Vedic Grammar

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Vedic Grammar (1910)
by Arthur Anthony Macdonell

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1341774Vedic Grammar1910Arthur Anthony Macdonell

Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde

(ENCYCLOPEDIA OF INDO-ARYAN RESEARCH)

BEGRÜNDET VON G. BÜHLER, FORTGESETZT VON F. KIELHORN,
HERAUSGEGEBEN VON H. LÜDERS UND J. WACKERNAGEL.

1. BAND, 4. HEFT.

VEDIC GRAMMAR

BY

A. A. MACDONELL.

STRASSBURG
VERLAG VON KARL J. TRÜBNER
1910.

Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde

(ENCYCLOPEDIA OF INDO-ARYAN RESEARCH)

BEGRÜNDET VON G. BÜHLER, FORTGESETZT VON F. KIELHORN,
HERAUSGEGEBEN VON H. LÜDERS UND J. WACKERNAGEL.

1. BAND, 4. HEFT.

VEDIC GRAMMAR

BY

A. A. MACDONELL.

STRASSBURG
VERLAG VON KARL J. TRÜBNER
1910.

The printing was commenced in May, 1907, and afterwards delayed by the death of the editor Prof. Kielhorn.

Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde

(ENCYCLOPEDIA OF INDO-ARYAN RESEARCH)

BEGRÜNDET VON G. BÜHLER, FORTGESETZT VON F. KIELHORN.

I. BAND, 4. HEFT.

VEDIC GRAMMAR

BY

A. A. MACDONELL.

INTRODUCTION.

I. General Scope of this Work.—Vedic grammar has never till now been treated separately and as a whole. Both in India and in the West the subject has hitherto been handled only in connexion with Classical Sanskrit. Hundreds of Pāṇini's Sūtras deal with the language of the Vedas; but the account they give of it is anything but comprehensive. In the West, BENFEY was the first, more than half a century ago (1852), to combine a description of the linguistic peculiarities of the Vedas with an account of the traditional matter of Pāņini; but as Vedic studies were at that time still in their infancy, only the Sāmaveda^[1] and about one-fourth of the Rgveda^[2] having as yet been published, the Vedic material utilized in his large grammar^[3] was necessarily very limited in extent. In Whitney’s work^[4] the language of the Vedas, which is much more fully represented, is treated in its historical connexion with Classical Sanskrit. Partly for this reason, his work does not supply a definite account of the grammar of the Samhitas as compared with that of the later phases of the language; thus what is peculiar to the Brāhmaṇas or to a particular Samhita is often not apparent. Professor Wackernagel’s grammars^[5], which when finished will present the ancient language of India more completely than any other work on the subject, deals with the combined Vedic and post-Vedic material from the point of view of Comparative Philology. Different sections or individual points of Vedic grammar have been the subject of separately published treatises or of special articles scattered in various Oriental and philological journals or other works of a miscellaneous character. It is advisable that all this as well as additional material^[6] should now be brought together so as to afford a general survey of the subject.

In view of the prominent position occupied by the Indo-Aryan branch in Comparative Philology and of the fact that the language of the Vedas

¹ Edited by Benfey, with German translation and glossary, Leipzig 1848.

2 Vol. i edited by Max Müller, London 1849, vol. vi 1875; 2^nd ed. London 1890—92; edited by Aufrecht, Berlin 1861 and 1863 (vols. vi and vii of Indische Studien), 2^nd ed. Bonn 1877.

3 Vollständige Grammatik der Sanskritsprache, Leipzig 1852.

4 A Sanskrit Grammar, Leipzig 1879; 3^rd ed. 1896.

5 Altindische Grammatik von Jacob Wackernagel, I. Lautlehre, Göttingen 1896; II, I. Einleitung zur Wortlehre. Nominalkomposition, 1905. (Cp. Bartholomae, Beiträge zur altindischen Grammatik, ZDMG. 50, 674-735).

