The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898/Volume 1/Life and Voyage

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The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803, Volume 1
edited by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
3707273The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803, Volume 1


  • [Résumé of contemporaneous documents—1518–27.]
  • Letter of authorization to Falero and Magallánes—March 22, 1518.
  • *Carta de el-rei de Castella para El-rei D. Manuel—February 28, 1519.
  • Instructions to Juan de Cartagena—April 6, 1519.
  • *Carta de rei de Castella a Fernando de Magalhães e a Ruy Falero—April 19, 1519.
  • *Extracto de una carta de las Indias—1522.
  • De Molvccis Insulis: Maximilianus Transylvanus—1523.

Sources: See Bibliographical Data at end of this volume.

Translations: The first and the fifth of these documents are translated by James A. Robertson; the second and fourth by José M. Asensio; the third by Francis W. Snow; the sixth by Frederic W. Morrison; for the last, we use the translation made by the late Henry Stevens (published in his Johann Schöner.)

* Documents marked by an asterisk are here presented in both the original text and English translation.


[Prefatory Note: The scope of the present series does not demand the publication in extenso of many documents on this subject. Those who wish to study it in detail will find abundant material in volume iv of the Coleccion de viages published by Navarrete (Madrid, 1829); we present only a brief résumé of these documents, inserted here to preserve the continuity of our narrative, and to indicate to students the extent and scope of such material.[1]

Navarrete precedes these documents by a brief and somewhat imperfect summary of early discoveries; a biographical sketch of Magalhães, with proofs, citations, etc., by way of authentication thereof—these citations being drawn from the authors Fray Antonio de San Roman, Herrera, Gomara, Muñoz, Quintana, Barros, Maximilianus Transylvanus, Argensola, and others; a letter by Ruy Falero; extract from Magalhães's will;[2] a memorandum addressed by him to the emperor;[3] and a compilation from early authors and from the documents that follow, giving full citations of authorities. The documents here mentioned are given by Navarrete in the appendix to volume iv, at pp. 110–406; some of them have been already presented in connection with the Line of Demarcation.]

Valladolid, February 23, 1518. Rui Faller (Ruy Falero) and Fernando Magallánes,[4] both Portuguese, bind themselves to deliver to the factor of the India House of Trade at Seville the eighth part of everything they may find in their discoveries in the spice regions. This is promised in the following words: "Know all ye who shall see this public testament that we, Rui Faller, citizen of Cunilla, in the kingdom of Portugal, and Fernando de Magallánes, citizen of the city of Puerto [Oporto], in the same kingdom, consent, make manifest, and declare that, inasmuch as it has been agreed between us, as parties of the first part, and you, Juan de Aranda, Factor for the King, our Lord, and citizen of the city of Burgos, in the House of Trade of the Indies of the city of Sevilla, as party of the second part, that of all gain and income pertaining to us from the discovery of lands and islands (which if God wills we are to discover and find in the lands, limits, and demarcations of our Master the King, Don Cárlos) you shall have the eighth part. And we shall give this to you from all the income and gain accruing to us therefrom, whether in money, allotment, or rent, or by virtue of our office, or in anything else whatever, of whatever quantity and quality, without any shortage, and without deducting or excepting anything whatever of our possessions." They promise this in extended terms and under oath. The factor approves the document and promises to abide by all its provisions. (No. i, pp. 111–113.)

March, 1518. The same two men in an unsigned document petition the king on various matters connected with the proposed expedition. To each section is appended the monarch's objections, approbations, or other remarks.

1. That no permit be given for ten years to any other person to make an expedition of discovery in those regions "where we are about to go, . . . if we desire to undertake such discovery, with as sufficient equipment and as many ships as the other;" and that they be informed of such tentative expeditions, so that they may go themselves or commission agents.

2. That they receive the twentieth part of all profits after expenses are paid, with the title of admiral, and the governorship for themselves and heirs of all lands discovered.

