The Writings of Carl Schurz/From Thomas F. Bayard, February 1st, 1889

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Department of State,
Washington
, Feb. 1, 1889.

Confidential and Personal.

I read with entire appreciation of its friendly motive and high intelligence your letter of the 30th, and am glad to inform you that to-day Count Arco came with a note-verbale from Berlin, which he read to me to the effect that the extreme action of the German Consul at Samoa in declaring martial law in that region had been disapproved by his Government and that orders countermanding such steps had been sent by telegraph. This apparent return of Prince Bismarck to the line of the perfectly well understood agreement—that native autonomy and independence should be sustained by the three treaty Powers—leads me to be hopeful of a satisfactory adjustment by the conference to which I understood the German Government has decided to invite the United States and Great Britain, and the terms of which may be expected to be presented here in a few days.

You are perfectly correct in your diagnosis of the case—it is a mercenary clash of rival traders in the course of which Germany has allowed official action to be too freely employed in aid of private schemes. In the discussions, which are fully reported in the protocols, this became apparent, and as I told Count Arco to-day, Mr. von Alvensleben was inspired throughout by the counsel and presence here of Mr. Weber, formerly a Consular officer in Samoa, and now connected with the German Company there.

As a result our plans for a sensible and just government in Samoa were drifted away from the original basis of concurrent agreement, into a scheme which would have connected the group into a German dependency. It is, I think, unfortunate that Germany and Great Britain should decline to publish these papers, the contents of which have been discussed in the correspondence with Berlin, and which serve now only as bases for charges of “secrecy” and “suppression,” creating mystery where all should be clear as day.

To-day Count Arco intimated that he would ask the consent of his Government for the communication of these protocols to the Senate in confidence.

If that body called for them to be used in confidence, I scarcely see how the President could withhold them, although the point is delicate and I should be very sorry to have it raised.

I am very sure, however, that the various plans for a native government assisted by the treaty Powers, in which no preponderance of control should be awarded to any one of the three, will under candid treatment yield a just and satisfactory solution of the present unhappy and distressing and dangerous condition of affairs. There can be no doubt that the wholly different policies of the United States and Germany in respect of colonies and dependencies increase the difficulties of coöperation, but knowing the whole ground of the Samoan question, I can say to you unhesitatingly it can be adjusted without difficulty if mercenary forces are not allowed to obtrude themselves into the discussions.

When you come to read these protocols, which will some day be done, I have no doubt that our judgments will be at one.

As soon as I received the German note to-day, the President sent it in to Congress, and with an understanding that the natives are not to be crushed, and the Government with whom the treaties were made is to be respectfully considered, and American treaty rights guarded, I believe the mischief-makers will subside and settlement will rapidly progress.

It is difficult to describe the singular bitterness of feeling which seems to control the Republican managers, and which has led to a systematic obstruction, misrepresentation and aspersion of the Administration in every Department, and towards none so fiercely as the Department of State, in which I am just closing four years of constant duty.

They have sought, and only with too much success, to embarrass me in dealing with foreign Governments; and I was only too glad to see in John Sherman's speech signs of an appreciation of the responsibility which approaching power naturally brings.

Your criticism on the tone and character of our Consular representatives in Samoa is just. But with the pittance allowed for salary, it was difficult, indeed impossible, to obtain men of adequate ability. Under my urgent applications the pay was raised from $1500 to $2000, and at this session I have succeeded in getting the salary placed at $3000.

The Senate Committee have been examining in secret the present Consul, to see whether some error or something of discredit to me could not be unearthed. But all I want is the whole history to be made public. Nevertheless you can appreciate such treatment of the head of a Department.

I shall endeavor to get a sensible, good-tempered man as soon as I can, though the time for me is short to do so.

I cannot avoid anxiety, lest the indiscretion of some naval officer, on one side or the other, may lead to a broil, which may expand itself. But I have been so single-minded in pursuing justice and friendly relations with Germany, as I believe my correspondence will thoroughly prove, that I believe we will find a clear channel and come to a worthy settlement.

I thank you for your letter, and shall continue to believe you the friend of our country and of

T. F. Bayard.

I read your letter to the President.