. The lands he confis- cated were (i) a piece covered with woods; (2) one cov- ered with marshes; (3) one belonging to king Kisra; (4) all of Dair Yazid; 2 (5) the land of those who were killed during the war; (6) the land of those who fled the country.

1 Caetani, vol. v, p. 374; Mukaddasi, p. 133.

1 Caetani, vol. v, p. 373, gives it "dayr mubad ( ? nel testo: band)". Cf. Yusuf, p. 32, 1. 20.


This state of affairs lasted until the register was burned in the days of al-Hajjaj ibn-Yusuf, upon which the people 273

seized the [domanial] land bordering on their property."

Abu-'Abd-ar-Rahman al-Ju'fi from 'Abd-al-Malik ibn- abi-Hurrah's father: 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab confiscated in as-Sawad the land of those who were killed during the war, the land of those who fled the country, all the land of king Kisra, all the land belonging to Kisra's family, every swampy place, all Dair Yazid and all the land that was appropriated by Kisra for himself. Thus, the value of what 'Umar took amounted to 7,000,000 dirhams. In the battle of [Dair] al-Jamajim, the people burnt the register and every one of them seized what bordered on his land.

Fiefs assigned by 'Uthmdn. Al-Husain and 'Amr an- Nakid from Musa ibn-Talhah: 'Uthman assigned as fief to 'Abdallah ibn-Mas'ud a piece of land in an-Nahrain ; to 'Ammar ibn-Yasir, Asbina; z to Khabbab ibn-al-Aratt, Sa'- naba; and to SaM [ibn-abi-Wakkas] the village of Hur- muz.

'Abdallah ibn-Salih al-'Ijli from ash-Sha'bi : 'Uthman ibn-'Affan assigned as fief to Talhah ibn-'Ubaidallah an- Nashastaj ; 3 and to Usamah ibn-Zaid, a piece of land which he later sold.

Shaiban ibn-Farrukh from Musa ibn-Talhah: 'Uthman ibn-'Affan gave fiefs to five of the Companions of the Prophet: 'Abdallah ibn-Mas'ud, Sa'd ibn-Malik az-Zuhri, az-Zubair ibn-al-'Auwam, 4 Khabbab ibn-al-Aratt and Usa- mah ibn-Zaid. 6 Musa ibn-Talhah adds, "I noticed that ibn-

1 Athir, vol. ii, p. 407 ; Adam, pp. 45-46.

2 Yusuf, p. 25, 1. 9: " Istiniya." 5 Yakut, vol. iv, p. 783.

4 Ibn-Sa'd, vol. iii 1 , pp. 75-77-

5 Cf. Ya'kubi, vol. ii, p. 202, 1. 4.


Mas'ud and Sa'd, who were my neighbors, used to cultivate their lands for one-third and one-fourth [of the produce].

Al-Walid ibn-Salih from Musa ibn-Talhah : The first one to give out al-'Irak in fiefs was 'Uthman ibn-'Affan who gave out pieces of land appropriated by Kisra, and others evacuated by their owners. Thus, he assigned to Talhah as fief an-Nashastaj ; to Wa'il ibn-Hujr al-Had- 274 rami, the land bordering on Zurarah's; to Khabbab ibn-al- Aratt, Asbina; to 'Adi ibn-Hatim at-Ta'i, ar-Rauha', to Khalid ibn-'Urfutah, a piece of land near Hammam [bath] A'yan; to al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais al-Kindi, Tizanabadh; and to Jarir ibn-'Abdallah al-Bajali, his land on the bank of the Euphrates.

Ajamat Burs. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from al-Hasan ibn^Safih : The latter said, " I was informed that 'Ali assessed on the owners of Ajamat [forest] Burs 4,000 dirhams; and to that end, he wrote them a statement on a piece of parchment. 1

I was told by Ahmad ibn-Hammad al-Kufi that Ajamat Burs lies in the vicinity of the Namrudh [Nimrod] palace in Babil [Babylon]. In this forest, there is a precipice of great depth, which, according to some, is a well from the soil of which the bricks of the palace were made, and which, according to others, is a landslide.

Nahr Sa'd. I learnt from abu-Mas'ud and others that the landlords [dihkdns] of al-Anbar asked Sa'd ibn-abi- Wakkas to dig for them a canal which they had previously asked the Persian magnate [king] to dig 2 for them. Sa'd wrote to Sa'd ibn-'Amr ibn-Haram, ordering him to dig the canal for them. Accordingly, they dug until they reached a mountain which they could not cut through, upon

1 Adam, p. 18.

2 Cf. Mas'udi, vol. i, p. 225.


which they gave it up. But when al-Hajjaj became gov- ernor of al-'Irak, he gathered workmen from all regions, and said to his superintendents, " Take note of what one of the diggers eats per day. If it is the weight of what he digs out, then continue the work." Thus, they spent money x on it until it was completed. The mountain excavated was therefore named after al-Hajjaj ; but the canal, after Sa'd ibn-'Amr ibn-Haram. 2

Nahr Mahdud. Al-Khaizuran, the mother of the caliphs, [umm-al-khulafa] ordered that the canal known by the name of Mahdud be dug; and she gave it the name of ar- Raiyan. 3 Her superintendent over the work had divided it into sections, put limits for every section, and put it in charge of a group of men to dig; hence the name Mahdud [t. e. } limited].

Nahr Shaila. As for the canal known by the name of Shaila, it is claimed by the banu- Shaila ibn-Farrukhzadan al-Marwazi that Sabur [Persian king] had dug it out for their grandfather when he sent him to guard the frontier of the dominion at Nighya in the canton of al-Anbar. Ac- cording to others, however, the canal was so called after 275 one, Shaila, who made a contract for digging the canal in the days of the caliph al-Mansur; the canal being old but buried, al-Mansur ordered that it be excavated. Before the work was brought to an end, al-Mansur died and the work was completed in the caliphate of al-Mahdi. According to others, al-Mansur ordered that a mouth [only] be dug for the canal above its old mouth ; but he did not complete the work. Al-Mahdi completed it.

1 Cf. Caetani, vol. iii, p. 864.

  • Cf. Marasid, vol. iii, p. 248.
  • Mardsid, vol. iii, p. 48: " al-Marban."


Al-Kufah chosen. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from 'Abd-al- Hamid ibn-Ja'far and others: 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab wrote to Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas ordering him to adopt for the Moslems a place to which they could emigrate, and which they could use as a meeting place [kairawan], pro- vided that between him ['Umar] and the Moslems, no sea should intervene. Accordingly, Sa'd came to al-Anbar x with the idea of occupying it. Here, however, flies were so numerous, that Sa'd had to move to another place, which proved to be unsatisfactory, and therefore he moved to al- Kufah which he divided into lots, giving the houses as fiefs and settling the different tribes in their quarters. He also erected its mosque. All this took place in the year 1 7.

Suk Hakamah. The following was communicated to me by 'Ali ibn-al-Mughirah-1-Athram, on the authority of sheikhs from al-Kufah: When Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas was through with the battle of al-Kadisiyah, he went to al-Ma- da'in, made terms with the inhabitants of ar-Rumiyah and Bahurasir, reduced al-Mada'in, 2 Asbanbur 2 and Kurdban- daxlh s and settled his troops in them. The troops occupied these places. Subsequently, Sa'd was ordered [by 'Umar] to remove them; and so he removed them to Suk Haka- mah, others say to Kuwaifah on this side of al-Kufah. Ac-

1 Dinawari, p. 131.

2 The Arabic and Persian names of Ctesiphon; Yakut, vol. i, p. 237.

3 Perhaps a quarter in Ctesiphon ; Caetani, vol. iii, p. 848.




cording to al-Athram, the word takauwuf * means " the re- union of people". Others say that circular places when sandy are called kufah ; and still others call the land rich in pebbles, mud and sand, kufah.

Mosquitoes in al-Madd'in. It is stated that when the Moslems in al-Mada'in were attacked by the mosquitoes, Sa'd wrote to 'Umar telling him that they were badly af- fected by them; in answer to which 'Umar wrote back, 276 " Arabs are like camels; whatever is good for the camels is good for them. Choose for them, therefore, a habitable place; and let no sea intervene between them and me." The determining of the dwelling-place was entrusted to abu- 1-Haiyaj al-Asadi 'Amr ibn-Malik ibn-Junadah.

Al-Kufah founded. Then 'Abd al-Masih ibn-Bukailah presented himself before Sa'd and said to him, " I can point out to thee a site which is outside the waterless desert, and higher than the muddy places where mosquitoes abound." z Saying this, he pointed out the site of al-Kufah which was then called Suristan. When Sa'd arrived on the spot des- tined to be the site of the mosque, a man shot, by his orders, an arrow towards the kiblah, another towards the north, another to the south, a fourth to the east, and marked the spots where the arrows fell. Sa'd then established the mosque and the governor's residence on the spot where the man who shot the arrows had stood, fencing in all the space around that spot. He then drew lots with two arrows be- tween the tribe of Nizar and the tribes of al-Yaman, prom- ising the left side, which was the better of the two, to the one whose arrow was drawn first. The people of al-Yaman had theirs first ; and they were, therefore, allotted the pieces on the east side. The pieces allotted to the Nizar fell on

1 From which noun Kufah comes.

2 Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2389.


the west side beyond the boundaries fixed for the mosque, leaving what was fenced in within the marks for the mosque and the governor's residence. Later, al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah enlarged the mosque; and Ziyad x [ibn-Abihi] rebuilt it strongly and rebuilt the governor's residence. Ziyad often repeated, " On every one of the pillars of the mosque at al-Kufah, I spent 1,800 [dirhams]." Another building was established by 'Amr ibn-Huraith al-Makh- zumi, whom Ziyad used to leave in his place over al-Ku- fah whenever he absented himself in al-Basrah. Ziyad's agents erected many buildings which made the place crowded and thickly set. 2

The lane called Kukak 'Amr in al-Kufah takes its name from the banu-'Amr ibn-Huraith ibn-'Amr ibn-'Uthman ibn-'Abdallah ibn-'Umar ibn-Makhzum ibn-Yakazah.

The Yamanites. Wahb ibn-Bakiyah-1-Wasiti from ash- Sha'bi : The latter said, " We (the Yamanites) were 12,000 men; the Nizar were 8,000; from which you can easily see that we constituted the majority of the settlers of al-Kufah. Our arrow went to the east side of the mosque. That is why we hold the pieces we now hold."

The mosque. 'Ali ibn-Muhammad al-Mada'ini from Mas- lamah ibn-Muharib and others : Al-Mughirah enlarged the mosque 3 of al-Kufah and rebuilt it. Ziyad later enlarged it still more. Pebbles were spread in this mosque and in that of al-Basrah, because when people prayed their hands were covered with dust, which they used to remove by clap- ping their hands. This made Ziyad say, " I am afraid that in course of time, the clapping of hands will be taken for a part of the religious ceremony." When he, therefore, en-

1 Yakut, vol. iv, pp. 323-324. 1 Athir, vol. ii, pp. 410 seq. 1 Hamadhani, pp. 173-174.


larged the mosque and added to it, he ordered that pebbles be strewn in the courtyard of the mosque. The overseers of the work used to oppress those who gathered the peb- bles, saying, " Bring us only this kind which we show you", choosing special samples, and asking for similar ones. By such means, they enriched themselves. Hence, the saying, "It is good to be in authority even over stones." x This say- ing, however, is, according to al-Athram, explained by abu- 'Ubaidah by the fact that al-Hajjaj ibn-'Atik ath-Thakafi, or his son, had charge of cutting the pillars for the al-Bas- rah mosque from Jabal al-Ahwaz where he discovered a mine. This gave rise to the expression : " It is good to be in authority even over stones."

Abu-'Ubaidah states that the colonization of al-Kufah took place in the year 18.

Ziyad took for himself in the al-Kufah mosque a maksu- rah which afterwards was renewed by Khalid ibn-'Abdallah al-Kasri.

The version of al-Haitham. Hafs ibn-'Umar al-'Umari from al-Haitham ibn-'Adi at-Ta'i : After having settled in al-Mada'in, planned it out and established a mosque, the Moslems found the place too dirty and productive of pesti- lence. Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas communicated the fact to 'Umar who wrote back that they should move westward. Sa'd came to Kuwaifah ibn-'Umar, but finding the water all around it, the Moslems left it and came to the site on which al-Kufah now stands. They hit on the ridge called Khadd al-'Adhra' [the virgin's cheek] on which lavender, daisies, broom-plants [shih and kaisum] and poppies grew. On this site, they established themselves.

I was told by a Kufite sheikh that the region between al-Kufah and al-Hirah was known by the name of al- 278 Miltat.