3. That they be allowed to employ in the newly-discovered lands as they see fit, one thousand ducats worth of merchandise (first cost) each year, giving to the king the twentieth part, without other rights or taxes.

4. That they be allowed to choose for themselves two islands, if the number discovered exceeds six, giving to the crown ten per cent of all profits therefrom.

5. That one-fifth of all net profits derived from the expedition be allotted them on its return, and that each year they may carry one hundred quintals' weight of merchandise in any ship sailing from those regions.

6. That the twentieth part of all profits accruing from the royal ships or any others be given them for ten years.

7. That if his Highness undertake at his cost the armament of the fleet, they promise to prove to him the vast wealth of the lands and islands that will be discovered within his dominions.

8. That if one of them die on the expedition the other, or his heirs and successors, be ordered to fulfil everything as if both were living.

9. That the king order the strict observance of the above.

If the king prefers them to assume the expenses of the expedition they propose the following:

1. That all the lands and islands discovered by them or their agents belong to them "with all traffic, seigniory, and government," giving to the crown one-fifth of all net profits.

2. That no other ships, either of the king or any other person, be allowed to trade in such lands, under penalty of confiscation by the petitioners.

3. That no other commissions for expeditions of discovery be given for ten years.

4 and 5. Provision in case of death, and provision for fulfilment. (No. ii, pp. 113–116; vide infra, "Instructions to Carthagena," p. 280.)

Zaragoza, July 20, 1518. The King writes to the officials of the House of Trade, approving the contemplated expedition, and regarding the expenditures of moneys and the fitting out of the fleet.[5] (No. v, pp. 122, 123.)

October 24, 1518. Magallánes writes the king enumerating and amplifying certain information and requests concerning the fleet, contained in a letter written by him to his majesty on the fifteenth of the same month. This letter had been despatched by a post sent by the House of Trade. Besides giving a full account of the preparations of the fleet,[6] it begs that the balance of the 16,000 ducats, "without which we cannot finish" be provided; and that the 5,400 ducats lacking be taken from the 11,000 ducats in the house. He asks also an increase of the 3,000 ducats for merchandise, "since the profits accruing therefrom might be twenty-fold, estimating conservatively; and therefore I desired all the gain to be your Highness's." Also, he asks that the officials pay for the armament, weapons, and powder of the fleet, which have been paid out of the 16,000 ducats, but which the king was to provide. He complains of the antagonism of the officials at Seville, relating a serious conflict that had taken place two days before. He had caused his banners, bearing his arms to be flung from one of the vessels. The Spaniards, incited thereto, claimed that they were those of the King of Portugal, and attempted to arouse sentiment against him and cause his arrest. This evil treatment, in which he did not receive the aid and countenance of the officials, he says, was not done to him "as Fernando de Magallánes, but as your highness's Captain."[7] (No. vii, pp. 124–127.)

March 30, 1519. By a royal decree Luis de Mendoza is appointed treasurer of the fleet, and 60,000 maravedis are assigned as his annual salary during the voyage. Juan de Cartagena is appointed inspector-general, "and he shall exercise the duties of that trust in accordance with the instructions [q. v. post] given him under the King's signature." He is to receive "70,000 maravedis from the time of the departure of the fleet from Spain until its return." The latter is also appointed "Captain of the third ship of the fleet of Fernando Magallánes and Rui Falero," "with an annual salary of 40,000 maravedis." (Nos. viii–x,[8] pp. 127, 128.)