6 Such additional material is supplied in this work from collections made for me by my pupils Prof. H. C. NORMAN (Benares) from the Vajasaneyi Samhita, and Mr. A. B. KEITH from the Taittiriya Samhita, the Mantras in the Aitareya Aranyaka, and the Khilas of the Rgveda. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 8 represents the foundation of the subsequent strata, it seems important for the sake of clearness and definiteness that the earliest phase should be treated as a whole independently of later developments. The present work will therefore deal with the grammar of only the Mantra portions of the Samhitas; that is to say, it will embrace the whole of the Rgveda, the Atharvaveda³, the Samaveda, and the Vājasaneyi Samhitā ³, but will exclude those portions of the Taittirīya Samhita, the Maitrayaņī Samhita5 and the Kathaka6 which have the character of Brahmaņas 7. Reference will also be made to Mantra material not found in the canonical texts of the Samhitãs, that is, to the Khilas of the Rgveda and the occasional Mantras of this type occurring in the Brahmaņas and Sūtras. As the linguistic material of the Rgveda is more ancient, extensive and authentic than that of the other Samhitas, all of which borrow largely from that text ¹0, it is taken as the basis of the present work. Hence all forms stated without comment belong to the Rgveda, though they may occur in other Samhitās as well. From the other Vedas, such matter only is added as occurs in their independent parts or, if borrowed from the Rgveda, appears in an altered form, the source being in such cases indicated by an abbreviation in parentheses (as VS., TS., AV.). The addition of the abbreviation 'RV.' means that the form in question occurs in the Rgveda only. IO 2 2. Verbal Authenticity of the Texts".-In dealing with the linguistic material of the Samhitãs the question of the authenticity of the forms which it embraces is of great importance. What guarantees then do we possess that the original form of the texts handed down by tradition has not in the course of ages undergone modification and modernization in respect to vocabulary, phonetics, and grammatical forms? This question must first be applied to the Rgveda, the oldest of the Samhitas, which forms the very foundation of Vedic tradition. The evidence of the Sarvanukramaṇī¹, which states the number of stanzas, the metre, and the deity for every hymn of the RV., shows that in general extent, form, and matter, this Samhita was in the Sūtra period the same as now. The Prātiśākhya ¹³ demonstrates that its phonetic character was also the same. Yaska's commentary ¹4 proves that, 14 Breslau 1906 (cp. OLDENBERG, Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen 1907, 210—41). ¹ Edited (Samhita text only) by ROTH and | Mass., 1904); SCHEFTELOWITZ, Die Apokry- WHITNEY, Berlin 1856 (Index Verborum in phen des Rgveda (edition of the Khilas), JAOS., vol. XII); translated by WHITNEY (Books I—XIX), with a critical and exegetical commentary, Cambridge, Mass., 1905 (vols. VII and VIII of the Harvard Oriental Series); also edited by SHANKAR P. PANDIT (both Samhita and Pada text), Bombay 1895-99. 9 Cp. OLDENBERG, op. cit., 359 ff.; AUF- RECHT, Das Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, Bonn 1879, p. 420 f. 2 Besides BENFEY's edition also that of SATYAVRATA SAMAŚRAMI, 5 vols., Calcutta 1874-78 (Bibliotheca Indica). 10 Cp. OLDENBERG, op. cit., chapter III; MACDONELL, History of Sanskrit Literature, 181 and 186. 3 Edited by WEBER, with the commentary of Mahīdhara, London and Berlin 1852. 11 Cp. OLDENBERG, op. cit., chapter III (271-369) Der Riktext und der Text der jüngeren Samhitãs und der Brāhmaṇas; 4 Edited by WEBER (vols. XI and XII of LUDWIG, Ueber die Kritik des Rgveda- Indische Studien), Berlin 1871-72. Textes, Abhandlungen d. k. böhm. Gesell- 5 Edited by L. V. SCHROEDER, Leipzig | schaft der Wissenschaften, Prag 1889. 1881-86. 12 Edited by A. A. MACDONELL, Oxford 1886. 13 The Rgveda Prātiśākhya, edited with German translation by MAX MÜLLER, Leipzig 1856—69; edited with UVAȚA's commentary, Benares Sanskrit Series 1894. 6 Edited by L. v. SCHROEDER, vol. 1 (books 1-XVII), Leipzig 1900. 7 Cp.OLDENBERG, Die Hymnen des Rigveda, Band 1 (Prolegomena), Berlin 1888, p. 294ff. 8 See AUFRECHT, Die Hymnen des Rigveda², vol. II, 672-88; MAX MÜLLER, Rgveda², 14 Yaska's Nirukta, edited by ROTH, Göt- vol. IV, 519-41; cp. MACDONELL, Brhad- tingen 1852; edited by SATYAVRATa Sāma- devatā, vol. I, introduction, § 15 (Cambridge, | ŚRAMI, 4 vols. (II-IV with the commentary INTRODUCTION. as regards the limited number of stanzas explained by him, his text was verbally identical with ours. The frequent statements of the Brāhmaṇas concerning the number of verses contained in a hymn or liturgical group agree with the extant text of the Rgveda. The explanatory discussions of the Brāhmaņas further indicate that the text of the Rgveda must have been regarded as immutably fixed by that time. Thus the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa, while speaking of the possibility of varying some of the formulas of the Yajurveda, rejects as impossible the notion of changing the text of a certain verse of the Rgveda as proposed by some teachers. 