1 Freytag, vol. ii, p. 917, n. 47.


The house of 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-'Umair was used for entertaining guests, 'Umar having ordered that some house be put to that use for those who came from the different provinces.

Charges against Sa'd. Al-'Abbas ibn-Hisham al-Kalbi from Muhammad ibn-Ishak: Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas made a wooden door for his mansion which he surrounded with a fence of reeds. 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab sent Muhammad ibn-Maslamah-1-Ansari who set fire to the door and fence, and made Sa'd leader in the mosques of al-Kufah where nothing but good was spoken of him.

Al-'Abbas ibn-al-Walid an-Narsi and Ibrahim al-'Allaf al-Basri from Jabir ibn-Samurah : The people of al-Kufah reported Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas to 'Umar on the ground that he did not lead properly in prayers. In answer to the charge, Sa'd said, " As for me, I have always followed the prayer of the Prophet and never deviated from it. In the first two [prostrations] I repeat prayer slowly, in the last two, quickly." "That was what was thought of thee, abu- Ishak," said 'Umar. 'Umar then sent certain men to in- quire in al-Kufah regarding Sa'd, about whom nothing but good was told in the different mosques, until they came to the mosque of the banu-'Abs. Here someone called abu- Sa'dah said, " As for Sa'd, he does not divide shares equally, nor judge cases justly." Hearing this, Sa'd ex- claimed, " O God, if he is telling a lie, make his age long, perpetuate his poverty, take away his eyesight and expose him to troubles ! " 'Abd-al-Malik said, " I later saw abu- Sa'dah intercepting the way of the maids in the streets; and when somebody asked him, ' How are you, abu-Sa'- dah ? ' he always replied, ' I am old and crazed, being af- flicted with the curse of Sa'd '."

1 Bukhari, vol. i, p. 195 ; Zamakhshari, Fd'ik, vol. i, p. 212.


In another tradition transmitted by al-' Abbas an-Narsi, Sa'd made the following petition, regarding the people of al-Kufah : " O God, let no ruler be satisfied with them, and let them be never satisfied with a ruler ! "

I was informed by al-' Abbas an-Narsi that al-Mukhtar ibn-abi-'Ubaid, or someone else, said, " To love the people of al-Kufah is honor; and to hate them is destruction."

Al-Hasan ibn-'Uthman az-Ziyadi from ash-Sha'bi : After the victory of al-Kadisiyah, 'Amr ibn-Ma'dikarib 279 visited 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab and was asked by him about Sa'd and whether the people were satisfied with him. 'Amr gave the following answer, " I left him laying up for them as an ant lays up, having as much sympathy with them as a kind mother. In his love of dates, he is an Arab ; in the collection of taxes, he is Nabatean. He divides shares equitably, judges cases justly and leads the bands success- fully." " It looks," said 'Umar, "as if ye both have agreed to compensate each other with praise (Sa'd having before written to 'Umar in commendation of 'Amr) ." " No, ' Commander of the Believers '," answered 'Amr, " I rather said what I knew." " Well, *Amr," said 'Umar, " describe war." " It is bitter in taste when waged. He, who perse- veres in it, becomes known; but he who grows weak, per- ishes." " Describe the arms." " Ask me about which- ever thou wantest." "The lancet?" "It is a brother which may betray thee." " The arrows? " " Arrows are messengers of death which either err or hit." " The shield?" "That is the defense which has most to suffer." " The coat of mail?" " Something that keeps the horse- man busy; a nuisance for the footman; but in all cases, a strong protection." " The sword?" " May it be the cause of thy death!" "Thy death!" "The fever has abased me to thee." x

1 A proverb applied to the case of abasement on the occasion of need. Lane's " Dictionary " j. v. adra'a.


'Umar appoints 'Ammar and then al-Mughirah. At last, 'Umar dismissed Sa'd and appointed 'Ammar ibn-Yasir. A complaint was made against 'Ammar to the effect that he was weak and knew nothing about politics. He was there- fore dismissed after holding the office of governor over al- Kufah for one year and nine months. In this connection, 'Umar remarked, " What am I to do with the people of al- Kufah? If I appoint a strong man over them, they at- tribute transgression to him; and if a weak man, they de- spise him." Calling al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah, he asked him, " Wouldst thou commit again what thou didst once commit, if I should assign thee over al-Kufah? " And al- Mughirah answered, " No." Al-Mughirah went to al- Madinah, after the conquest of al-Kadisiyah, and was ap- pointed by 'Umar over al-Kufah, which position he held until 'Umar's death.

Sa'd, then al-Walid, then Sa'id as governors. Then came 'Uthman ibn-'Affan and appointed over al-Kufah Sa'd; but later dismissed him and appointed al-Walid ibn-'Ukbah ibn-abi-Mu'ait ibn-abi-'Amr ibn-Umaiyah. When al-Walid visited Sa'd, the latter said, " Either thou hast become in- telligent after me, or I have become foolish after thee." Al- Walid was later dismissed and Sa'id ibn-al-Asi ibn-Sa'id ibn-al-Asi ibn-Umaiyah was nominated to his place.

Persians unite with the Arabs. Abu-Mas'ud al-Kufi from Mis'ar ibn-Kidam: In the battle of al-Kadisiyah, Rustam led 4,000 men called Jund [army] Shahanshah, who asked for peace provided they be allowed to settle wherever they wanted, be confederates with whomever they wanted and receive soldiers' stipends. Their request hav- ing been granted, they united in a confederacy with Zuhrah

1 'Ikd, vol. iii, p. 360; Hamadhani, p. 184; Kazwini, Athar al-Bildd, p. 167.


ibn-Hawiyah as-Sa'di of the banu-Tamim. Sa'd [ibn-abi- Wakkas] allowed them to settle where they chose, and as- signed 1,000,000 dirhams for stipends. Their chief [na- kib~] was one of them called Dailam; * hence the name of the place Hamra' Dailam. Later Ziyad [ibn-Abihi], fol- lowing the orders of Mu'awiyah, sent some of them to Syria where they are called al-Furs [Persians], others to al-Basrah where they were combined with the Asawirah [Persian cavalry].

According to abu-Mas'ud, the Arabs call the non-Arabs Hamra' [the red], and would say, " I came from Hamra' Dailam," as they would say, " I came from Juhainah " or some other place. Abu-Mas'ud adds, " I heard someone say that these Asawirah lived near ad-Dailam and when they were attacked by the Moslems in Kazwin, they ac- cepted Islam on the same terms as the Asawirah of al-Bas- rah. Then they came to al-Kuf ah and settled in it."

According to al-Mada'ini, Abarwiz brought from ad- Dailam 4,000 men who acted as his servants and escort, which position they held until the Arab invasion. They then took part in the battle of al-Kadisiyah under Rus- tam. When Rustam was killed and the Magians were de- feated, they withdrew, saying, " We are different from those others [i. e., Arabs] ; we have no refuge, and have al- ready left a bad impression on the Moslems. Let us then adopt their faith, and we will be strengthened by them." Having deserted to the Moslem camp, Sa'd wanted to know the cause; and al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah asked them about it. Thus, they presented their case, saying, "We will adopt your faith." Al-Mughirah came back to Sa'd and told him about it. Sa'd promised them security; and they ac- cepted Islam. They witnessed the conquest of al-Ma-

1 " Dilam " in Persian.


da'in under Sa'd and the conquest of Jalula' ; after which they returned to al-Kufah where they settled with the Moslems.

Places of interest and the persons after ivhom they are named. 1 The Jabbanat [cemetery] as-Sabi', after a son of as-Sabi" ibn-Sabu' ibn-Sa'b al-Hamdani.

The Sahra [desert] Uthair, 2 after Uthair of the banu- 2811 Asad.

The Dukkan [shop] 'Abd-al-Hamid, after 'Abd-al-Ha- mid ibn-'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-Zaid ibn-al-Khattab, the 'dmil of 'Umar ibn-'Abd-al-'Aziz over al-Kufah.

The Sahra bani-Kirar after the banu-Kirar ibn-Tha'- labah. . . . ibn-Nizar.

Dar ar-Rumiyin was a dunghill where the inhabitants of al-Kufah cast their rubbish and which was taken as fief from Yazid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik by 'Anbasah ibn-Sa'id ibn- al-Asi, who removed the soil in it for 1 50,000 dirhams.

The Suk [market] Yusuf in al-Hirah, after Yusuf ibn- 'Umar . . . ath-Thakafi.

Hammam [bath] A'yan, after A'yan, a freedman of Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas.

Bi'at [church] bani-Mazin in al-Hirah, after some of al- Azd of Ghassan.

Hammam 'Umar, after 'Umar ibn-Sa'd ibn-abi-Wakkas.

Shaharsuj Bajilah in al-Kufah, after the banu-Bajlah. 3

Jabbanat 'Arzam, after a certain 'Arzam, who used to 282 shake in it milk in a skin [so that its butter might come forth].

Jabbanat Bishr, after Bishr ibn-Rabi'ah . . . ibn-Ku- mair al-Khuth'ami.

Zurarah, after Zurarah ibn- Yazid . . . ibn^Sa'sa'ah.

1 The following list is a shortened form of the original.

2 Dhahabi, pp. 5-6.

3 Yakut, vol. iii, p. 338; Hamadhani, p. 182; Marasid, vol. ii, p. 135.


Dar [house] Hukaim in al-Kufah, after Hukaim ibn- Sa'd ibn-Thaur al-Buka'i.

Kasr [castle] Mukatil, after Mukatil ibn-Hassan x . . . of the banu-Amru'i-1-Kais.

As-Sawadiyah 2 in al-Kufah, after Sawad ibn-Zaid ibn- 283 'Adi. . . .

Karyat [village] abi-Salabah on the Euphrates, after Salabah ibn-Malik ibn-Tarik. . . .

Aksas Malik, after Malik ibn-Kais . . . ibn-Nizar.

Dair [monastery] al-A'war, after one of the lyad of the banu-Umaiyah.

Dair Kurrah after Kurrah of the banu-Umaiyah ibn- Hudhafah.

Dair as-Sawa, after the same banu-Umaiyah.

Dair al-Jamajim, after the lyad tribe who in a battle with the banu-Bahra' and the banu-1-Kain lost many who were buried there and whose skulls [famdfim] were later ex- cavated as one was digging in the ground.

Dair Ka'b, after the lyad.

Dair Hind, after the mother of 'Amr ibn-Hind.

Dar Kumam, after the daughter of al-Harith ibn-Ha- 284 ni' al-Kindi.

Bi'at bani-'Adi, after the banu-'Adi ibn-adh-Dhumail of the Lakhm.

Tizanabadh, after ad-Daizan ibn-Mu'awiyah ibn-al-'Abid as-Salihi.

Masjid [mosque] Simak in al-Kufah, after Simak ibn- Makhramah ibn-Humain al-Asadi. . . .

Mahallat [quarter] bani-Shaitan, after Shaitan ibn-Zu- hair s . . . ibn-Tamim.

1 Kdmus, vol. iv, p. 36, 1. 22 : " Hiaiyan."

2 " Sauwariyah " in Hamadhani, p. 182 ; cf. Taj al-Arus, vol. ii, p. 390; Yakut, vol. iii, p. 180.

'"Zubair" in Yakut, vol. iii, p. 356, 1. 12; cf. Hajar, vol. i, p. 585.


The site of Dar 'Isa ibn-Musa belonged to al-'Ala' ibn- 'Abd-ar-Rahman . . . ibn-'Abd-Manaf.

There is a path in al-Kufah named after 'Amirah ibn- Shihab. . . .

Sahra' Shabath, after Shabath ibn-Rib'i ar-Riyahi of the banu-Tamim.

Dar Hujair in al-Kufah, after Hujair ibn-al-Ja'd al-Ju- mahi.

Bi'r [well] al-Mubarik [Mubarak ?], after al-Mubarik [Mubarak ?] ibn-'Ikrimah ibn-Humairi [Himyari ?]-l-Ju'fi.

Raha [hand-mill] 'Umarah, after 'Umarah ibn-'Ukbah . . . ibn-Umaiyah.

Jabbanat Salim, after Salim ibn-'Ammar . . . ibn-Ha- wazin.

Sahra' Albardakht, after the poet Albardakht ad-Dabbi.

Mas j id bani-'Anz, after the banu-'Anz ibn-Wa'il ibn- Kasit.

Masjid bani-Jadhimah, after the banu-Jadhimah ibn-Ma- lik ibn-Nasr . . . ibn-Asad.

There is a mosque in al-Kufah named after the banu-1- Makasif.

Masjid bani-Bahdalah, after the banu-Bahdalah ibn-al- Mithl ibn-Mu'awiyah of the Kindah.