April 6, 1519. Gaspar de Quesada is appointed "Captain of the fourth or fifth ship of the fleet in the expedition of discovery of the spice regions, and Antonio Coca accountant, who shall have account of everything contained in the ships, giving note of everything to the Treasurer." The latter is to receive 50,000 maravedis a year. (Nos. xi, xii, pp. 128, 129.)[9]

Barcelona, May 5, 1519. A letter from the king to the "officials of the House of Trade of the Indies" states that there are to be two hundred and thirty-five men[10] in the fleet, and orders, "because calculation would have to be made for them in the provisioning and in other things, if there were a greater number," "that they do not allow, or give place in the said fleet, for any reason whatsoever, for more than the two hundred and thirty-five men." They may even specify a less number if it seems expedient. "All the seamen who sail in the said fleet shall be received under the supervision of our Captain Fernando de Magallánes, as he is the most experienced in such things." Full declarations in writing must be made of the route to be followed and a copy shall be given to each pilot. The officials are ordered to buy from Magallánes the excess of powder, arms, etc., that has been provided for the fleet, "since it can be used in other things," paying him what it cost. (No. xiii, pp. 129, 130.)

Barcelona, May 8, 1519. The instructions given to Magallánes and Falero discuss more or less fully such points as the method and manner of navigation (information as to routes given to the other captains and pilots, method of signaling at night, and manner of procedure in case the vessels become separated); treatment of natives found, treatment of other vessels found trading in these spice regions, "within our demarcation," such treatment differing if the vessels are those of Christians or of Moros (Mahometans); ransoms and exchange of prisoners; trade with the natives; division of prize-money; reprovisioning the ships; giving of rations; keeping of accounts; regulations concerning firearms; penalties for disobedience to the captain-general; the taking of oaths; morals; discoveries; weights and measures in trading; deaths of officers of the fleet, and the cargo. Above all, the domains and demarcation of the Portuguese monarch must be respected. The exact location of all lands must be noted, and if these are inhabited they are to "try to ascertain if there is anything in that land that will be to our interest." The natives must be well treated, in order that food and water may be obtained. When the land of spices is reached "you will make a treaty of peace or trade with the king or lord of that land." As high a valuation as possible is to be placed on the articles traded from the ships. The inspector-general and accountant shall note everything in their books. Other vessels found in the spice regions shall, if Christians, be warned not to trade further without permission, under penalty of seizure and confiscation of property; if Moros, "not of the lands of our demarcation, you shall seize them in fair war," and the gold, etc., found in their ships must be noted carefully in the books. Moros who may, by their rank, avail for ransom are to be well treated, but they may be sold as slaves. If Moros are found "who are of our demarcation," they must be well treated; and a treaty must be made, if possible, with their king or seignior. If they do not desire peace, then the Castilians may exercise a certain amount of cruelty against them to serve as a warning. Of the prize money or merchandise of captured ships, certain percentages are to be given to all, these portions varying. The King's share (one-fifth of the amount remaining, after deducting certain sums that go to the captain-generals, and the one-twentieth for the redemption of captives) is to be set apart for him. One-fifth of what remains shall be given the captain-generals. The remainder is to be divided into three parts, "of which two parts are for us and the ships, and one for the crews." Of the latter, ten parts are to be used for religious purposes. Good treatment is to be accorded the natives in order that pleasant trade-relations may be established. The physicians and surgeons are to take no money from the natives for medical services, not even from their enemies who are wounded in war. And the captain-generals must see that the men have no intercourse with the native women. Entire freedom must be accorded to every one to write what he pleases to Spain; and no letter must be seized, under penalties to be imposed by the captain-generals. They must guard against fire. In case of the death of any of the crew, it is advisable to get slaves to fill their places. Rations are to be given every two days, "and if it becomes necessary to shorten rations, they shall be shortened." Dissatisfaction as to the length of the voyage must not be expressed. The firearms are not to be discharged on any newly-discovered land, "because the Indians fear this more than anything else." No weapons shall be sold, under penalty of loss of all property to the one so doing. Blasphemers, and card- and dice-players are not to be allowed to ship with the crew. The captain-generals have power to devise and execute punishments against disobedient men of their crews. Oath shall be taken before the captain-generals by all their crews to observe obedience and the King's service. If it is necessary to seize water and provisions because of the hostility of the natives, it shall be done, but with as little scandal and show of force as possible. Samples of all products must be brought from the lands discovered. "Ready-made clothes and other articles to give to the kings and other princes of these lands shall be carried." "And if the kings or seigniors of the land give any jewels or presents, they shall be ours, and the inspector-general or accountant shall place them in charge of the treasurer." No presents shall be given without permission of the officers of the fleet. Everything traded must be noted carefully and minutely in the books of the inspector-general and accountant. If the return cargo is spice, it must be obtained as clean as possible. The ships' cargoes must be traded first before any private affairs are attended to. Full notices must be made in the books regarding each member of the crew—his father and mother, whether he is single or married, etc., in order that his heirs may be known. Each person before embarking must have attended confession and communion. In case any officer dies, another is to be elected in his stead; but one-half of all the pay, etc., that would fall to the said officer shall be given to his heirs, and the other half shall go to the one taking his place. Any Portuguese or other Christians found in the lands discovered must be treated well, in order to gain information from them. "If by any chance you should meet ships from Portugal within our limits, bid them quietly to leave the land, because in their own requirements given by our very dear and well-loved uncle and brother, it is forbidden to them to enter or discover in the lands and limits belonging to us, and the same is forbidden to you by us." The cargoes must be given up by such ships, if not peaceably, then by means of force, provided "you can seize it without much loss to yourself." A list is appended of the amount of freight that each one may take in the vessels. A copy of these instructions is to be given to Juan de Cartagena, the inspector-general. This document was copied from his books by the secretary Joan de Samano in 1524. (No. xiv, pp. 130–152.)