3 Probably soon after the completion of the actual Brāhmaṇas the hymns of the Rgveda were fixed in the phonetic form of the Samhitā text; and after no long interval, in order to guard that text from the possibility of any change or loss, the Pada text was constituted by Sakalya, whom the Araṇyakas or appendixes to the Brāhmaṇas, the Nirukta, and the Rgveda Prātiśākhya presuppose. By this analysis of the Samhita text, its every word, stated in a separate form as unaffected by the rules of euphonic combination, has come down to us without change for about 2,500 years. The Samhita text itself, however, only represented the close of a long period in which the hymns, as originally composed by the seers, were handed down by oral tradition. For the condition of the text even in this earlier period we possess a large body of evidence corresponding to that of Mss. for other literary monuments. It was then that the text of the other Vedas, each of which borrowed extensively from the Rgveda, was constituted. With each of them came into being a new and separate tradition in which the borrowed matter furnishes a body of various readings for the Rgveda. The comparison of these variants, about 1200 in number, has shown that the text of the Rgveda already existed, with comparatively few exceptions, in its present form when the text of the other Vedas was established. The number of instances is infinitely small in which the Rgveda exhibits corruptions not appearing in the others. We have thus good reason for believing that the fixity of the text and the verbal integrity of the Rgveda go several centuries further back than the date at which the Samhita text came into existence. As handed down exclusively by oral tradition, the text could hardly have been preserved in perfectly authentic form from the time of the composers themselves; and research has shown that there are some undeniable corruptions in detail attributable to this earliest period. But apart from these, the Samhitā text, when the original metre has been restored by the removal of phonetic combinations which did not prevail in the time of the poets themselves, nearly always contains the very words, as represented by the Pada text, actually used by the seers. The modernization of the ancient text appearing in the Samhitā form is only partial and is inconsistently applied. It has preserved the smallest minutiae of detail most liable to corruption and the slightest differences in the matter of accent and alternative forms which might have been removed with the greatest ease. We are thus justified in assuming that the accents and grammatical forms of the Rgveda, when divested of the euphonic rules applied in the Samhita text, have come down to us, in the vast majority of cases, as they were uttered by the poets themselves. Though the tradition of nearly all the later Samhitās has in a general way been guarded by Anukramaṇīs, Prātiśākhyas, and Pada texts, its value is clearly inferior to that of the Kgveda. This is only natural in the case of DURGA), Calcutta 1882-91 (Bibliotheca | ¹ See OLDENBERG, op. cit., 352. 2 See OLDENBERG, op. cit., 380 f. 1* 4 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. VEDIC GRAMMAR. of collections in which the matter was largely borrowed and arbitrarily cut up into groups of verses or into single verses solely with a view to meet new liturgical wants. Representing a later linguistic stage, these collections start from a modernized text in the material borrowed from the Rgveda, as is unmistakable when that material is compared with the original passages. The text of the Sāmaveda is almost entirely secondary, containing only seventy-five stanzas not derived from the Rgveda. Its variants are due in part to inferiority of tradition and in part to arbitrary alterations made for the purpose of adapting verses removed from their context to new ritual uses. An indication that the tradition of the Yajur and Atharva Vedas is less trust- worthy than that of the Rgveda is the great metrical irregularity which is characteristic of those texts. Of all these the Vājasaneyi Samhita is the best preserved, being not only guarded by an Anukramaṇī, a Prātiśākhya, and a Pada text, but partially incorporated in the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa, where the first 18 books are quoted word for word besides being commented on. The