Bi'r al-Ja'd in al-Kufah, after al-Ja'd, a freedman of Hamdan.

Dar abi-Artat, after Artat ibn-Malik al-Bajali.

Dar al-Mukatta', after al-Mukatta* ibn-Sunain al-Kalbi.

Kasr al-'Adasiyin at the extremity of al-Hirah, after the banu-'Ammar ibn-'Abd-al-Masih. . . .

The cathedral mosque in al-Kufah was built with ma- terial taken from the ruins of the castles in al-Hirah that belonged to the al-Mundhir clan, the price of that material constituting a part of the tax paid by the people of al-Hirah.

Sikkat al-Barid [post-office] in al-Kufah was once a


church built by Khalid ibn-'Abdallah ... of the Bajilah for his mother, who was a Christian.

Khalid built shops, dug the canal called al-Jami', and erected the Kasr Khalid.

Suk Asad, after Asad ibn-'Abdallah, Khalid's brother.

Kantarat [arch] al-Kufah was built by 'Umar ibn-Hu- bairah, and later repaired by Khalid and others.

Al-Hdshimiyah. The following tradition was trans- 287 mitted to me by abu-Mas'ud and others : Yazid ibn-'Umar ibn-Hubairah laid out a city in al-Kufah on the Euphrates and occupied it before it was fully completed. He then re- ceived a letter from Marwan, ordering him to avoid the neighborhood of the people of al-Kufah ; and he, therefore, left it and built the castle known by the name of Kasr ibn- Hubairah near the Sura bridge.

When caliph abu-l-'Abbas came to power, he occupied this city, completed the erection of certain mansions [mak- siirahs] defended by walls in it, established new buildings and called it al-Hashimiyah. People in general called it by its old name after ibn-Hubairah; and abu-1-' Abbas making the remark, " I see that the name of ibn-Hubairah will always cling to it ", gave it up and established on a site opposite to it another city by the name of al-Hashimiyah. After residing there for some time, he decided to settle in al-Anbar, where he built his well-known city 1 in which he was buried.

Madinat as-Saldm. When abu-Ja'far al-Mansur became caliph, he occupied the city of al-Hashimiyah in al-Kufah after completing its erection, enlarging it and preparing it according to his own idea. Later, he abandoned it in favor of Baghdadh, where he built his city. He founded Bagh- dadh and called it Madinat as-Salam, 2 and repaired its old

1 Le Strange, Baghdad, pp. 5-6.

  • " The city of peace." Le Strange, p. 10.


wall which begins at the Tigris and ends at as-Sarat [canal].

It was in this al-Hashimiyah that al-Mansur imprisoned 'Abdallah ibn-Hasan ibn-Hasan ibn-'Ali ibn-abi-Talib be- cause of his two sons Muhammad and Ibrahim ; and it was here that he was buried.

Ar-Rusafah. Al-Mansur built in al-Kufah ar-Rusafah [causeway] and by his orders, his freedman abu-1-Khasib Marzuk built for him on an old foundation the castle that bears his name : abu-1-Khasib. Others say "that abu-1-Kha- sib built the castle for himself ; and al-Mansur used to visit him in it.

Al-Khawarnak. As for al-Khawarnak, it was an old Persian castle built by an-Nu'man ibn-Amru'i-1-Kais (whose mother was ash-Shakikah, daughter of abu-Rabi'ah ibn-Dhuhl ibn-Shaiban) for Bahrain Jur ibn-Yazdajird ibn- Bahram ibn-Sabur dhu-1-Aktaf , who was brought up in the home of an-Nu'man. 1 It was this same an-Nu'man who left his kingdom and traveled around, as mentioned by 'Adi ibn-Zaid al-'Ibadi in his poem. When the " blessed dynasty" appeared, al-Khawarnak was given as fief to Ibra- him ibn-Salamah, one of their propagandists in Khurasan and a grandfather of 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-Ishak al- Kadi. During the caliphate of al-Ma'mun and al-Mu'tasim, Ibrahim lived in Madinat as-Salam and was a freedman of ar-Ribab. In the caliphate of abu-l-'Abbas, he erected the dome of al-Khawarnak which did not exist before.

Bab al-Fil. Abu-Mas'ud al-Kufi from certain sheikhs of al-Kufah: When the Moslems conquered al-Mada'in, they captured an elephant ; all the other elephants they came across before having been killed by them. They wrote to

i Tha'alibi, Muluk al-Furs, pp. 530-540 (ed. Zotenberg) ; Hamadhani, pp. 178-179-



'Umar about it and he told them to sell it if possible. The elephant was bought by a man from al-Hirah who used to cover its back with a cloak and go round the villages ex- hibiting it. Sometime after that, umm-Aiyub, daughter of 'Umarah ibn-'Ukbah ibn-abi-Mu'ait (who was the wife of al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah and later of Ziyad) wanted to see the elephant as she was in her father's home. The elephant was brought before her and stood at the door of the mosque which is now termed Bab al-Fil. After looking at it, she gave its owner something and dismissed him. But no sooner had the elephant taken a few strides, than it fell dead. That is why the door was called Bab al-Fil. 1 Some say that the one who looked at it was the wife of al-Walid ibn-'Ukbah ibn-abi-Mu'ait ; others that it was a sorcerer who made the people see an elephant appearing from the door riding on a donkey; still others that the trough of the mosque was brought on an elephant and passed through this door, which was for that reason called Bab al-Fil. These explanations are false. There are those who claim that the trough of the mosque was carried on an elephant and brought in through this door. Others think that an elephant owned by one of the governors once rushed against this door which was later called after it. The first explanation, however, is the most authentic.

Jabbdnat Maimun. According to abu-Mas'ud, the Mai- mun cemetery at al-Kufah was named after Maimun, a freedman of Muhammad ibn-'Ali ibn-'Abdallah, surnamed abu-Bishr, who built at-Takat 2 in Baghdadh near Bab ash- Sham. 3

1 " The elephant door " ; cf. Tabari, vol. ii, p. 27.

2 Archways or arcades. Cf. Le Strange, Baghdad, p. 130.

3 "The Syrian gate", Le Strange, pp. 17-18; Hamadhani, p. 184; Ya'kubi, pp. 240-242.


SaJira' umm-Salamah. The umm-Salamah desert was so called after umm-Salamah, daughter of Ya'kub ibn-Sala- mah . . . ibn-Makhzum and the wife of abu-1-' Abbas. 289

Al-Kufah moat. I was told by abu-Mas'ud that al-Man- sur held the people of al-Kufah responsible for its moat and that he imposed on every one of them forty dirhams to meet its expenses, he being displeased with them on account of their tendencies toward the Talibite party and their spreading false news regarding the sultan [the chief au- thority] .

The inhabitants of al-Kufah commended. Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from 'Amir : 'Umar writing to the people of al-Kufah called them " the head of the Arabs."

Al-Husain from Nafi' ibn-Jubair ibn-Mut'im : 'Umar said, " In al-Kufah are the most distinguished men."

Al-Husain and Ibrahim ibn-Muslim al-Khawarizmi from ash-Sha'bi : 'Umar in addressing the people of al-Kufah wrote, " To the head of Islam."

Al-Husain ibn-al-Aswad from Shamir ibn-'Atiyah: 'Umar said regarding the people of al-Kufah, " They are the lance of Allah, the treasure of the faith, the cranium of the Arabs, who protect their own frontier forts and rein- force other Arabs."

Abu-Nasr at-Tammar from Salman: The latter said: " Al-Kufah is the dome of Islam. There will be a time in which every believer will either be in it or will have his heart set upon it."


The first cathedral mosques. 'Abd-al-Hamid ibn-Wasi* al-Khatli-1-Hasib from al-Hasan ibn-'Salih: The first cathedral mosque 1 built in as-Sawad was that of al-Ma- da'in built by Sa'd and his companions. It was later made larger and stronger under the supervision of Hudhaifah ibn-al-Yaman who died at al-Mada'in in the year 36. After that, Sa'd established the mosque of al-Kufah and 290 that of al-Anbar.

Wasit built by al-Hajjaj. The city of Wasit: was built in the year 83 or 84 by al-Hajjaj who also built its mosque, castle and Kubbat al-Khadra'. 2 The site of Wasit having been covered with reeds [kasab], the city acquired the name of Wasit al-Kasab. This city is equidistant from al- Ahwaz, al-Basrah and al-Kufah. Ibn-al-Kirriyah remarks, " He [al-Hajjaj] has built it but not in his town, and shall leave it but not for his son."

One of the sheikhs of Wasit from other sheikhs : When al-Hajjaj completed the erection of Wasit, he wrote to 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan, " I have built a city in a hol- low of the ground [kirsh] between al-Jabal and al-Misrain, and called it Wasit [lying halfway between]." That is why the people of Wasit were called the Kirshiyun. 3 Before he

1 Masjid jam? = the chief mosque of the city in which people as- semble on Friday for prayer and the khutbah.

2 i. e., " the green dome." It was later occupied by al-Mansur and called Bab adh-Dhahab. Le Strange, 31 seq.; Yakut, vol. i, p. 683; Ya'kubi, Buldan, p. 240, and Ta'rikh, vol. ii, p. 450; Tabari, vol. iii, p. 326.

5 Taj al- Arils, s. v. kirsh.


45 o

erected Wasit, al-Hajjaj had the idea of taking up his abode in as-Sin of Kaskar. He, therefore, dug Nahr [canal] as-Sin and ordered that the workmen be chained to- gether so that none of them might run away as a deserter. After that it occurred to him to establish Wasit * which he later occupied, then he dug out an-Nil 2 and az-Zabi canals. The latter was so called because it branched off from the old Zabi. He thus reclaimed the land around these two canals and erected the city called an-Nil 3 and populated it. He then turned his attention to certain crown-domains which 'Abdallah ibn-Darraj, a freedman of Mu'awiyah ibn- abi-Sufyan, had reclaimed (when with al-Mughirah ibn- Shu'bah he had charge of the kharaj of al-Kufah) for Mu- 'awiyah. These domains included waste lands, swamps, ditches and thickets. Al-Hajjaj built dams 4 in these do- mains; uprooted the reeds in them and added them to the domains of 'Abd-al-Malik ibn-Marwan after populating them.

To his castle and the cathedral mosque in Wasit, al- Hajjaj brought doors from Zandaward, 5 ad-Daukarah, Da- rusat, Dair Masirjasan 6 and Sharabit, whose people pro- tested, saying, " We have been guaranteed the security of our cities and possessions;" but he did not mind what they said.

Al-Mubarak. Al-Mubarak 7 canal was dug by Khalid ibn-'Abdallah-l-Kasri al-Mubarak and commemorated by al-Farazdak in certain verses.

1 Kazwini, pp. 320-321 ; Haukal, pp. 162-163.

2 Ya'kubi, Bulddn, p. 322. 1 Tanbth, p. 52.

4 musannaydt; Taj al-Arus, s. v. saniya; Mawardi, p. 311.

6 Tabari, vol. iii, p. 321.

' Marasid, vol. i, p. 439.

1 Tabari, vol. iii, pp. 1981, 1985-


Khdlid's bridge. Muhammad ibn-Khalid ibn-'Abdallah 291 at-Tahhan from" his sheikhs: Khalid ibn-'Abdallah al- Kasri wrote to Hisham ibn-'Abd-al-Malik asking for per- mission to make an arch over the Tigris. Hisham wrote back, " If this were possible, the Persians would have done it." Khalid wrote again; and Hisham answered: " If thou art sure that it is feasible, thou mayst do it." Khalid built the arch at a great expense; but it was soon destroyed by the water. Hisham made Khalid pay the expenses out of his own pocket.

Al-Bazzdk. The canal known by the name of al-Baz- zak was an old one of which the Nabatean form is al-Bas- sak, which means that which cuts the water off from what conies after it and takes it over to itself. In this canal the superfluous water from as-Sib jungles and some water of the Euphrates gather. This name was corrupted into al- Bazzak.

Al-Maimun. As for al-Maimun * it was first dug out by Sa'id ibn-Zaid, an agent of umm-Ja'far Zubaidah, daughter of Ja'far ibn-al-Mansur. The mouth of al-Maimun was near a village called Maimun. In the time of al-Wathik- Billah, the position of the mouth was shifted by 'Umar ibn- Faraj ar-Rukhkhaji, but the river kept its old name al-Mai- mun [the auspicious] , lest the idea of auspiciousness be dis- sociated from it.