Seville, 1519. The officials of the house of trade show to Magalhães an order from the King (dated at Barcelona, July 26, 1519), "by which his Highness orders that the commander Rui Falero remain behind and not go as captain jointly with him in the fleet which his Highness orders to be prepared for the spice regions; and also that the said official judges name and appoint the stewards sailing in the said fleet, and as secretaries of the ships of the said fleet shall go those appointed by the said commander [Magalhães] if they are natives [of his kingdoms]." Juan de Cartagena is appointed in Ruy Falero's place as conjunta persona, and Francisco, brother of Ruy, is appointed captain of one of the ships. Magalhães says in his communication to the officials of the House of Trade that he consents to Falero remaining behind, provided the latter surrender to them and to him the "elevations of east and west longitude, with all the rules accompanying them, that they may remain in the said house and be kept in the said fleet." He justifies the first appointment of two Portuguese stewards, both of whom he declares to be good and faithful men. "If they should prove unfaithful then they shall be removed." As for his Highness ordering that "no Portuguese seamen sail in the fleet," these men had been accepted by the masters of the said ships, and Magalhães "received them as he did many other foreigners,—namely, Venetians, Greeks, Bretons, French, German, and Genovese,—because, at the time he took them, natives of these kingdoms were lacking." He signifies his willingness to accept others in place of the Portuguese, provided they make no extra expense. In regard to the order not to ship Portuguese, if such a cause could be shown in the contract that he and Falero made with the King at Barcelona he would keep it; but otherwise he "would keep only the contract and instructions given to him in Barcelona." He would not observe anything contrary to this contract, even if ordered by the King and Council. That the King wishes no change in the instructions is evident, because Juan de Cartagena has been ordered not to make any innovation. Magalhães notifies the officials not to interfere with his taking the Portuguese who had shipped in the fleet; the blame will be theirs if, now, when everything is in readiness, they obstruct in any way the expedition. The officials of the house of trade reply, asking Magalhães to keep the commands that have come from the king. Ruy Falero will give up all that is needed. They believe that the two Portuguese stewards appointed by Magalhães are honest men; but it is against the king's orders to carry men of that nation. Letters from the king are cited to the effect that Magalhães and Falero take only four or five Portuguese apiece. They urge him to live up to these orders. (No. xvi, pp. 156–162.)