Taittirīya Samhita has also been carefully handed down, being protected by an Anukramaṇī, a Prātiśākhya, and a good Pada text³. The Maitrāyaṇī Samhitā is not so well authenticated, having no Prātiśākhya and only an inferior Pada text, of which but a single somewhat incorrect Ms. is known 4. Least trustworthy of all is the tradition of the Kāṭhaka which lacks both a Prātiśākhya and a Pada text. Moreover only one complete Ms. of this Samhitā is known5. As that Ms. is unaccented, it has only been possible to mark the accent in small portions of that part of the text which has as yet been published (Books I-XVIII). As, however, the texts of the Black Yajurveda often agree even verbally, and the Maitrāyaṇī Samhitā is closely connected with the Kāṭhaka, the readings of the latter can to some extent be checked by those of the cognate Samhitās. The inferiority of tradition in the Atharvaveda was increased by the lateness of its recognition as a canonical text. It contains many corrupt and uncertain forms, especially in Book XIX, which is a later addition6. The text is guarded by Anukramaņīs, a Prātiśākhya, and a Padapāṭha7. The latter, however, contains serious errors both in regard to accentuation and the division of compound verbal forms, as well as in other respects. The Padapatha of Book xix, which is different in origin from that of the earlier books, is full of grave blunders9. The critical and exegetical notes contained in WHITNEY'S Translation of the Atharvaveda accordingly furnish important aid in estimating the value of the readings in the Saunakīya recension of the Atharvaveda. The Paippalada recension is known in only a single corrupt Ms., which has been reproduced in facsimile by Professors GARBE and BLOOMFIELD ¹0 About one-eighth or one-ninth of this recension is original, being found neither in the Saunakiya text of the Atharvaveda nor in any other known collection of Mantras ". The various readings of this recension, in the ¹ On the Padapāṭha of the Sāmaveda see 6 See LANMAN's Introduction to Book XIX BENFEY's edition of that Samhitã, p. LVII—LXIV. | in WHITNEY'S Translation of the Atharva- 2 See WHITNEY's Introduction to the veda. Atharvaveda, p. cxxvII; BLOOMFIELD, The Atharvaveda, Grundriss II, I B, $ 1. 7 See LANMAN's Introduction to WHITNEY'S Translation, p. LXIX—LXXIV. 3 Cp. WEBER's edition p. VIIIf., and Indische Studien 13, 1-114 (Ueber den Padapätha der Taittiriya-Samhitā). 8 The Padapatha of the Atharvaveda has been edited in full by SHANKAR P. PANDIT in his Atharvaveda, 4 See L. v. SCHROEDER's edition, Intro- duction, p. xxXVI f. 5 Cp. L. V. SCHROEDER'S Introduction to his edition, $ 1. 9 Cp. BLOOMFIELD, The Atharvaveda P. 16. 10 The Kashmirian Atharva-Veda, Balti- more 1901. 11 BLOOMFIELD, The Atharvaveda p. 15; I. PHONOLOGY. PRONUNCIATION. SOUNDS. 5 material common to both recensions, are given in the critical notes of WHITNEY'S Translation. The variations range from slight differences to complete change of sense, and exact textual agreement between parallel stanzas is comparatively rare. The text of this recension has not yet been critically edited except Book I². I. PHONOLOGY. Ṛgveda Prātiśākhya, ed. with German translation by MAX MÜLLER, Leipzig 1856-69; with UVATA'S Commentary, Benares Sanskrit Series, 1894. - Atharvaveda Prātiśākhya, ed. WHITNEY, JAOS. vols. vII and X. Taittiriya Prātiśākhya, ed. WHITNEY, JAOS. vol. IX, 1871. Vājasaneyi Prātiśākhya, ed. WEBER, IS. vol. IV, 1858; with UVATA's Commentary, Benares Sanskrit Series, 1888. - Riktantravyākaraṇa (= Prātiśākhya of the SV.), ed. and transl. by BURNELL, Mangalore 1879. - BENFEY, Vollständige Grammatik p. 1-70.-WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar p. 1-87. - WACKERNAGEL, Altindische Grammatik. I. Lautlehre (very full bibliography). - - 3. Ancient Pronunciation. Evidence throwing light on the phonetic character of the language of the Samhitās is furnished not only by the pronunciation of its sounds by the Brahmans of to-day, who still recite those texts, but also by the transcription of Sanskrit words in foreign languages, particularly Greek, in ancient times; by the summary information contained in the works of the old Sanskrit grammarians, Pāṇini and his successors; and more especially by the detailed statements of the Prātiśākhyas and the Sikṣās. From these sources we derive a sufficiently exact knowledge of the pronunciation prevailing about 500 B. C. This pronunciation, however, need not necessarily have coincided in every particular with that of the Samhitās, which date from many centuries earlier. Nevertheless, judging by the internal evidence supplied by the phonetic changes and analogical formations occurring in the language of the texts themselves and by the external evidence of comparative philology, we are justified in concluding that the pronunciation, with the possible exception of a very few doubtful points, was practically the same. - 4. The Sounds of the Vedic Language. There are altogether 52 sounds, 13 of which are vocalic and 39 consonantal. They are the following: A. Vocalic sounds. 