I was informed by Muhammad ibn-Khalid that by the order of caliph al-Mahdi, Nahr as-Silah was dug out and the lands around it were entrusted to farmers. The income thereof was used as stipends to the inhabitants of the sacred territories of Makkah and al-Madinah [ahl al-Haramain] and for other expenses there. It was stipulated on the ten- ants who came to those lands that they should yield two-

1 Tabari, vol. iii, p. 1760: "Nahr Maimun."

fifths [ ?] of the produce, with the understanding that after holding their share for fifty years, they should yield as tax one-half of its produce. This stipulation is still in force. 1

Al-Amir. As regards Nahr al-Amir, it was ascribed to 292 'Isa ibn-'Ali and lay in his fief.

Mashrafat al-Fil. We were informed by Muhammad ibn- Khalid that Muhammad ibn-al-Kasim presented to al-Haj- jaj an elephant from as-Sind 2 which was transported through al-Bata'ih [the great swamp] on a ship and was landed at a watering place, which has since been called Mashra'at al-Fil or Furdat 3 al-Fil.

1 Cf. Kudamah, pp. 241-242.

  • A country bordering upon India, Karman and Sijistan; Meynard,

P. 324-

3 mashra'at = wharf; furdat = harbor.


Al-Aurff. I was informed by certain learned men that the Persians often discussed the future fall of their king- dom and thought that earthquakes and floods would be the sign thereof. Now, the Tigris emptied its water into Dijlat al-Basrah, also called al-'Aura', 1 by means of branching streams which drew their water from the main stream which carried the rest of the water and looked like one -of those streams.

The -formation of al-Bata'ih. In the days of Kubadh ibn- Fairuz, 2 the water at the lower part of Kaskar broke through a great breach which was neglected until its waters drowned large, flourishing tracts of land. Kubadh was a feeble man and cared little for the breach. But when his son Amishirwan came to rule, he ordered that dams be made and thus the water was stopped and some of the lands flour- ished again.

When the year came in which the Prophet sent 'Abdallah ibn-Hudhafah as-Sahmi to Kisra Abarwiz, which was the year 7 A. H. (others say 6), the waters of the Tigris and the Euphrates rose to a height never reached before or since, causing many great breaches. Abarwiz made special effort to stop the breaches ; but the water had the better of him,

1 The united course of the Tigris and Euphrates before they empty into the Persian Gulf. Yakut, vol. ii, p. 745.

2 Tha'alibi, pp. 586-603.



turned towards al-Bata'ih * and overflowed the buildings and plants, drowning many cantons that were there. Kisra 2 rode out in person to block the breaches ; he scat- tered money right and left, put many workmen to death and, according to a report, crucified on certain breaches forty dam builders in one day; but all that was of no avail against the force of water. 3

With the advent of the Arabs into al-'Irak, the Persians were kept too busy fighting to mind the breaches which would burst and no one would mind them; and the feudal lords [dihkdns] failed to block them. Consequently, al- Batihah was made wider and more extensive. 4

'Abdalldh ibn-Darraj. When Mu'awiyah ibn-abi-Sufyan became ruler, he appointed 'Abdallah ibn-Darraj, his f reed- man, over the khardj of al-'Irak. 'Abdallah, by cutting down the reeds and stopping the water by dams, reclaimed for his master lands in al-Bata'ih, the income of which amounted to 5,000,000 [dirhams].

Hassan an-Nabati. Then came Hassan an-Nabati, the freedman of the banu-Dabbah, the builder of Haud [reser- voir] Hassan in al-Basrah and the one after whom Mana- rat [light-house] Hassan in al-Bata'ih is named. Hassan reclaimed certain lands in al-Bata'ih for al-Hajjaj in the days of al-Walid and for Hisham ibn-'Abd-al-Malik. 5

Al-Janb canal. Before al-Bata'ih was formed, there was at Kaskar a canal called al-Janb, along the south bank of which ran the post-road to Maisan, Dastumaisan and al- Ahwaz. When al-Bata'ih was formed, that part of the

1 The great swamp in which water overflowing from the Tigris and Euphrates disappeared. Rustah, p. 94. 1 Anushirwan; Tha'alibi, p. 603. ' Mas'udi, vol. i, p. 225.

  • Kudamah, p. 240.

5 Cf. Kudamah, p. 240.


post-road which became a thicket was called A jam al- Barid; and the other part was called Ajam Aghmarbathi x in which the great thickets lie. The canal is now seen in the al-Jdmidah [solid] lands that have recently been re- claimed and rendered fit for use.

The version of abu-Mas f ud. Abu-Mas'ud al-Kufi from his sheikhs : Al-Bata'ih was formed after the " flight " of the Prophet and during the reign of Abarwiz over the Persians. Many great fissures were formed which Kisra was unable to block, thus making the rivers overflow and producing al-Bata'ih. At the time of the Moslem wars with the Persians, the water overflowed and no one took the trouble to block the fissures. This enlarged the Batihah and made it wider. The banu-Umaiyah had reclaimed a part of the Batihah, which part was again sunk in the time of al-Hajjaj when new breaches appeared which al-Hajjaj did not care to block, trying thereby to injure the Persian feudal lords whom he suspected to be on the side of ibn-al- Ash'ath who had broken off his allegiance to al-Hajjaj. Hassan an-Nabati reclaimed for Hisham certain tracts of the Batihah land.

Abu-l-Asad. Abu-1-Asad, from whom Nahr abu-1-Asad takes its name, was one of the generals of the caliph al- Mansur, and one of those sent to al-Basrah when 'Adballah 294 ibn-'Ali resided in it. It was this abu-1-Asad who made 'Abdallah ibn-' AH enter al-Kufah.

I was told by 'Umar ibn-Bukair that al-Mansur dis- patched his freedman abu-1-Asad, who pitched his camp between al-Mansur and the army of 'tsa ibn-Musa as al- Mansur was fighting against Ibrahim ibn-' Abdallah ibn-al- Hasan ibn-al-Hasan ibn-'Ali ibn-abi-Talib. The same abu- 1-Asad dug the canal near al-Batihah which bears his name.

1 "A Nabatean word which means the great thickets ;" Kudamah, p. 241.


Others say that abu-1-Asad, reaching the mouth of the canal and finding it too narrow for the ships, widened it; and, therefore, it was named after him.

It is stated by abu-Mas'ud that in the time of the "blessed dynasty " certain breaches were formed which made al- Bata'ih larger. Because of the water of the Euphrates, many thickets grew, of which some were reclaimed and made tillable land.

Maslamah reclaims new lands. Abu-Mas'ud from 'Awa- nah: In the days of al-Hajjaj, new breaches were made. Al-Hajjaj wrote to al-Walid ibn-'Abd-al-Malik stating that he estimated that 3,000,000 dirhams would be required for blocking them. Al-Walid thought that too much. Masla- mah ibn-'Abd-al-Malik said to al-Walid, "I offer to pay the expenses provided thou givest me as fief the depressed tracts in which the water remains, after spending 3,000,000 dir- hams, which sum shall be spent under the direct supervision of thy counsellor and trusted man, al-Hajjaj." Al-Walid accepted the offer. Maslamah gained possession of lands that had many cantons close together. He dug as-Sibain x and induced the farmers and tenants to come and hold land. Thus the land flourished ; and in order to secure his protec- tion, many landowners voluntarily turned their farms over to him, and then held them from him as fief. When the " blessed dynasty " came and the possessions of the banu- Umaiyah were confiscated, all as-Sibain was assigned as fief to Da'ud ibn-'Ali ibn-'Abdallah ibn-al-'Abbas, from whose heirs it was bought with its rights and boundaries and was included in the crown-domains [diya' al-khilafah].

1 The dual form of as-Sib.


Built by al-Mansur. Baghdadh * was an ancient city, but al-Mansur colonized it, and added a city to it 2 which 295 he began in the year 145. Hearing that Muhammad and Ibrahim, the sons of 'Abdallah ibn-Hasan ibn-Hasan, had thrown off their allegiance to him, al-Mansur returned to al-Kufah. In the year 146, he transferred the public treasures [buyut al-mdl], repositories, and registers from al-Kufah to Baghdadh, and called it Madinat as-Salam [the city of peace]. In the year 147, the wall of this city, with everything else connected with it, and the wall of ancient Baghdadh were completed. Al-Mansur died in Makkah in the year 158 and was buried near the well of Maimun ibn-al-Hadrami, an ally of the banu-Umaiyah.

Ar-Rusdfah. Ar-Rusaf ah 3 was built for al-Mahdi by al-Mansur on the east side of Baghdadh. This side was called 'Askar [camp] al-Mahdi 4 because al-Mahdi camped in it on his way to ar-Rai. When he returned from ar-Rai, he settled in ar-Rusafah, although it had occurred to al- Mansur to direct him to settle in Khurasan. This took place in the year 151. Before al-Mahdi had occupied the

1 A Persian word meaning the city " founded by God," see Le Strange, Baghdad, pp. 10-11. 8 Qaukal, p. 164.

3 i. e., causeway, the eastern suburb of Baghdad. Istakhri, pp. 83, 84; Tanbih, p. 360.

4 Ya'kubi, Bulddn, p. 251.


45 g

east side, a palace was built for him by al-Mansur s order ; the one variously known as Kasr al-Waddah, Kasr al- Mahdi and ash-Sharkiyah. 1 It lay on the other side of Bab al-Karkh. Al-Waddah, after whom it is sometimes called, was a man from al-Anbar who had charge of the expenses.

Al-Mansur as a builder. Al-Mansur built the two mos- ques of Madinat as-Salam and the new bridge over as- Sarat [canal]. The site of the city he bought from the owners of the villages of Baduraiya, Katrabbul [or Kut- rubbul], Nahr Buk and Nahr Bin. He gave the city as fief to members of his household, his generals, soldiers, companions and secretaries. He made the meeting place of the streets at al-Karkh, and ordered the merchants to build their shops and held them responsible for the rent. 2

Places of interest in Baghdad? The al-Mukharrim quar- ter 4 in Baghdadh takes its name from Mukharrim ibn-Shu- raih 5 ibn-Hazn al-Harithi.

The Kantarat al-Baradan quarter, from as-Sari ibn-al- Hutaim, 8 the builder of al-Hutamiyah.

As-Salihiyah, from Salih ibn-al-Mansur.

Al-Harbiyah, from Harb ibn-'Abdaliah al-Balkhi, T the commander of the guard in al-Mausil under Ja'far ibn-abi- Ja'far.

Az-Zuhairiyah or Bab at-Tibn, from Zuhair ibn-Muham- mad of the inhabitants of Abiward.

1 1. e., " the oriental palace ". Ya'kubi, p. 245.

a Ar. ghallah = rent paid for buildings standing on the property of the state.

' The following list is an abridged form of the original. 4 Le Strange, pp. 217-230.

  • Duraid, p. 238, omits " ibn-Shuraih ".

Marasid, vol. ii, p. 453 : " as-.Surai ibn-al-IJutam ". 1 Cf. Mahasin, vol. i, p. 307.


'Isabadh, from 'Isa ibn-al-Mahdi. 1

Kasr 'Abdawaih standing opposite Baratha, from 'Abda- waih, a notable of the Azd.

Al-Mansur assigned as fief to Sulaiman ibn-Mujalid the site of his home; to Muhalhil ibn-Safwan, after whom Darb Muhalhil is named, a special fief ; to 'Umarah ibn-Hamzah, the quarter that bears his name ; to Maimun abu-Bishr after whom Takat Bishr are named, a special fief near Bustan al- Kass ; 2 to Shubail, his f reedman, a fief near Dar Yaktin ; to umm-'Ubaidah, a freedmaid of Muhammad ibn-'Ali, a fief; to Munirah, a freedmaid of Muhammad ibn-'Ali and after whom Darb Munirah and Khan [inn] Munirah are named, a special fief ; and to Raisanah 3 a spot known by the name of Mas j id bani-Raghban. 4

Darb [path] Mihrawaih takes its name from Mihra- 297 waih ar-Razi who was one of the captives of Sinfadh and was set free by al-Mahdi.

The city a residence for the caliphs. Al-Mansur lived in Madinat as-Salam to the last days of his caliphate. He made a pilgrimage from it and died in Makkah. The city was then occupied by the caliph al-Mahdi. Later, al-Mahdi left for Masabadhan, where he died. Most of the time he spent in Madinat as-Salam was passed in palaces he built at 'Isabadh.

Madinat as-Salam was then occupied by al-Hadi Musa ibn-al-Mahdi, who died in it. Ar-Rashid Harun also re- sided in it, and later left it for ar-Rafikah where he stayed for a while and then departed for Khurasan, and died at Tus. The city became after that the residence of Muham- mad ibn-ar-Rashid, who was slain in it.

1 Tanbih, pp. 343-344-

1 Ya'kubi, p. 247.

1 Marasid, vol. ii, p. 433.

4 Dhahabi, p. 227 ; Ya'kubi, pp. 244-245.


Al-Ma'mun 'Abdallah ibn-ar-Rashid came to the city from Khurasan and took up his abode in it. He then left on an expedition during which he died at al-Fadhandun and was buried at Tarsus.