September, 1519. On setting out upon his voyage Magalhães leaves for the king a memorandum of the latitudes and location of the Spice Islands, and the shores and principal capes in the Castilian demarcation, "because some time the Portuguese King may try to declare that the islands of Maluco are within his demarcation." He bids the king keep this memorandum carefully, for there may be a time when it is necessary. (No. xix, pp. 188, 189.)

On the nineteenth of April, 1520, while at port San Julian, Magalhães ordered an investigation of a petition presented by Alvaro de la Mezquita, captain of the ship "San Antonio." The petition states that on the first of April Gaspar de Quesada and Juan de Cartagena appeared at Mezquita's ship, took him prisoner, and made themselves masters of the vessel. Quesada refused to liberate the prisoner at the request of the master, and checked the intended resistance of the remaining officers and crew of the "San Antonio" by severely wounding the master, Juan de Elorriaga and ordering the others disarmed. The mate was taken prisoner, and carried to the " Concepcion." Antonio de Coca, accountant of the fleet, was a party to the conspiracy. Juan de Sebastian del Cano, master of the "Concepcion," was placed in command of the captured vessel, which was put in a state of defense, all guns being mounted in place. Mezquita asks for a thorough investigation of this case, so that the fleet may be cleared of traitors. The charges of wastefulness and cruelty preferred against him, he wishes examined; and, if he is worthy of punishment, let it be administered. This petition was presented on the fifteenth, and acknowledged on the seventeenth. The testimonies were given before a notary on and after April 19, and certified on the twenty-sixth. In the investigations the depositions were taken of the chaplain of the fleet, and of the notary, the pilot, a sailor, the boatswain, the steward, and the master of the "San Antonio." In the main they are all alike, exonerating Mezquita from all charges and condemning Quesada and his accomplices. On the return to Seville of the "Victoria" (in which Mezquita was carried a prisoner), these depositions were presented, through the efforts of Diego Barbosa, to the alcalde-in-ordinary (May 22, 1523). (No. xx, pp. 189–201.)

Seville, May 12, 1521. The accountant Juan Lopez de Recalde writes to the bishop of Búrgos on this date of the arrival of the "San Antonio" at the port of Seville, Las Muelas. The captain of the vessel now was "Gerónimo Guerra, a relative and servant of Cristobal de Haro, and its pilot Esteban, a Portuguese." "They brought as prisoner Alvaro de la Mezquita, eldest son of Magallánes's brother, who was appointed captain of this said ship in place of Juan de Cartagena." Mezquita was transferred to a prison on shore, at which Barbosa, "Magallánes's father-in-law, showed much resentment, saying that he ought to be set free and those who brought him imprisoned." The letter relates the discord between Magalhães and certain of the other officers of the fleet; the imprisonment of Mezquita by Cartagena; the attempted mutiny; the tragic deaths of Mendoza, the treasurer, and Quesada; and other vigorous measures of Magalhães in quelling the outbreak. He relates the separation in the strait of the "San Antonio" from the other vessels, and the determination of the men of this vessel to return to Spain, notwithstanding the opposition of Mezquita. The latter coming to blows with the pilot Esteban Gomez was arrested and "they came direct to this port, eating three ounces of bread each day, because their provisions had failed. In the judgment and opinion of those who have come, the said Magallánes will not return to Castilla." (No. xxi, pp. 201–208.)