1. Nine simple vowels: a ā i ī u ū ṛ ṛ Į. 2. Four diphthongs: e o³ ai auª. B. Consonantal sounds. 1. Twenty-two mutes, divided into five classes, each of which has its class nasal, making a group of twenty-seven: a) five gutturals: k kh g gh n, b) five palatals: c ch j jh ñ, c) seven cerebrals: t th d and 15 dh and ths n, d) five dentals: t th d dh n, e) five labials: p ph b bh m. cp. WHITNEY's Translation of the Atharva- veda p. 1013—23. On the readings of the Paippalāda re- cension, see LANMAN's Introduction p.LXXIX- LXXXIX. 2 The Kashmirian Atharva Veda, Book One. Edited with critical notes by LEROY CARR BARRET, in JAOS. 26, 197-295- 3 These are really simple long vowels, being diphthongs only in origin (=ăi, ău). 4 Pronounced ăi, ău (see WHITNEY on APr. I. 40 and TPr. II. 29), but derived from diphthongs with a long first element. 5 These sounds take the place of d dh respectively between vowels; e. g. źle (but idya), milhuse (but miḍhván). 6 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 2. Four semivowels: y r 1 v. 3. Three sibilants: ✓ (palatal), ș (cerebral), s (dental). 4. One aspiration: h. 5. One pure nasal: m (m) called Anusvāra ('after-sound'). 6. Three voiceless spirants: ½ (Visarjanīya), h (Jihvāmūlīya), ḥ (Upa- dhmānīya). - 5. Losses, changes, additions. In order that the phonetic status of the Vedic language may be understood historically, the losses, changes, and additions which have taken place in it as compared with earlier linguistic stages, must be pointed out. a. It has lost the IE. 1) short vowels ě ŏ and a; 2) long vowels ē ō; 3) diphthongs ei oi, eu ou; ai ei oi, au eu ou; 4) sonant nasals; 5) voiced spirant z. b. It has replaced a number of IE. sounds by others: 1) the short vowels ĕŏ by ǎ, a by i; 2) the long vowels ēō by ā; 3) the diphthongs ĕi či by e, eu ou by ō; also az ez oz by ēō; 4) ṛ by ĭr (ŭr), ! by r; 5) ai ēi ōi by ǎi, au eu ou by au; 6) ?, when followed by a nasal, has become 7; 7) gutturals (velars) have, under certain conditions, become palatals1; 8) a palatal mute has become the palatal spirant ². c. It has added the whole series of eight cerebrals (including the spirant ș). The above innovations are specifically Indian, excepting (1) the loss of the vowels ĕŏ a, together with the diphthongs formed with them; (2) the loss of the sonant nasals; and (3) the addition of the spirants and s. the Avesta shares with the Vedas. 1. The simple vowels. These 6. The vowel a.-This is by far the commonest vowel, being much more than twice as frequent as a; while these two a-vowels combined occur as often as all the rest (including diphthongs) taken together ³. According to the modern Indian pronunciation, a has the sound of a very short close neutral vowel like the English u in but. That such was its character as early as the time of Pāṇini appears from his last Sūtra, according to which a is not the short sound corresponding to ā. To the same effect are the statements of the Prātiśākhyas 4, which describe a as a 'close' (samvṛta) sound. This pronunciation is borne out by the reproduction of Indian words in Greek, where the vowel, though usually represented by a, appears as ě or ŏ also; on the other hand, the frequent reproduction of the Greek a by the Indian ā indicates that, to the Indian ear, that vowel was both longer and had more distinctively the sound of a. Similarly, Hindus of the present day make the observation that the English pronunciation of a in Sanskrit words sounds long (dirgha) to them. As the ancient Iranian languages have the normal a throughout, the close pronunciation must be an Indian innovation. But whether it already prevailed in the period when the Samhitās were composed is uncertain. The fact, however, that in the RV. the metre hardly ever admits of the ǎ being elided after e or o, though the written text drops it in about 75 per cent of its occurrences, seems to indicate that when the hymns of the RV. were composed, the pronunciation of a was still open, but that at 1 Cp. BRUGMANN, Kurze vergleichende Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen 1902, I, 244. 2 Op. cit. 233. 3 Cp. WHITNEY, 22 and 75- 4 APr. I. 36; VPr. I. 72. I. PHONOLOGY. SIMPLE VOWELS. 