Surra-man-ra'a, a residence for the caliphs. Caliph al- Mu'tasim-Billah made his residence in it and then left it for al-Katul l where he occupied the Kasr ar-Rashid which was built when ar-Rashid dug out Katulah [canal] and called it abu-1-Jund [the father of the army] because the land watered by it produced enough provisions for the army. Al-Mu'tasim erected in al-Katul a building which he occu- pied, and offered the Kasr to Ashnas at-Turki [the Turk], his freedman. He started to colonize that region and after beginning a new city, he gave it up and built the city of Surra-man-ra'a. 2 He transplanted people to it and made it his residence. At the meeting point of the streets, he built a cathedral mosque, and called the city Surra-man-ra'a. Al- Mu'tasim made his freedman, Ashnas, together with the other generals who had joined him [Ashnas], settle at Karkh Fairuz. Other generals were given the houses called al-'Arabaya. 3 Al-Mu'tasim died in Surra-man-ra'a in the year 227.

Harun al-Wathik-Billah lived to the last day of his life in a house which he built at Surra-man-ra'a and called al-Ha- runi.

When in dhu-1-Hijjah, year 232, the caliph Ja'far al-Mu- tawakkil-'Alallah was installed, he made al-Haruni his resi- dence. He erected many buildings and assigned to different men fiefs in a place back of Surra-man-ra'a called al-

1 Tanbih, pp. 356-357.

2 Ya'kubi, pp. 256-257; Yakut, vol. iii, p. 14; Tabari, vol. iii, pp. 1179-1180.

1 Marasid, vol. v, p. 501, n.; Mushtarik, p. 183.


Ha'ir 1 in which al-Mu'tasim had put him in confinement, thus giving more space for the inhabitants. Al-Mutawak- kil also built a great cathedral mosque and lavished enor- mous sums of money on it, making the minaret so high that the voices of the muezzins could be easily heard, and the minaret could be seen at a distance of many parasangs. The Moslems gave up the first mosque and held Friday prayers in it.

Al-Mutawakkiliyah. Al-Mutawakkil founded a city which he called al-Mutawakkiliyah. He built it between al- Karkh, known by the name of Fairuz, and al-Katul, known by the name of Kisra, chose it for his abode and gave fiefs in it. The houses and the villages known as al-Mahuzah 2 were included in it. Al-Mutawakkil built in this city a cathedral mosque. From the time he started the city to the time he occupied it, only a few months elapsed, the occupa- tion having taken place at the beginning of the year 246. Here he died in Shauwal, [2] 47.

In the same night on which he died, al-Muntasir-Billah was proclaimed caliph; and on Tuesday the loth of Shau- wal, he left al-Mutawakkiliyah for Surra-man-ra'a, where he died.

f Uyiin at-Taff. 'Uyun [springs] at-Taff 3 which include 'Ain as- Said, al-Kutkutanah, ar-Ruhaimah, 'Ain Jamal and the lands that belonged to them, were held by the garri- sons that guarded the frontier forts beyond as-Sawad. These springs lay near Khandak [trench] Sabur, which Sabur had dug between him and the Arabs who guarded the frontier and the other Arabs who lived there. Sabur allowed them the use of the land as fief without collecting khardj from them.

1 Tabari, vol. Hi, p. 752, and Ya'kubi, p. 258 : " al-IJair ". Cf. Yakut, vol. ii, p. 189.

2 Athir, vol. vii, pp. 56, 68 : " al-Makhurah ".

3 Yakut, vol. iii, p. 539 ; Hamadhani, p. 187.


In the battle of dhu-Kar in which Allah through his Prophet gave the Arabs the victory, the Arabs gained pos- session of some of these springs, the rest remaining in the hands of the Persians. When the Arabs advanced to al- Hirah, the Persians took to flight after covering over with earth all the springs in their lands. The Arabs who held the remaining springs embraced Islam ; and the land which they cultivated became tithe-land.

After the battles of al-Kadisiyah and al Mada'in, the lands whose owners had evacuated them, were turned over to the Moslems and given out as fiefs, thus becoming tithe- lands. Such was the case with 'Uyun at-Taff whose lands are treated like the villages in the valley of al-Madinah and the villages of Najd, all the sadakah thereof being given to the 'dmils of al-Madinah.

When Ishak ibn-Ibrahim ibn-Mus'ab ruled over as-Sa- wad in the name of al-Mutawakkil, he added these 'Uyun and their lands to what he already controlled; and he col- lected their tithe, treating them as any other land in as-Sa- wad, which status they still retain. The Moslems later dug out many other springs which irrigate lands that are treated in a similar way.

'Ain al-Jamal I was told by a sheikh that 'Ain al- Jamal l was so called because a camel [Ar. jamal] died near it. Others say that the one who dug it out was called Jamal.

'Ain as-Said. ' Ain as-Said 2 [fishing spring] was so called because fish gathered in it. I was told by certain Kuraiziyun [ ?] that this spring was one of those covered with earth. As one of the Moslems was passing there, the legs of his horse sank in the mud. He dismounted and dug in the ground; and the water appeared. With the help of

1 Rustah, p. 180: '"Ain Jamal".

  • Ibid., p. 180 : " 'Ain Said " ; cf. Khurdadhbih, p. 146.


certain men he called, the earth and soil were removed, the course was opened and the water issued as before. The spring then passed to the hands of 'Isa ibn-'Ali, who bought it from a son of Hasan ibn-Hasan ibn-'Ali ibn-abi-Talib. One of 'Isa's wives was umm-Kalthum, daughter of Hasan ibn-Hasan. Mu'awiyah in exchange for the caliphate, as- signed, together with other things, 'Ain as-Said as fief to al-Hasan ibn-'Ali.

'Ain ar-Rahbah. 'Ain ar-Rahbah was also one of the springs buried of old. A pilgrim from Karman once saw it leaking; and when he returned from his pilgrimage, he advised 'Isa ibn-Musa regarding it and pointed it out to him. This Karman man took it as fief with its land and dug it out. He cultivated the lands around it and planted the palm-trees which stand on al-'Udhaib road.

( Uyun al-'Irk. A few parasangs from Hit lie certain springs called al-'Irk which are similar to 'Uyun at-Taff, and whose tithes are taken by the chief of Hit.

The meaning of Sawdd. Al-Athram from abu-'Amr ibn- al-'Ala' : When the Arabs saw the great number of vil- lages, palm and other trees, they exclaimed, "Never did we see a greater number of sawddl" i. e. } objects. Hence the name of the country as-Sawad.

The market compared to the place of worship. Al- Kasim ibn-Sallam from Muhammad ibn-abi-Musa : One day 'Ali went out to the market and saw that his relatives 300 had secured special places, upon which he remarked, " That can not be. For the Moslems, the market is similar to the place of worship : he who arrives first can hold his seat all day until he leaves it."

Abu-'Ubaid from 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-'Ubaid's father: The latter said, "In the time of al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah, we used to go early into the market; and when one sat in a place, he had claim on it until the nightfall. But when


Ziyad came, he ordered that he who sat in a place, could claim it so long as he occupied it."

According to Marwan, al-Mughirah held the governor- ship of al-Kufah twice: once for 'Umar and another time for Mu'awiyah.


Al-Mada'ini 'Ali ibn-Muhammad ibn-abi-Saif from his sheikhs: Persian was the language of the register of the khardj of as-Sawad and the rest of al-'Irak. When al- Hajjaj became ruler of al-'Irak he chose Zadan Farrukh ibn-Yabra for secretary, and the latter was assisted by Salih ibn-'Abd-ar-Rahman, a freedman of the banu-Ta- mim, who knew both Arabic and Persian. Salih's father was one of the captives of Sijistan. Through Zadan Far- rukh, Salih was acquainted with al-Hajjaj, who found him acceptable. One day Salih said to Zadan, " Thou art the means by which I became acquainted with the governor; and I see that he has found me acceptable. I, therefore, do not wonder if he should promote me over thee, in which case thou wouldst fall." " Never believe that," answered Zadan; " he has more use for me than I for him, because none but myself can be found to keep his books." " By Allah," retorted Salih, " if thou so desire, I could change the accounts into Arabic." " Try a part of it," said Zadan, " and I will see." Salih having done that, Zadan asked him to feign illness, which he did. Al-Hajjaj sent his own physician, but found nothing wrong with Salih. Hearing that, Zadan ordered him to appear.

In the days of 'Abd-ar-Rahman ibn-Muhammad ibn-al- Ash'ath al-Kindi, Zadan Farrukh was killed on his way from some house to his own home, or some other man's home. Thereupon, al-Hajjaj made Salih secretary in the



place of Zadan. Salih reported to al-Hajjaj the con- versation that took place between him and Zadan relative to the change of the language of the register. Al-Hajjaj 30 immediately made up his mind to adopt Arabic as the lan- y-f guage of the register and charged Salih with the task.

Mardanshah ibn-Zadan Farrukh asked Salih, "What wouldst thou do with dahwiyah and shashwiyah ? " To this, Salih replied, " I shall use instead 'ushr [tenth] and nusfufhr 1 [half -tenth] ."" And what about wwf?" "I shall use aidan " (wU means excess). 2 Hearing that, Mar- danshah said, " May God efface thy trace from the world as thou hast effaced the trace of the Persian ! " Salih was later offered 100,000 dirhams in order to show that it was impossible to change the language of the register and to re- frain from doing it; but he refused and carried out the plan. 'Abd-al-Hamid ibn-Yahya, the secretary of Marwan ibn-Muhammad used to say, " Great is Salih, and great is the favor he has bestowed upon the secretaries ! "

'Umar ibn-Shabbah from Sahl ibn-abi-as-Salt : Al- Hajjaj assigned for Salih ibn-'Abd-ar-Rahman a certain period in which to change the language of the register. 3

1 These are the Arabic equivalent of the Persian terms dahwiyah and shashwiyah; shash means six.

2 wid or waid is used to-day in Persian in the sense of " little ". Ar. aidan corresponds to ditto.

Cf. Mawardi, p. 350.

PART X[edit]





Hulwan capitulates. After the decisive battle of Jalula' had been won by the Moslems, Hashim ibn-'Utbah ibn-abi- Wakkas added to the forces of Jarir ibn-'Abdallah al-Ba- jali a heavy detachment of cavalry and stationed him at Jalula' between the Moslems and their enemy [the Per- sians] .

Later on, Sa'd sent Jarir about 3,000 Moslems and or- dered him to advance with them and his forces to Hulwan. 1 No sooner had Jarir approached Hulwan than Yazdajird fled away in the direction of Isbahan. Hulwan capitulated ; and Jarir promised to spare the people and guarantee their lives and possessions without interfering with those who preferred to flee the land.

Karmdsm. Leaving in Hulwan a part of his forces [ ?] with 'Azrah ibn-Kais ibn-Ghaziyah-1-Bajali, Jarir pushed towards ad-Dinawar, which he failed to reduce. He, how- ever, reduced Karmasin 2 on the same terms as Hulwan. He then returned to Hulwan and held its governorship until the arrival of 'Ammar ibn-Yasir in al-Kufah. 'Arnmar wrote to Jarir that 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab wanted him to re- inforce abu-Musa-1-Ash'ari [inTustar]. Accordingly, Jarir left 'Azrah ibn-Kais over Hulwan, and in the year 19 made 302 his way to join abu-Musa.

Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from 'A'ishah, daughter of Sa'd ibn-

1 Rustah, pp. 164-165.

  • Yakut, vol. iv, p. 68.



abi-Wakkas: The latter said, "When Mu'awiyah put Hujr ibn-'Adi-l-Kindi x to death, my father made the fol- lowing remark, ' If Mu'awiyah had seen the part Hujr had taken 2 in the reduction of Hulwan, he would have realized of what great value he was to Islam '."

According to al-Wakidi, certain sons of Jarir ibn-Abdal- lah settled in Hulwan, where their descendants are still living.