A journal or log of Magalhães's voyage was written by Francisco Albo, covering the voyage from cape San Agustin in Brazil until the "Victoria" [the first ship to circumnavigate the globe] returned to Spain. The log begins November 29, 1519, and ends September 4, 1522. The entries are for the most part very brief. It shows that the fleet sighted or touched at various points, among them "a mountain shaped like a hat, which we called Monte Vidi, now corruptly called Santo Vidio [today Montevideo],[11] and between it and Cape Santa Maria . . . a river called the Patos River;" also, farther on, "a very great river . . . Solis [today Rio de la Plata]." The record for October 21–December 1, 1520, says: "On the twenty-first of the said month we took the sun in fifty-two degrees at a distance from land of five leagues. And there we saw an opening like a bay; at its entrance toward the left was a long sandy point. The cape we discovered before this point is called Cape Las Vírgines. The point of sand lies in fifty-two degrees of latitude and fifty-two and one-half degrees of longitude. From this sand-point to the other side is about five leagues. Inside this bay we found a strait of about one league in width. From this entrance to the sand-point it is straight east and west. On the left side of the bay is a large angle in which are many sunken rocks. But as you enter you keep toward the north, and as you enter the strait you go toward the southwest by a mid channel. And as you enter, you observe some shoals in front at a distance of three leagues from the mouth, and afterward you will find two sandy islets, and then the open channel, and you can doubtless sail at will therein. Passing this strait we found another small bay, and then another strait like unto the first. From one entrance to the other the direction is east and west, and the strait runs from the northeast to the southwest. After we had passed through the two mouths or straits we found a very large bay, and some islands. In one of the latter we anchored and took the altitude, which we found to be fifty-two and one-third degrees. From this point we sailed southeast and found a point to the left, at a distance from the first entrance of about thirty leagues. . . There are many turns in this strait, and the mountains are very high and covered with snow. Afterward we sailed northeast by east, passing many islands on the way. At the farther end of the strait the coast turns northward. At the left we saw a cape and an island, and we named them Cape Fermoso and Cape Deseado. It lies in the same altitude as Cape Las Virgines, which is the first point at the entrance. From the said Cape Fermoso we sailed northeast, north, and north-northwest, for two days and three nights, and on the next day we saw land. … and this land we saw the first day of December." On the twenty-fourth of January, 1521, they find an islet, which they name San Pablo. On the sixth of March two small islands are sighted, and they see many small sails. A further note of this same day says "The islands of the Ladrones are three hundred leagues from Gilolo." March 16, they sight more islands, giving names to two, Suluan and Yunagan—the first island of the archipelago of San Lázaro [the Philippines]. They land successively at the islands of Gada, Seilani, and Mazava, and pass by or anchor at Matan, Subu, Baibai. "We left Subu sailing southeast … between the Cape of Subu and an island named Bohol; and on the western side of the Cape of Subu is another island, by name, Panilongo, inhabited by blacks. This island and Subu have gold and quantities of ginger. … We anchored at the island of Bohol." Thus the log continues without date for some time, the islands of Quipit, Quagayán, Poluan, and Borney being noted. At the latter place in a brush with the natives, they seize a junk, on which "was a son of the king of Luzon, which is a very large island." The ship passes on through the Moluccas, which are named: "Terrenate, Tidori, Mare, Motil, Maquiam, Bachian, Gilolo—these are all that have cloves." On the fourth of May, 1522, the Cape of Good Hope is rounded. (No. xxii, pp. 209–247.)

The cargo of cloves brought by the "Victoria" amounted to three hundred and eighty-one sacks, with a net weight of five hundred and twenty-four quintals, twenty-one and one-half libras. This was delivered to Cristóbal de Haro, through an agent, in accordance with a royal decree of October 10, 1522. The cargo also contained other spices, and a feather ornament, besides the private stores. (No. xxiii, pp. 247, 248.)

October 18, 1522. Certain questions are to be put to those coming in the "Victoria." These included: the cause of the discord between Magalhães and Cartagena and others; the reason for the capture and killing of Mendoza, and if any reward were promised to Espinosa for killing him; the reason for Magalhães's abandonment of Cartagena and the ecclesiastic, and if he acted right toward Quesada, Mendoza, and others; whether the punishments were meted out for the purpose of putting the Portuguese accompanying him, and who were kin to him, in command of the ships; the reason for Magalhães's long delays in various ports, thus wasting provisions and losing valuable time; questions affecting trade; as to the manner in which Magalhães met his death from the Indians, and why some say he died in another manner; those who were left behind at the island where Magalhães had been killed, and whether they could be rescued. Answers are given to these questions by Juan Sebastian Del Cano, captain, Francisco Albo, pilot, and Fernando de Bustamente, barber, all of the "Victoria." (No. xxv, pp. 285–294.)