7 the time when the Samhita text was constituted, the close pronunciation was already becoming general. a. Though a ordinarily represents IE. ǎ ĕŏ, it also often replaces an original sonant nasal 2 representing the reduced form of the unaccented Vedic syllables a+nasal: 1) an in derivative and inflexional syllables; e. g. sat-á beside the stem sánt- 'being'; júhv-ati 'they sacrifice' (suffix otherwise -anti); 2) a+nasal in radical syllables; e. g. ta-tá- 'stretched': Vtan-; ga-tá-gone': Vgam-; das-má- 'wondrous': Vdams-; stem pathí- 'path', beside pántha-; 3) in words as shown by comparative philology; e. g. šatám ‘hundred' (Lat. centum), dása 'ten' (Lat. decem) 3. Very rarely a is a Prakritic representative of ?, as in vi-kata-4 'monstrous', beside vi-krta- 'deformed'. 7. The vowel ā. -This sound represents both a simple long vowel 5 and a contraction; e. g. á-stha-t 'he has stood'; ásam 'I was' (= á-as-am), bhárāti 'may he bear' (= bhára-a-ti). a. Like a, the long vowel a frequently corresponds to or is derived from a syllable containing a nasal; e. g. khā-tá- 'dug': √khan-; ã-tmán- 'soul' : an- 'breathe'. In very rare instances the nasal is retained in the RV.: jighāmsati 'desires to strike': √han-; śrāntá- 'wearied': √śram-; dhvāntá- 'dark': √ dhvan-; there are six or eight more instances in the later Samhitas 6. Here the reappearance of the nasal in a weak radical syllable is an innovation due to the influence of other forms with nasals 7. 8 8. The vowel i. - This sound in the first place is an original vowel; e. g. div-i 'in heaven'. It also frequently represents the low grade of e and ya both in roots and suffixes; e. g. vid-má 'we know', beside véd-a 'I know'; náv-istha- 'newest', beside náv-yas- 'newer. It further appears as the low grade of a in roots containing that vowel: e. g. sídhyati 'succeeds', beside sádhati; šiṣṭá- ‘taught', beside sásti 'teaches'; especially when the vowel is final, as in sthi-tá- 'stood': √sthā-. From the latter use it came to assume the function of a 'connecting' vowel; e. g. jan-i-tŕ- 'begetter': Vjan-; after heavy syllables also in the ending -ire of 3 pl. pf. mid. vavand-ire (beside nunudré). In sithirá- loose' i would be a Prakritic representative of ?, if the word is derived from Vsrath-9. — - 9. The vowel 7. This sound is an original vowel, e. g. in jivá- 'living' 10. It also often represents the low grade of ya both in roots and suffixes; e. g. ji-tá- (AV.), 'overcome': Vjyā-; aś-ī-máhi 'we would attain', beside as-yám 'I would attain'. It further seems to represent the low grade of both radical and suffixal ā; but this can probably in all instances be explained as either a low grade of ai or a later substitution for i; e. g. gí-tha- (AV.) beside gā-thá- 'song', is from the root gai-; adī-mahi (VS.) and di-şva (VS.), from √2 dā- and V3 da, occur beside forms in i from the three roots da- which have i only in the RV.; hīná- ‘forsaken', from √hā-, occurs once in RV. x beside forms with i only in RV. 1-IX. A similar explanation probably applies to the -n- of the ninth class of verbs beside -nā-, e. g. grbhṇī-: grbhṇá-11. 1 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 92, 104, 116. 2 Cp. BRUGMANN 184. 3 See WACKERNAGEL I, 7 (p. 7–10). 4 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 146. 5 It represents IE. ā ē ō: cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 98, 110, 122. It also appears for IE. ŏ before single consonants: cp. WACKER- NAGEL I, IO. 6 See below, past passive participles 574, 2 a. 7 See WACKERNAGEL I, 13. 8 This term will be retained in the present II work in its conventional sense (cp. BRUG- MANN, KG. 365), and 'roots' will be quoted in the usually low grade form in which they appear in Sanskrit grammar. The term 'base' will be used to designate the phonetic unit which is the starting point of vowel gradation (cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 211). Thus bhāva- or bhavi- is a 'base', bhu- is a 'root'. 9 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 16 (p. 19, note). 10 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 73. II See WACKERNAGEL I, 18. 8 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 10. The vowel u.-This sound is an original vowel; e. g. úpa 'up to'; duhit 'daughter'; mádhu- 'sweetness'. It also represents the low grade of o or va both in roots and suffixes; e. g. yugá- m. n. 'yoke', beside yoga- m. 'yoking'; suptá- (AV.) 'asleep': svápna- m. 'sleep'; krnu-: krnó- present base of kr 'make'. - - II. The vowel ū. This sound is an original vowel; e. g. bhru- 'brow'; súra- 'hero'. It is also the low grade for avi, au, va; e. g. bhú-t 'has become' bhavi-syáti 'will become'; dhūtá-'shaken': dhautári-, f. ‘shaking'; sūd 'sweeten' : svād- ‘enjoy'. 12. The vowel r. -The vowel 71 is at the present day usually pronounced as ri; and that this pronunciation is old is shown by the confusion of the two sounds in inscriptions and Mss., as well as by the reproduction of ? by ri in the Tibetan script 2. But r was originally pronounced as vocalic r. The Prātiśākhyas of the RV., VS., AV.