The Writings of Carl Schurz/To James A. Garfield, January 16th, 1881
TO JAMES A. GARFIELD
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Permit me now a few remarks of a general character in addition to my last letter. I hear that you are troubled by the “geographical question” in connection with the formation of your Cabinet. While it may seem desirable that the members of the Cabinet should be fairly distributed in the geographical sense, this consideration appears, before the formation of the Cabinet, of far greater importance than it will after the fait accompli. When the Cabinet is announced there always is a little grumble from this or that section or State, but it will soon die out. The only thing of real importance is that every member of the Cabinet be fit for his place, no matter from what part of the country he may come. If you succeed in making a Cabinet the individual fitness of whose members is conceded, the geographical grumble will amount to nothing and never give you any trouble. But if you sacrifice fitness to the geographical consideration and a member of your Cabinet turns out a failure, the people will scarcely accept the excuse that you selected a man of questionable fitness, or rejected a better man, merely for the purpose of gratifying a particular section of the country. The judgment of public opinion will be that the public interest should have been considered as first in importance.
If, for instance, you should be inclined to consider the appointment of General Walker as Secretary of the Interior on account of his eminent fitness and as the most available representative of the “independent” element of the Republican party, the objection that he hails from New England would, as I think, be generally deemed of small consequence. It would be forgotten in a fortnight; and you would have the benefit of his ability, experience and political connections thenceforward unquestioned.
Moreover, recent events make it more important than ever that you should have a good man belonging to the independent wing of the Republican party in your official family. It cannot have escaped you that if one-half of the “Republican scratcher's” vote in New York had gone to the Democrats, the election would have been lost. To be sure, the same may be said of “stalwart” elements. But there is this distinction to be made: while these stalwarts have no place of abode except in the party and the offices are to them a matter of great consideration, the class of the independents I speak of deem it of far greater importance that the Government be well conducted than what set of men conducts it, and are therefore not unwilling straightforwardly to oppose the party when they think it wrong. Besides, no man with open eyes will fail to observe that the general tendency is decidedly in the direction of independent politics, and that the independent element is therefore likely to grow steadily in strength. The feeling in favor of “a change,” after the Republican party had been in power for twenty years, was very strong, and it would have been almost irresistibly so, had the Administration during the last four years been more open to attack. That feeling in favor of “a change” will be still stronger when the Republican party has been twenty-four years in power, and it may become overwhelming if the conduct of the Government during the next four years presents vulnerable points or the Republican party renders itself in any way obnoxious to independent opinion. The Republican party will more than ever need the support of the independent element in order to maintain itself in power four years hence, and it can keep that support only by deserving it. That support will certainly be forfeited by any connivance with present and any relapse into old abuses.
One of the greatest dangers to the ascendancy of the Republican party consists in the evils of boss-rule. Look at New York to-day. Whatever some editors may say, there is no doubt that Mr. Platt's nomination for the Senate was dictated by Mr. Conkling, and if there were an election in that State to-morrow it is more than probable that an overwhelming majority of the independent vote would go against the Republicans. At least I am so advised by persons who may be presumed to be well informed. In Pennsylvania there is an actual revolt. In regard to this matter your Administration will find itself in the same situation in which the present has been during the last four years. It will have to attract and keep attached to the party the elements which local politics are calculated to repel. It will have to do this by conducting the affairs of the Government in an irreproachable and generally acceptable manner, and also by keeping itself in living contact with the independent element. You will find it necessary to have somebody in your Cabinet who in this respect can do what I did during these four years: maintain active correspondence with those elements, explain to them things liable to be misunderstood, communicate their views and wishes to the head of the Government and so on. He should be a man understanding the independent element and enjoying their confidence. Walker possesses these important qualifications. He is a man of tact, also, as well as of sound principle. His administration of the Department would, I have no doubt, raise him in the general opinion of the country and be of great benefit to you. Compared with such considerations the geographical question would seem to amount to very little.
Let me call your attention to another point. The civil service reform movement started in the Democratic party is meant to be, and is, a serious thing. Pendleton believes in it and will honestly push it. Others will aid him from political motives. Some people laughed at it at first, but it will not be a thing to be laughed at as it goes on. It is probable that the men having the matter in hand will produce a sensible plan. They will have the sympathy and support of a constantly growing number of Republicans. The Republican party cannot afford to let this movement pass to the credit of the Democrats. If the Republicans in Congress are wise they will take it out of the hands of their opponents and carry it on themselves. If they do not do so in Congress, the Administration will have to do it alone, and to this end you will want at least one man in your official family who believes in it and understands it. Any return to old vicious methods will turn out to be fraught with very grave consequences as to the strength of the party.
I find an opinion expressed in some papers that the machine-victory in the Senatorial election in New York will be apt to secure to Conkling the control of the patronage in that State. It should have just the contrary effect. The control of the offices would strengthen Conkling in the management of the party organization, but it would inevitably drive away from the party a number of voters more than large enough to bring on its defeat as soon as the Democracy is reunited. Only your Administration can save New York and States similarly situated, by being and offering that which boss-rule is not. I trust you do not think of putting at the head of the Treasury a Wall street banker. It would be fatal. If you deem it necessary to give a place in your Cabinet to the Conkling-Grant wing of the party, no fairminded man in the country will find fault with you for selecting the person and the place yourself. If Conkling then quarrels with you, he will soon discover that he cannot afford to quarrel with two Republican Administrations in succession. It will be likely to prove a fatal blow to his influence even among the followers who so far have stood by him. You are entirely master of the situation. Only let your Administration be clean in character and able in its management of the public business, and the rest will in a great measure take care of itself. There are certain antagonisms which, I think, you cannot avoid. You will easily pass through them if the cleanness of your Administration in point of character and its ability secures the confidence of the country. Failure in that respect will be the only really dangerous thing.
P. S. The enclosed may amuse you as a specimen of the tricks of a shrewd wirepuller who wants to appear as a great man and to become your Postmaster-General.
- ↑ About Schurz's wish to appoint a Commissioner of Indian Affairs of such qualities that he would be retained by Garfield's Administration. See letter of Jan. 28, 1881.