The expedition begun by Magalhães made treaties of peace with various petty kings or governors among the islands. One was made with the seignior of Poluan, a vassal of the king of Borneo. The interpreter in this treaty was "a Moro who was seized in the island of the king of Lozon and knew some Castilian." Presents were made to seal the peace. Treaties were made also in Tidori, Cebu, and Gilolo. (No. xxvii, pp. 295–298.)

1523. Diego de Barbosa presents a memorandum to the king regarding some events of Magalhães's voyage, and the methods for trading in the spice regions. He cites the memorandum left by the latter on his departure from Seville in 1519. He adds "And now, . . . I believe that the time has come when this must be investigated, and I determined to present this memorandum to your Majesty, in order that you may not be deceived in the routes, and in the trade of those regions which you have in your power, since it was discovered at so great expense and toil to Magallánes, and his death . . ." He justifies the conduct of the latter, and urges the king to see justice done. Speaking of the trade he says, "Your Majesty should believe that the sport of this business that you have in your power is of what extent you may desire, only your Majesty must know the game well, because in these first beginnings lies its good. Whence I say, that before all else your Majesty ought, in this case, to give such examples to those sailing in the fleet which you expect to have prepared, so that those who go shall not be betrayed . . . as happened in the past, and that the captain-general . . . be one who knows thoroughly what he must do, and that those accompanying him go so instructed that after telling him their opinion, they shall not dare to instruct him in his duties; for where confusion exists there is the whole mistake." He urges a powerful fleet in order to be able to show sufficient force to the natives, and to punish those who killed Magalhães. He cites the example of the Portuguese who send large fleets to the east, and gain respect through fear, "for if the King of Portugal has prestige in the Indies, it is because he has always tried to demonstrate his power there, sending as large a fleet as possible each year. Therefore not only did he rule those lands with love and good works, but to a greater degree by means of fear." In the matter of trading, the king should keep control; for if traders are allowed to trade on their own account they will ruin everything, and will sell lower, being content with thirty or forty per cent when they might gain one hundred per cent or more. He advises the king that trading should be under the control of his Majesty's factor. (No. xxviii, pp. 298–301.)

Chainho, 1523. Antonio Brito writes to the king of Portugal in regard to events in India and the voyage of Magalhães. "I arrived at Tidore May 13, 522 [sic]. The Castilians had been there and loaded two of the five vessels that sailed from Castilla; and I learned that the one had left there four months before, and the other one month and a half." On October 20, news is brought of a ship. Brito orders it brought to port, and finds, as he had supposed, that it is a Castilian vessel. Of their crew of fifty-four men, thirty had died. Their maps and instruments are seized; and the ship and cargo confiscated, the wood of the former being used in the fortress. "They said that the bishop of Búrgos and tóbal de Haro had fitted out this fleet." A short account of the voyage is given. From Rio de Janeiro the Castilians "sailed to the river called Solís, where Fernando Magallánes thought a passage would be found; and they stayed there forty days. . . . They coasted along shore to a river called San Juan, where they wintered for four months. Here the captains began to ask where he was taking them, especially one Juan de Cartagena. . . . Then they tried to rise against Magallánes and kill him." The flight of the "San Antonio" is narrated, "and it is not known whether it returned to Castilla or whether it was lost." The discovery of the strait is noted, with a brief description of its location. The succeeding events—the death of Magalhães, the election of two captains (Duarte Barbosa, "a Portuguese, and brother-in-law of Magallanes; . . . and Juan Serrana, a Castilian"), and the death of Barbosa and thirty-five or thirty-six men at the hands of natives, are briefly narrated. "They sailed to an island called Mindanao . . . and had an interview with the king, who showed them where Borneo lay," whither they next journeyed. Here they were taken by the natives for Portuguese, and were well treated. They asked for pilots to conduct them to the Moluccas, but the king gave them only as far as Mindanao "on the opposite side from which they had come, where they would get other pilots. Mindanao is a very large and fertile island." Brito relates further the disposition made of the Castilians and their cargo. (No. xxx, pp. 305–311.)