³ describe it as containing an r, which according to the RPr. is in the middle. According to the commentator on the VPr. this medial y constitutes one-half of the sound, the first and last quarter being α4. This agrees with ara, the equivalent of ? in the Avesta. Except in the acc. and gen. plur. of r-stems (where is written), the long vowel is in the RV. represented by the sign for r: always in forms of the verb mṛd-5 'be gracious', in the past participles tṛlhá- 'crushed', dṛlhá- 'firm', in the gen. nṛṇám, and in the one occurrence of the gen. tisṛnám 6. In the later Samhitās, the vowel in these instances was pronounced short7; and it was doubtless for this reason that ? came to be erroneously written for in the text of the RV. 13. The vowel 8 -This long vowel, according to RPr. and APr.9, contains an in its first half only. It appears only in the acc. and gen. plur. masc. fem. of 7-stems; e. g. pitŕn, mātŕs; pitṛṇám, svásṛṇām. Thus the was written only where α- i- u-stems showed analogous forms with ā īū; and prosodical evidence proves that, in the RV., is required even in the two genitives in which is written (nṛnám and tisṛṇám) 10 In the TS., how- ever, all these genitives plur. have II (that is, pitṛṇám as well as nṛṇām, tisṛnám). ΤΟ 14. The vowel !.-This sound, though pronounced as Iri at the present day, was originally a vocalic 7. Its description in the Prātiśākhyas 12 is analogous to that of r. It is found only in a few forms or derivatives of the verb klp- 'be in order': caklpré, 3 pl. perf.; ciklpāti, 3 sing. aor. subj.; kipti- (VS.) ‘arrangement'. In the RV. r appears beside it in kŕp- 'form' 13. 2. The diphthongs. 15. The diphthongs e and o.- At the present day these sounds are pronounced in India as long monophthongs like ē and ō in most European I In several instances ? appears to re- present an IE. 7 sound. Cp. WACKEENAGEL I, p. 33. 2 See WACKEENAGEL I, 28. 3 RPr. VIII. 14; VPr. IV. 145; APr. I. 37,71. 4 Cp. BENFEY, Vedica und Verwandtes I, 18. 5 Except possibly RV. VII. 5617 where the vowel is metrically short; cp. op. cit. 1, 6; ARNOLD, Vedic Metre, p. 143. 6 RV. V. 69². 7 In the AV. the vowel is still metrically long in some of these instances: OLDEN- BERG, Prolegomena 477. 8 The 7 of the gen. pl. is an Indian inno- vation; cp. 5, b 6 and 17. On the other hand, IE. is represented by ir and (after labials) ūr; c. g. from kṛ- 'commemorate', kīr-ti- 'fame'; př- 'fill':pur-tá, n. ‘reward'; as low grade of rã in dirgh-á- long', beside drágh-iyas- 'longer'. Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 22. 9 RPr. XIII. 14; APr. 1. 38. 10 See above, 5, b 6. 11 Cp. BENFEY, Vedica und Verwandtes I, 3. 12 RPr. XIII. 14; VPr. Iv. 145. 13 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 31. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. I yáti 'treats kindly' (valgú-); gātū-yáti 'desires free course' (gati-; but also gātu- yáti) The AV.2 has a few exceptions: arāti-yáti 'is hostile'; jani-yáti as well as jani-yáti³; c) i in the suffix -ī-ya and in the comparative suffix -īyas. 3. Before r, if radical, i and seem to be lengthened when a consonant follows; e. g. gir-bhis beside gir-as (gir- 'song of praise'); pur-sú beside púr-as (pur- 'fort'), but ir and ur here represent IE. 4. In a few instances this is extended by analogy to words in which the is not radical: asir 'blessing' (asís-); sajár 'together' (√juş-)5. IO 4. Before 7, the vowels ai u are lengthened: a) in some instances the augment: avidhyat 'he wounded' (Vayadh-)6; b) once before the primary suffix -vams of the perfect participle: jigi-váms- 'having conquered' (Vji); c) often before the secondary suffixes -van, -vana, -vant, -vala, vin; e. g. rtá-van- 'observing order'; kárşi-vaṇa- (AV.) 'ploughman'; yắ-vant- 'how great'; śvásī-vant- (RV¹.) ‘snorting' ( √ śvas-); -kṛṣī-vala- 'ploughman'; dvayā-vin- 'dishonest'; d) often before the second member of a compound; e. g. gurtá- vasu- 'whose treasures are welcome'?. 5. Before IIr. z and , when followed by one or more consonants, vowels are lengthened by way of compensation for the loss of the z orz³; a) ā (= az) in tāḍhi ‘hew' (√takṣ-); bāḍhá- ‘firm' (√bamh-); sáḍhr- 'conquering', á-sadha- 'invincible' (√ sah-); b) ī— iz in īḍ- 'adore' (Vyaj 'sacrifice', or Vis- 'wish'); nīdá- 'nest'; pid- 'press'; midhá- 'reward'; midhváms- 'bounteous'; ridhá- licked' (Vrih-); vidu- 'swift'; sídati (= sizdati) 'sits'; hiḍ- 'be angry' (cp. hims- 'injure'). c) = us in udhá- 'borne' (Vvah-); gudhá- 'concealed' ū (√guh-) ⁹. 6. Vowels also appear lengthened under conditions other than those enumerated above (1-5). a. Final a i u are very frequently lengthened in the Samhitas before a single consonant owing to rhythmical predilections; from this use the lengthening of the vowels is extended to syllables which are reduplicative or precede suffixes ¹⁰. b. For metrical reasons the length is in a few words shifted to another syllable. Thus didihi often appears instead of the regular dīdihí; and in virā-ṣáț 'ruling men', vira-* stands for vīra-. A similar explanation perhaps applies to carátha- ‘moving', beside carátha-; and máhīna- ‘gladsome', beside máhina-. c. The long vowel beside the short in the same stem appears in some instances to be due to vowel gradation; as in tvát-pitāras (TS.) ‘having thee as a father', beside pitáras; prthu-jaghana- 'broad-hipped', beside jaghána- ¹ Before this -yá, the final of a-stems is | (for dus-) e. g. in dur-gá- 'hard to tra- sometimes lengthened, but probably not phonetically; see below 6 d. 2 See WHITNEY on APr. III. 18. 