1 Aghdni, vol. xvi, pp. 3-4; Athir, vol. iii, pp. 392 seq. ; Mas'udi, vol. v, pp. 15 seq.

2 Text not clear. Cf. IJajar, vol. i, p. 645.



An-Nu ( mdn in chief command. In the year 19, when Yazdajird fled away from Hulwan, the Persians and the people of ar-Rai, Kumis, 1 Isbahan, Hamadhan and al-Ma- hain communicated with one another and, in the year 20, joined Yazdajird. The latter put at their head Mardanshah dhu-1-Hajib and they unfurled their flag ad-Dirafshikabi- yan. These "polytheists" numbered 60,000, and according to other estimates, 100,000. When 'Ammar ibn-Yasir com- municated this news to 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab, the latter was on the point of leading an expedition in person against them, but desisted lest the Arabs should then prevail over Najd and other places. The advice to let the Syrians lead the attack from Syria and the Yamanites from al-Yaman was also discarded, lest the Greeks should return to their home, and the Abyssinians should subjugate what was next to them. Consequently, he wrote to the people of al-Kuf ah ordering that two-thirds of them should set out and one- third should stay for the defense of their homes and coun- try. From the people of al-Basrah, he also sent a group of men. He then said, " I shall use over the army someone who shall be the first to expose himself to the spears." 2 Accordingly, 'Umar wrote to an-Nu'man ibn-'Amr ibn-Mu- karrin al-Muzani, who was at that time with as-Sa'ib ibn-al-

1 In Tabaristan. Yakut, vol. iv, p. 203 ; Meynard, pp. 464-465.

  • The original is obscure. Cf. Dinawari, p. 142 ; Caetani, vol. iv, p.

215, n. i.


47 2

Akra' ath-Thakafi, assigning him to the leadership of the army, saying, " In case thou art killed, Hudhaifah ibn-al- Yaman shall be the leader; if he should be killed, then Jarir 303 ibn-'Abdallah al-Bajali ; if he should be killed, then al-Mu- ghirah ibn-Shu'bah; and if he should be killed, al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais." This an-Nu'man was at that time the 'dmil over Kaskar and its territory. Others say he was in al-Ma- dinah, and when he received his appointment over this army from 'Umar by word of mouth, he started from it.

Shaiban from Ma'kil ibn-Yasar: When 'Umar ibn-al- Khattab sought the advice of al-Hurmuzan, saying, " Shall we begin with Isbahan or Adharbaijan [Atrapatakan] ?" al-Hurmuzan replied, " Isbahan is the head, and Adharbai- jan the wings. Cut off the head, and the wings will fall off together with it." *

Al-Mughirah as envoy. When 'Umar entered the mosque [in al-Madinah], his eyes fell on an-Nu'man ibn-Mu- karrin; so he took a seat by his side. When he was through with his prayer, 'Umar said, " I want thee to be my 'dmil [lieutenant] ". An-Nu'man replied, " If a col- lecting-'awt/, no; but if an invading-'afm'/, yes." " An in- vading one," said 'Umar. Thus *Umar sent an-Nu'man and wrote to the people of al-Kufah to reinforce him, which they did, sending among others al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah. An-Nu'man sent al-Mughirah to dhu-1-Hajibain, 2 the Per- sian chief at Nihawand. 8 Al-Mughirah [reaching the Per- sian camp] drew his sword and began cutting the rugs to pieces until he presented himself before the chief, upon which he took his seat on the throne. By dhu-1-Hajib's

1 Cf. Tabari, vol. i, pp. 2600-2601 ; Mas'udi, vol. iv, p. 230.

  • He is also called dhu-1-IJajib Mardanshah.

or Nahawand. Miiller, vol. i, p. 245; Meynard, pp. 573-576; Ya^ut, vol. iv, pp. 406, 827.


order, al-Mughirah was dragged out. So he exclaimed: " [Remember that] I am an envoy! "

The battle fought. When the Moslems met the " poly- theists ", they found them fastened in chains, in tens and fives, so that they might not flee. Before the fight started they shot their arrows and wounded some of the Moslems. Then an-Nu'man said, " I noticed that when the Prophet did not carry on the fight in the morning, he would wait until the sun set and the wind blew; then the victory would be assured." 1 An-Nu'man added, " I shall now shake the standard I carry three times. After the first shake, let each perform the ablutions and satisfy his natural wants. After the second shake, let each turn to his sword (he may have said sandal-thong) and get ready, putting everything in order. When the third shake is, by Allah's will, made, then rush and let none of you heed the other." Saying this, an-Nu'man shook the standard and they did as he had ordered them. His coat of mail was too 304 heavy for him; but he fought and his men fought; and he was the first Moslem to be killed.

The Persian [dhu-1-Hajib] fell from his mule and his belly was cut open.

Ma'kil ibn-Yasar [the narrator of this tradition] adds, "Coming to an-Nu'man and finding that life had not yet fully departed from him, I washed his face with some water I carried in a vessel ; upon which he asked, Who art thou ?' ' Ma'kil.' ' How did the Moslems fare? I have glad tidings ; Allah has given us conquest and victory !' ' Praise be to Allah ! Write and tell 'Umar about it.' "

The news carried to 'Umar. Shaiban from abu-'Uth- man an-Nahdi : The latter said, " I myself carried the glad news to 'Umar who asked, ' And what about an-Nu'-

1 Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2603.


man?' ' He was killed/ said I. ' We are Allah's/ re- marked 'Umar, ' and to Allah we return.' Saying this, he began to cry. I then said, ' By Allah, he was killed with others whom I know not.' ' But whom Allah knows/ said he."

Ahmad ibn-Ibrahim from abu-'Uthman an-Nahdi : The latter said, " When 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab received the news of the death of an-Nu'man ibn-Mukarrin, he covered his face with his hands and began to cry."

The version of as-Saib. Al-Kasim ibn-Sallam from as- Sa'ib ibn-al-Akra' : The latter said, " An army, the similar to which was never seen before, marched against the Mos- lems." He then cited the tradition regarding 'Umar's in- tention to lead the expedition in person, his appointment of an-Nu'man ibn-Mukarrin, the forwarding with as-Sa'ib (whom 'Umar put in charge of the booty) of the appoint- ment in which these words occur : " Bring no false case to my attention, and never hold justice from anyone." * The tradition then gives an account of the battle and mentions that an-Nu'man was the first to be killed in the battle of Nihawand, upon which Hudhaifah carried the standard and Allah gave them [the Arabs] victory. As-Sa'ib adds, " I gathered the booty and divided it. After that there came to me a spy, 2 saying, The treasure of an-Nakhirkhan 8 is in 305 the castle.' When I climbed up there, I found two chests containing pearls, the similar to which I never saw before. I then made my way to 'Umar who, having not yet received the news, was roaming in the streets [of al-Madinah] and making inquiries. Seeing me, 'Umar exclaimed, 'Oh ! what news?' I gave him an account of the battle and the death

1 Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2597.

  • Cf. Dinawari, p. 145.
  • Ibid., p. 145: "Nukharijan".


of an-Nu'man and mentioned the case of the two chests. 'Umar said ' Go and sell the chests and divide the price among the Moslems/ Accordingly, I took them to al-Ku- fah, where I met a young man of the Kuraish, ' Amr ibn- Huraith, by name, who paid their price from the stipends of [his own] family and the warriors of its members. One chest he took to al-Hirah, where he sold it for the same price he had paid me for both ; and the other he kept. This was the first part of the fortune 'Amr amassed."

Other versions. A certain biographer reports that the battle of Nihawand was fought on Wednesday and Thurs- day and, after a short cessation, fighting was continued on Friday. He reports in describing the battle a similar tradi- tion to that reported by Hammad ibn-Salamah.

Ibn-al-Kalbi from abu-Mikhnaf: An-Nu'man camped at al-Isbidhahar * with al-Ash'ath ibn-Kais commanding his right wing and al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah, the left wing. In the fight that ensued, an-Nu'man was killed. At last the Moslems won the victory; and that conquest was termed " the victory of victories." The conquest of Nihawand took place on Wednesday, year 19, and according to others, 20.

Ar-Rifa'i from al-Hasan and Muhammad: The battle of Nihawand took place in the year 21. A similar tradi- tion was communicated to me by ar-Rif a'i on the authority of Muhammad ibn-Ka'b. 2

Dinar makes terms for the city. Others report that after the defeat of the Persian army and the victory of the Mos- lems, Hudhaifah, who was at that time the leader, laid siege to Nihawand, whose inhabitants made sorties but were de-

1 Hamadhani, pp. 211, 259, and Dinawari, p. 143: " al-Isfidhahan " ; Yakut, vol. i, p. 239 : " Isbidhahan ".

1 Cf. Weil, vol. i, pp. 88-94; Muir, Annals, pp. 255-258; Muir, Cali- phate, pp. 178-180; Wellhausen, Skiszen, vol. vi, p. 97.


feated. One day Simak ibn-'Ubaid al-'Absi chased a Per- sian who was accompanied by 8 horsemen. Simak killed all eight, as each of them in turn turned against him. See- ing that he was left alone, the man chased yielded and laid down his arms. Simak took him as prisoner ; but as he spoke Persian, Simak called someone who understood him and translated what he said, which was, " I shall go to your leader that I may make terms with him on this land, pay him poll-tax, and give thee for taking me as prisoner what- ever thou requestest. To thee I owe a great deal because thou didst spare my life." Simak asked, " What is thy name?" and he replied, " Dinar ". Simak led him to Hu- dhaifah who made terms with him, stipulating that the kharaj and poll-tax be paid, and that the safety of the pos- sessions, walls and dwellings of the inhabitants of his city, Nihawand, be guaranteed. Nihawand was thereafter called Mah Dinar. Dinar often came after that to. Simak, offer- ing him presents and showing his loyalty.

Mah al-Basrah and Mah al-Kufah. Abu-Mas'ud al-Kufi from al-Mubarak ibn-Sa'd's father: Nihawand was one of the places conquered by the people of al-Kufah, whereas ad-Dinawar was one of those conquered by the people of al-Basrah. The increase of the Moslems at al-Kufah made it necessary that the lands the kharaj of which was divided among them be increased. Consequently, [the district of] ad-Dinawar was given them, in exchange for which the people of al-Basrah were given [the district of] Nihawand which formed a part of [the province of] Isbahan. The excess of the kharaj of ad-Dinawar over that of Nihawand was therefore a gain for the people of al-Kufah. 1 Niha- wand was thereafter called Mah al-Basrah; and ad-Dina- war, Mah al-Kufah. All this took place during the cali- phate of Mu'awiyah.

1 Cf. Caetani, vol. iv, p. 502.


The meaning of " al-Yaman ". I have been informed by certain men of learning that Hudhaifah ibn-al-Yaman was the son of Husail [Hisl] ibn-Jabir al-'Absi. He was an ally of the banu-'Abd-al-Ashhal of al-Ansdr; and his mother was ar-Rabab, daughter of Ka'b ibn-'Adi of the 'Abd-al- Ashhal tribe. His father was killed in the battle of Uhud by 'Abdallah ibn-Mas'ud al-Hudhali, who killed him by mistake, taking him for an " unbeliever ". In accordance with the Prophet's order, the blood money was paid; but Hudhaifah distributed it among the Moslems. According to al-Wakidi, Husail was nicknamed al-Yaman because he had commercial interests in al-Yaman ; and whenever he ar- rived in al-Madinah, people would say, " Here comes al- Yamani [of which al-Yaman is a shortened form]." Ac- cording to al-Kalbi, however, Hudhaifah was the son of Husail ibn-Jabir ibn-Rabi'ah ibn-'Amr ibn-Jurwah, Jurwah being the one nicknamed al-Yamani after whom Hudhaifah was so called, although between the two many generations intervened. Jurwah, in pre-Islamic times, killed someone 307 and fled to al-Madinah, where he became an ally of the banu-'Abd-al-Ashhal. His people called him al-Yamani because he made an alliance with the Yamanites.


Ad-Dinawar makes terms. Abu-Musa-1-Ash'ari left Ni- hawand, to which he had come with the army of al-Basrah for the reinforcement of an-Nu'man ibn-Mukarrin. On his way, he passed by ad-Dinawar where he camped for five days, in which he was offered resistance for only one day. The people of ad-Dinawar then agreed to pay tax and khardj, and sought safety for their lives, possessions and children. Abu-Musa granted their request and left over the city his 'dmil, together with some horsemen, and proceeded to Masabadhan, whose people offered no resist- ance. 1

As-Sircwudn makes terms. The people of as-Sirawan made terms similar to those of ad-Dinawar, agreeing to pay poll-tax and khardj; and abu-Musa sent detachments and conquered all the lands of ad-Dinawar. Others assert that abu-Musa conquered Masabadhan before the battle of Nihawand.

As-Saimarah capitulates. Abu-Musa 'Abdallah ibn- Kais al-Ash'ari sent as-Sa'ib ibn-al-Akra* ath-Thakafi who was his son-in-law through his daughter umm-Muhammad ibn-as-Sa'ib to as-Saimarah the chief city of Mihrijan- kadhaf. The city capitulated; and it was agreed that the lives of the inhabitants be spared, that no captives be taken, and that no pieces of gold or silver be carried away, pro-

1 Cf. Athir, vol. ii, p. 409 ; Tabari, vol. i, p. 2477 ; Yakut, vol. iv, p. 393-



vided the inhabitants paid poll-tax and khardj on the land. As-Sa'ib reduced all the districts of Mihrijankadhaf. The more reliable report is that abu-Musa dispatched as-Sa'ib from al-Ahwaz; and the latter reduced Mihrijankadhaf.