Valladolid, August 2, 1527. Investigations are instituted by the Council of the Indies in regard to the seizure and confiscation by the Portuguese of the "Trinidad," one of Magalhães's vessels. This court of inquiry is in charge of the bishop of Ciudad, Rodrigo, who examines under oath the captain of the vessel, Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa and the two pilots Ginés de Mafra and Leon Pancado. The investigation brings out, in the form mainly of question and answer, the communication of the Castilians with the Portuguese, and the confiscation of their ship and cargo. (No. xi, pp. 378–388.)

  1. The documents published by Navarrete in full, or in copious extracts, are the most valuable; and they are usually such as are otherwise comparatively or wholly unknown. It is to be regretted that Navarrete has modernized the spelling, and otherwise "improved" the text; but the originals are presented in all essential features, and form a valuable collection of early documentary material.
  2. An extract from Magalhães's first will (December 17, 1504) and the whole of his second (August 24, 1519) are given in English translation in Guillemard's Life of Magellan, London, 1890, appendix ii, pp. 316–326.
  3. He therein petitions that the sum of twelve thousand five hundred maravedis, allowed him for his services, be paid to the convent of Vitoria at Triana.
  4. Fernão de Magalhães was a native of Oporto, and of noble lineage. In early life he entered the Portuguese army, in which he rendered distinguished service; from 1505 until probably 1511 he was in India. Finding no opportunity for promotion in Portugal, he transferred his allegiance (1518) to the King of Castile, and promised the latter that he would discover a new route to Moluccas. Magalhães set out on this expedition September 20, 1519, with five ships, and discovered the strait which bears his name; he also discovered and explored partially the Philippine Archipelago. He was slain in a fight with the natives in the island of Matan, April 27, 1521.
  5. Navarrete presents only an analysis of this letter.
  6. An itemized account (condensed) of the expenses involved in the preparation and equipment of the fleet is given by Navarrete, no. xvii, pp. 162–182. An English translation is presented in Guillemard's Life of Magellan, appendix iv, pp. 329–336. From a comparison of the two, it appears that the latter had access to the original documents at Seville. Few slight differences occur between them. The figures as given by Navarrete show several errors. The student will do well to examine both of these lists. No. xviii in Navarrete, pp. 182–188, shows the amounts and distribution of the food and other stores carried.
  7. Navarrete says, ut supra, p. xiii, that the officials of the House of Trade were always hostile to Magallánes. The Portuguese machinations to cause the defeat and ruin of the expedition and the efforts put forth to induce Magallánes to return to his allegiance are well shown in two documents. The first is a letter written the Portuguese king by Alvaro da Costa, September 28, 1518. Navarrete, no. vi, pp. 123, 124, gives a Spanish extract made by Muñoz from the original in Portugal, and Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 114–116 (see also note, p. 116), gives in part an English translation. The second document is a letter written from Seville, July 18, 1519, by the Portuguese factor Sebastian Alvarez to the King of Portugal. Navarrete, no. xv, pp. 153–155, gives a Spanish extract made by Muñoz. The Portuguese of the entire letter is published in Alguns Documentos, pp. 431–435. Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 130–134, gives an English translation of its essential portions, which is borrowed, in part, by Butterworth in Story of Magellan, pp. 46–48, New York, 1899.
  8. All these are synopses of the documents.
  9. Ibid.
  10. More than this number actually sailed; see Guillemard, Life of Magellan, p. 336.
  11. The matter in brackets is evidently by Navarrete.