Sinn Sumairah. Muhammad ibn-'Ukbah ibn-Musrim 1 ad-Dabbi from certain sheikhs of al-Kufah: When the Moslems invaded al-Jibal, they passed by the eastern summit called Sinn Sumairah, Sumairah being a woman of the Dabbah [a branch] of the banu-Mu'awiyah ibn-Ka'b ibn- Tha'labah ibn-Sa'd ibn-Dabbah and one of the Emigrants. Sumairah had a tooth [sinn protruding beyond the 308 others] ; 2 hence the name of the peak Sinn Sumairah.

Kanatir an-Nu'man. Kanatir [arches] an-Nu'man, ac- cording to ibn-Hisham al-Kalbi, were named after an-Nu'- man ibn-'Amr ibn-Mukarrin al-Muzani, who camped by these Kanatir, which had been standing from ancient time.

Kathir ibn-Shihdb. Al-' Abbas ibn-Hisham al-Kalbi from 'Awanah: Kathir ibn-Shihab ibn-al-Husain ibn-dhi-1- Ghussah-1-Harithi belonged to the 'Uthman party and often spoke evil of 'Ali ibn-abi-Talib, and dissuaded men from following al-Husain. He died either before or at the begin- ning of the rebellion of al-Mukhtar ibn-abi-'Ubaid. Al- Mukhtar ibn-abi-'Ubaid referred to him when he said : "By the Lord of heavens, the severe in punishment, the revealer of the Book, I shall surely dig the grave of Kathir ibn-Shi- hab, the transgressor, the liar." Mu'awiyah gave him for some time the governorship of ar-Rai and Dastaba, which he held on behalf of Mu'awiyah and his two 'amils, Ziyad and al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah. After that, he incurred Mu- 'awiyah's anger and was flogged and imprisoned by him in

1 Cf. Mahasin, vol. i, p. 700, and Tabari, vol. i, p. 2458 : " 'Ukbah ibn-Mukram ".

2 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2648.


Damascus. Shuraih ibn-Hani' al-Muradi interceded in favor of Kathir ; and he was released. Yazid ibn-Mu'awiyah, for selfish reasons, approved of following Kathir and sid- ing with him, and wrote to 'Ubaidallah ibn-Ziyad, asking him to appoint Kathir over Masabadhan, Mihrijankadhaf, Hulwan and al-Mahain [the two Mahs] , which he did, giv- ing Kathir many villages of the crown-domains in al-Jabal * as fief. Here Kathir built the castle which bears his name and which lies in ad-Dinawar. Zuhrah ibn-al-Harith ibn- Mansur ibn-Kais ibn-Kathir ibn-Shihab had secured many crown-villages at Masabadhan.

Al-Khashdrimah. I learned from a descendant of Khashram ibn-Malik ibn-Hubairah-1-Asadi that the Kha- sharimah came first to Masabadhan towards the end of the Umaiyad dynasty, their grandfather being an emigrant from al-Kufah.

Kathir made governor. Al-'Umari from al-Haitham ibn- 'Adi: Ziyad was one day on a trip when the belt of his robe became loose. Kathir ibn-Shihab immediately drew a needle, that was stuck in his cap, and a thread and mended the belt. Seeing that, Ziyad said, " Thou art a man of dis- cretion; and such a one should never go without an office." Saying this, he appointed him governor over a part of al- Jabal.

  • or al-Jibal = Persian 'Irak or Media. Meynard, p. 151; Kazwini,

p. 228; Hamadhani, p. 209; Rustah, p. 106.


Jarir reduces Hamadhan. In the year 23 A. H., al-Mu- j ghirah ibn-Shu'bah who, after the dismissal of 'Ammar ibn- Yasir, was the 'ami/ of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab over al-Ku- fah, dispatched Jarir ibn-'Abdallah al-Bajali to Hama- dhan. 1 The inhabitants of Hamadhan offered resistance and repelled his attacks, in the course of which Jarir re- ceived an arrow in his eye; and he remarked, " I give up my eye, seeking recompense from Allah who decorated with it my face and provided me by means of it with light, so long as he willed, and then deprived me of it as I was in his cause!" After that he reduced Hamadhan, which made terms similar to those of Nihawand. This took place toward the close of the year 23. Its inhabitants, having later rebelled, drove Jarir back; but he finally took their land by force. 2

Other versions. According to al-Wakidi, Jarir reduced Nihawand in the year 24, six months after the death of 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab.

It is reported by others that al-Mughirah ibn-Shu'bah, with Jarir leading the vanguard, marched against Hama- dhan and, after reducing it, put it in charge of Kathir ibn- Shihab al-Harithi.

The terms with al-Al. 'Abbas ibn-Hisham from his grandfather and 'Awanah ibn-al-Hakam : When Sa'd ibn-

1 Ecbatana. See Meynard, pp. 597-608.

1 Cf. Yafcut, vol. iv, p. 081 ; Athir, vol. iii, p. 16.



abi-Wakkas ruled over al-Kufah in behalf of 'Uthman ibn- 'Affan, he assigned over Mah and Hamadhan al-'Ala' ibn- Wahb ibn-'Abd ibn-Wahban of the banu-'Amir ibn-Lu'ai. The people of Hamadhan acted treacherously and violated the covenant, on account of which al-'Ala' fought against them until they surrendered. The terms he made with them stipulated that, on the one hand, they should pay khardj on their land and tax on their person and deliver to him 100,000 dirhams for the Moslems; and that, on the other hand, he should not interfere with their possessions, inviolable rights and children.

Mddhardn. According to ibn-al-Kalbi, the castle known by the name of Madharan was so called after as-Sari ibn- Nusair x ibn-Thaur al-'Ijli, who camped around it until he reduced it.

Sisar. Ziyad ibn-'Abd-ar-Rahman al-Balkhi from cer- tain sheikhs of Sisar : Sisar was so called because it lay in a depression surrounded by thirty hills. Hence its other name " Thalathun Ra's " [thirty summits]. It was also called Sisar Sadkhaniyah which means thirty summits and a hundred springs, because it has as many as one hundred springs.

Sisar and the adjoining region were pasture-lands for the Kurds and others. It also had meadows for the beasts of bur- den and the cattle of caliph al-Mahdi, and was entrusted to a freedman of his called Sulaiman ibn-Kirat whose name Sahra' Kirat in Madinat as-Salam bears and to a partner of his, Sallam at-Taifuri, Taifur having been a freedman of abu-Ja'far al-Mansur and having been given by him as present to al-Mahdi. When in the caliphate of al-Mahdi the destitute [sa'aKk] and villain became numerous and spread over al-Jabal, they chose this region for their refuge and

1 Cf. Marasid, vol. iii, p. 27.


stronghold, to which they resorted after acting as highway- men, and from which they could not be called back, be- cause it was a boundary line between Hamadhan, ad-Dina- war and Adharbaijan. Sulaiman and his colleague wrote to al-Mahdi, reporting the case of those who interfered with their beasts and cattle. Thereupon, al-Mahdi directed against them a great army and wrote to Sulaiman and Sal- lam, ordering them to build a city and occupy it with their associates and shepherds and use it as a refuge for their beasts and cattle against those who threatened them. Ac- cordingly, they built the city of Sisar, fortified it, and made people settle in it. The district [ritstdk] of Mayanharaj 1 in ad-Dinawar, and that of al-Judhamah in Adharbaijan which is a part of the province of Barzah, together with Rustuf 2 and Khabanjar were added to Sisar; and the whole was made into one district that was put under one 'dmil to whom its kharaj was paid. 3

Later, in the caliphate of ar-Rashid, this band of desti- tute multiplied and badly damaged Sisar. Ar-Rashid ordered that it be repaired and fortified, stationing in it 1,000 of the men of Khakan al-Khadim as-Sughdi, whose descendants are still in it. Towards the end of his cali- 311 phate, ar-Rashid appointed Murrah ibn-abi-Murrah ar-Ru- daini-l-'Ijli over Sisar. 'Uthman al-Audi attempted to wrest it from his hands, but failed, succeeding 4 only in wresting all or most of what Murrah already held at Adharbaijan. Until the time of the insurrection, Murrah ibn-ar-Rudaini did not cease in the days of Muhammad ibn- ar-Rashid to pay the fixed kharaj of Sisar which he had

1 Khurdadhbih, p. 120. Hamadhani, p. 240 : " Mayanmaraj ".

  • ? perhaps rustak ; cf. Yakut, vol. iii, p. 216.

8 Hamadhani, pp. 239-240.

4 According to Hamadhani, p. 240, he failed in that, too.


agreed to pay annually. 1 In the caliphate of al-Ma'mun, Sisar was taken from the hand of 'Asim ibn-Murrah and once more added to the crown-domains [diyd e al-khilafah].

Al-Mafazah. I was told by certain sheikhs from al-Ma- fazah, which is situated near Sisar, that when al-Jurashi 2 ruled over al-Jabal the inhabitants of al-Mafazah evacu- ated their town. Al-Jurashi had a general, Hammam ibn- Hani' al-'Abdi, to whom most of the people of al-Mafazah yielded their villages and held them as tenants in order to enjoy his protection. Hammam appropriated the villages to himself and used to pay the treasury what was due on them until he died. His sons were too weak to hold them. After the death of Muhammad ibn-Zubaidah, when al-Ma'- mun was on his way from Khurasan to Madinat as-Sa- lam, he was met by certain sons of Hammam and a man from al-Mafazah named Muhammad ibn-al-'Abbas, who told him the story of the place and informed him of the de- sire of all the people to give up their lands to him and act as his tenants in it provided they be protected and strength- ened against the destitute bands and others. Al-Ma'mun ac- cepted their offer and ordered that they be reinforced and strengthened in order to cultivate the lands and repair them. Thus these lands were added to the crown-domains.

Laila-l-Akhyaliyah. According to a tradition communi- cated to me by al-Mada'ini, Laila-l-Akhyaliyah paid a visit to al-Hajjaj. He gave her a present, and she requested him to write and recommend her to his 'dmil at ar-Rai. On her way back, Laila died at Sawah, where she was buried.

1 Ar. mukata'ah; M. V. Berchem, La Propriite Territorial el I'Impdt Fonder sous les Premiers Calif es, p. 45.

  • Cf. " al-$arashi " in Ya'kubi, p. 253.


Kumm and Kdshdn reduced. Leaving Nihawand, abu- Musa 'Abdallah ibn-Kais al-Ash'ari came to al-Ahwaz, and after passing through it, stopped at Kumm which he reduced after a few days' fight. He then directed al-Ah- naf ibn-Kais, whose name was ad-Dahhak ibn-Kais at- Tamimi to Kashan, which he took by force. Abu-Musa then overtook him. 1

Jai and al-Y ahudiyah capitulate. In the year 23, 'Umar ibn-al-Khattab directed 'Abdallah ibn-Budail ibn-Warka' al-Khuza'i to Isbahan. Others assert that 'Umar wrote to abu-Musa-1-Ash'ari ordering him to direct 'Abdallah at the head of an army to Isbahan, which abu-Musa did. 'Ab- dallah ibn-Budail conquered Jai, 2 which capitulated after a fight, agreeing to pay kharaj and poll-tax, provided the population be guaranteed the safety of their lives and all possessions with the exception of the arms in their hands.

'Abdallah ibn-Budail then directed al-Ahnaf ibn-Kais, who was in his army, to al-Yahudiyah, s whose inhabitants made terms similar to those of Jai.

Thus ibn-Budail effected the conquest of the territory of Isbahan with its districts over which he acted as 'amil to

1 Cf. Yakut, vol. iv, pp. 15, 175.

  • A part of Isbahan. Istakhri, p. 198, note n ; IJaufcal, p. 261 ; Yafcut,

vol. ii, p. 181; Meynard, pp. 188-189. 8 Another suburb of Isbahan. Yakut, vol. iv, p. 1045.



the end of the first year of 'Uthman's caliphate, at which time 'Uthman appointed as-Sa'ib ibn-al-Akra'.

Bashir's version. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd, a freedman of the banu-Hashim, from Bashir ibn-abi-Umaiyah : Al- Ash'ari camped at Isbahan and proposed to the people the idea of Islam, which they refused. He then proposed that they pay tax, upon which they made terms agreeing to pay it. The very next morning they rebelled; and he fought against them and, by Allah's help, defeated them. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd, however, adds, " In my view this refers to the inhabitants of Kumm."

The satrap of Isbahan. Muhammad ibn-Sa'd from Muhammad ibn-Ishak: 'Umar sent ibn-Budail al-Khuza'i to Isbahan, whose satrap [marzubdn] was an aged man called al-Fadusafan. 1 Ibn-Budail besieged the city and wrote to the people inciting them to forsake him. Seeing the lukewarmness of his men, al-Fadusafan chose thirty archers, in whose courage and obedience he confided, and fled away from the city towards Karman with a view to joining Yazdajird. As soon as 'Abdallah knew of it, he sent after him a heavy detachment of cavalry. As the Persian reached a high place, he looked behind and said to 'Abdallah, " Take heed for thyself, no arrow of ours misses its mark. If thou charge, we shoot; and if thou fight a duel, we will fight! " A duel followed in the course of which the Persian gave 'Abdallah 2 a blow [with the sword] which, falling on the pommel of his saddle, broke it and cut the breast-girth [of the horse]. The Persian then said to 'Abdallah, " I hate to kill thee because I see thou art wise and brave. Wouldst thou let me go back with thee that I may arrange terms with thee and pay tax for my towns-

1 Jabari, vol. i, p. 2639 : " al-Fadhusaf an ".

  • Caetani, vol. v, p. 10, takes 'Abdallah to be the one who delivered the Wow. Cf. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2639.


men, of whom those who stay will be considered dhimmis, and those who flee will not be interfered with? The city I will turn over to thee." Ibn-Budail returned with him and took Jai ; and the Persian fulfilled his promise, saying, " I saw that ye, people of Isbahan, are mean and disunited. Ye, therefore, deserve what I did with you/'

The territory of Isbahan pays khardf. Ibn-Budail then passed through the plains and mountains of the territory of Isbahan, all of which he conquered, treating them as regards khardj as he had treated the people of al-Ahwaz.

Some say that the conquest of Isbahan and its territory was effected partly in the year 23 and partly in the year 24.

Other versions. It is reported by others that 'Umar ibn- al-Khattab sent at the head of an army 'Abdallah ibn-Bu- dail, who met abu-Musa, after the latter had conquered Kumm and Kashan. They both now led the attack against Isbahan with al-Ahnaf ibn-Kais commanding the van of abu-Musa's army. Thus they subjugated all al-Yahudiyah as described above. Ibn-Budail, after that, reduced Jai; and they both marched through the territory of Isbahan and reduced it. The most reliable account, however, is that Kumm and Kashan were conquered by abu-Musa ; whereas Jai and al-Yahudiyah, by 'Abdallah ibn-Budail.

Abu-Hassan az-Ziyadi from a Thakif man : In Isbahan stands the sanctuary 1 of 'Uthman ibn-abi-l-'Asi ath-Tha- kafi.

Persian nobility embrace Islam. Muhammad ibn-Yahya at-Tamimi from his sheikhs : To the nobility of Isbahan belonged various strongholds in Jafrabad in the district of 314 ath-Thaimarah 2 -l-Kubra, in Bihjawarsan 3 and in the fort

1 Ar. mashhad a place where a martyr died or is buried.

  • Ya'kubi, p. 275 : " at-Taimara " ; cj. Rustah, p. 154, b J Yakut, vol. i,

p. 908. 8 or Kahjawarsan, Pers. Gah Gawarsan. Yakut, vol. ii, p. n.



of Marabin. 1 When Jai was reduced, these nobles offered homage, agreeing to pay the kharaj; and because they disdained to pay poll-tax, they became Moslems.

Al-Anbari in Isbahdn. It is stated by al-Kalbi and abu- 1-Yakzan that after al-Hudhail ibn-Kais al-'Anbari was appointed governor of Isbahan in the time of Marwan, the 'Anbari clan moved there.

Idris ibn-Ma'kil imprisoned. The grandfather of abu- Dulaf (abu-Dulaf being al-Kasim ibn-'Isa ibn-Idris ibn- Ma'kil al-'Ijli), whose occupation consisted in preparing perfumes and trading in sheep, came to al-Jabal with a number of his relatives and occupied a village at Hama- dhan called Mass. They became wealthy and came to own many [crown] villages. One day Idris ibn-Ma'kil attacked a merchant who owed him money and choked him. Others say he choked him and took his money. Therefore, he was carried away to al-Kufah, where he was imprisoned. This took place when Yusuf ibn-'Umar ath-Thakafi ruled over al-'Irak in the days of Hisham ibn-Abd-al-Malik.

Al-Karaj rebuilt. After that, 'Isa ibn-Idris came to al- Karaj, 2 which he reduced and whose fort, which was dilapidated, he rebuilt. Abu-Dulaf al-Kasim ibn-'lsa strengthened his position and rose into eminence in the eyes of the sultan. He enlarged that fort and built the city of al-Ka- raj which was for that reason called after him Karaj abi- Dulaf. Al-Karaj to-day forms a district by itself.

Kumm's rebellion suppressed. The inhabitants of Kumm threw off their allegiance and withheld the khardj. Al-Ma'- mun directed against them 'Ali ibn-Hisham al-Marwazi, recruiting him with troops s and ordering him to wage war

1 Cf. Mukaddasi, p. 402 : " Sarimin " ; Ya'kubi, p. 275 : " Mirabin " ; Yakut, vol. iv, p. 382: "Marabanan"; Hamadhani, p. 263. ' Meynard, pp. 478-479. $ T^bari, vol. iii, p. 1093.


against them. 'Ali did so, killed their chief, Yahya ibn- 'Imran, razed the city wall to the ground and collected over 7,000,000 dirhams as tax, although previous to this they used to complain that 2,000,000 were too much for them to pay.

In the caliphate of abu-'Abdallah al-Mu'tazz-Billah ibn- al-Mutawakkil-'Alallah, they once more threw off their al- legiance, upon which al-Mu'tazz directed against them Musa ibn-Bugha, his 'amil over al-Jabal, who was conduct- ing the war against the Talibites who appeared in Taba- ristan. Kumm was reduced by force and a large number of its inhabitants was slaughtered. Al-Mu'tazz wrote that a group of its leading men should be deported.



The flight of Yazdajird. Yazdajird fled from al-Ma- da'in to Hulwan and thence to Isbahan. When the Mos- lems were done with Nihawand, he fled from Isbahan to Istakhr, where he was pursued, after the conquest of Isba- han, by 'Abdallah ibn-Budail ibn-Warka', but to no avail. Abu-Musa-1-Ash'ari came to Istakhr and attempted its con- quest, but did not succeed, and likewise did 'Uthman ibn- abi-l-'Asi ath-Thakafi try it and fail.

In the year 29 when all Persia with the exception of Is- takhr and Jur * was already reduced, 'Abdallah ibn-'Amir ibn-Kuraiz proceeded to al-Basrah. Yazdajird was on the point of leaving for Tabaristan, whose satrap had invited him, when Yazdajird was still in Isbahan, to come to Ta- baristan which he told him was well fortified. It then occurred to Yazdajird to flee to Karman, to which ibn- 'Amir sent after him Mujashi' ibn-Mas'ud as-Sulami and Harim ibn-Haiyan al-'Abdi. Mujashi' came and stopped at Biyamand in Karman, where his army was caught by a snow storm and nearly annihilated, few only surviving. The castle in which he resided was called after him Kasr Mujashi*. Mujashi' then took his way back to ibn-'Amir.

As Yazdajird was one day sitting in Karman, its mar- zuban came in; but Yazdajird felt too haughty to speak to

1 Tabari, vol. i, p. 2863 : "which is Ardashir Khurrah". Cf. Meynard, P- 23.



him, and the marzubdn ordered that he be driven out, say- ing, "Not only art thou unworthy of a kingdom but even of a governorship of a village; and if Allah had seen any good in thee, he would not have put thee in such condition ! "

Yazdajird left for Sijistan r whose king showed regard for him and exalted him. After a few days Yazdajird asked about the khardj which made the king change his atti- tude towards him.

Seeing that, Yazdajird left for Khurasan. When he reached the boundary line of Maru he was met by its satrap [marzubdn] Mahawaih 2 with great honor and pomp. Here he was also met by Nizak Tarkhan who offered him some- thing to ride upon, gave him presents and entertained him bountifully. Nizak spent one month with Yazdajird, after which he left him. He then wrote Yazdajird asking for the hand of his daughter. This aroused the anger of Yazda- jird, who said, " Write and tell him * Thou art nothing but one of my slaves ; how darest thou then ask for my daugh- ter's hand? ' ' Yazdajird also ordered that Mahawaih, the satrap of Maru, give an account and be asked about the 316 money he had collected. Mahawaih wrote to Nizak, insti- gating him against Yazdajird and saying, " This is the one who came here as a runaway fugitive. Thou hast helped him in order to have his kingdom restored to him; but see what he wrote to thee ! " They both then agreed to put him to death.

Yazdajird slain. Nizak led the Turks to al-Junabidh s where he met the enemy. At first the Turks retreated, but then the tide turned against Yazdajird, his followers

1 Cf. Michel le Syrien, Chronique, vol. ii, p. 424 (ed. Chabot).

  • Tha'alibi, p. 743 : " Mahawait ".

8 Yunabidh, Yunawid or Kunabidh. Istakhri, p. 273; JJaukal, p. 324; Mukaddasi, p. 321.

4 0.2

were killed, his camp was plundered, and he fled to the city of Maru. The city refused to open its gates ; so he had to dismount at a miller's house standing on the bank of al- Mirghab. 1 Some say that having heard of that, Mahawaih sent his messenger who killed him in the miller's house. Others assert that Mahawaih incited the miller and, by his orders, the miller killed Yazdajird, after which Mahawaih said, " No slayer of a king should be kept alive ", and he ordered that the miller himself be put to death. Still others claim that the miller offered Yazdajird food, which he ate, and drink, which intoxicated him. In the evening, Yazdajird took out his crown and put it on his head. Seeing that, the miller coveted the possession of the crown, and raising a mill-stone dropped it on Yazdajird. After killing him, he took his crown and clothes and threw the body into the water. When the news came to Mahawaih, he put the miller and his family to death and took the crown and clothes. According to another story, Yazdajird was warned against the messengers of Mahawaih and fled away, jumping into the water. When the miller was asked about him, he said, " The man has left my house." They found Yazdajird in the water, and he said, " If ye spare me I will give you my belt, ring and crown." He asked them for some money with which he could buy bread, and one of them gave him 4 dirhams. Seeing that, Yazdajird laughingly said, " I was told that I will some day feel the need of 4 dirhams ! " Later he was attacked by certain men sent after him by Mahawaih, and he said, " Kill me not; rather carry me to the king of the Arabs, and I will make terms with him on your and my behalf, and thus ye will be safe." They refused and choked him by means of a bow-string.

1 or Marghab or Murghab, also called Nahr Maru. Tabari, vol. i, p. 2872; JJaukal, p. 315.


His clothes they carried away in a pouch; and his body they threw away into the water.[21]

Fairus taken away by the Turks. It is claimed that Fairuz ibn-Yazdajird fell into the hands of the Turks, who gave him one of their women in marriage; and he settled among them.


  1. al-Jahiz, vol. ii, pp. 154-155, Cairo, 1313 A. H.
  2. Vol. i, p. 198, Cairo, 1293 A. H.
  3. Vol. i, p. 7, ed. De Goeje, Leiden. 1879-1881
  4. pp. 355
  5. pp. 434-448.
  6. pp. 346-372 in De Goeje's edition.
  7. pp. 344-345 in De Goeje's edition
  8. Vol. v, p. 646
  9. In vol. v, pp. 154 and 647
  10. A suburb of al-Madinah; see Yakut, Mu'jam al-Bulddn, vol. iv, pp. 23-24.
  11. i. e., it is easier to let the owner of the little herd feed his flock on the tfima than to give him money for sustaining his children.
  12. Geschichte der Stadt Medina, p. 155 ; Wakidi, Kitdb al-Maghazi, pp. 183-184. Naki' lay 20 parasangs from Madinah
  13. Azraki, p. 55.
  14. Hisham, p. 140; Geschichte der Stadt Medina, p. 56
  15. One of the names of Madinah.
  16. Koran, 59: 1.
  17. Hisham, pp. 654 and 655.
  18. Wakidi, tr. Wellhausen, p. 405.
  19. Ar. kura', see Nihdyah, vol. iv, p. 16 ; and Mutarrizi, vol. ii, p. 148 ; Margoliouth translates " camp-followers " in Zaidan's Umayyads and Abbasids, p. 121.
  20. Cf. Sprenger, Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad, vol. iii, p. 419-
  21. Cf. Tha'alibi, pp. 746-747; Tabari, vol. i, pp. 2879-2881.

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