3 No lengthening takes place in the optative present of verbs of the 5th or 8th class, e. g. śrmu-yāma (śru- ‘hear'); nor in adverbs formed with -ya from u-stems; t. g. āśu-yá ‘swiftly'; amu-ya 'thus'. 4 See above on 7, p. 8, note 8. 5 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 23. When ir stands for suffixal is, it remains unchanged; c. g. havirbhis 'with oblations' (hav-is-), krivir-dat-i 'saw-toothed'; ur, with genuine z, remains short in urvára- 'field', urvi- 'wide', urviyá 'widely' (uru- 'wide'), urv-ást- 'desire', dur- verse'. 6 The lengthening of the augment in ayunak, áyukta (Vyuj-) and árinak, áraik (Vric-), follows this analogy. 7 The lengthening here probably started from that in Sandhi: cp. WACKERNAGEL 1, 42. 8 This appears to be the only kind of compensatory lengthening in the Vedic language. Cp. 17, 1. 9 One and o for az az, see above, 15, a, b, and cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 40. 10 See WACKERNAGEL I, 43- 11 Metrical shortening of a long syllable I. PHONOLOGY. LENGTHENING AND Loss OF VOWELS. CONTRACTION. II 'hip'; anu-şák 'in continuous order', beside ánu- ‘along' as first member of a compound. d. The lengthening of the vowel in a certain number of instances appears to be due to analogy; thus the denominatives in -ayá beside -ayá from a-stems (e. g. rtayá- 'observe order', beside rtayá-)¹, seem to follow the model of those in -īyáti and -uyáti, which would account for the fluctuation in quantity. Tīkṣṇá- 'sharp' (beside tigmá- : tij- 'be sharp') and hálīkṣṇa- (TS.) beside halikṣṇa- (VS.), a kind of animal, appear to owe their 7 to the influence of desideratives which in several instances have 7 (partly for older i) before ks. The reason for the in tusnim 'silently' (tus- 'become quiet'), and in sümná- (VS.), otherwise sumná- 'favour', is, however, obscure. 18. Loss of vowels.-Vowels are very rarely dropped in the language of the Samhitas. Medial loss is almost entirely restricted to the isolated disappearance of a before and m. That vowel is dropped at the end of the first member of a compound in anvartitá (RV.) 'wooer' (= anu-vartitá); ánvartisye (AV.) ‘I shall follow'³; car-vadana- (AV. Paipp.) 'of lovely aspect (= cāru-vadana-) and cār-vāc- (AV. Paipp.) 'speaking pleasantly'4. The only example of the loss of a in this position seems to be til-píñja- (AV¹.) a kind of plant, beside tila-piñjí- (AV¹.). The vowel z is further dropped before the m of the I pers. pl. pres. ending of the 5th (-nu-) class, when the z is preceded by only one consonant, in krn-mahe and kṛṇ-mási (AV.)5 'we do'. Initial vowels also occasionally disappear. The only vowel that is lost with any frequency is a, which is dropped in Sandhi after e and o, according to the evidence of metre, in about one per cent of its occurrences in the RV. and about twenty per cent in the AV. and the metrical portions of the YV.6 In a few words its disappearance is prehistoric: in vi- birď7 (Lat. avi-), possibly in ni- 'in' (Greek äv), in pid- 'press', bhi-şáj-10 'healer'. ā is lost in tmán-, beside ä-tmán-, but the reason has not been satisfactorily explained". In va 'like', beside iva, the loss of i is probably only apparent: cp. va 'like' (Lat. vě 'or') ¹². Initial seems to be lost, if the reading is not z corrupt, in śmasi (RV. II. 31º) beside uśmási 'we desire' (Vvas-). I 2 19. Contraction.-Long vowels and diphthongs are often the result of contraction in Sandhi ¹3. They have frequently a similar origin in the interior of words ¹. a. Contractions of a with a vowel or diphthong are the following: I. a often stands for a + a, a+a, or a +a; e. g. áj-at, augmented imperfect (= á-aj-at); ád-a, red. perf. (= a-ád-a); bhárāti, pres. subj. (= bhára- ati); ukthá ¹5, inst. sing. (= ukthá-a); áśvas ‘mares', nom. pl. (= áśvā-as); dáti, aor. subj. (= dá-ati); devám, gen. pl. (= devá-ām). 2. e stands for a+i and a+i; e. g. ásve, loc. sing. (-ásva-i); padé, (at the end of a trişṭubh-line), without inter-| BERG, ZDMG. 44, 321 ff. (Der Abhinihita change of quantity, appears in sirdsu, loc. Sandhi im Rgveda). plur. of sira- 'stream'. Cp. 25, A 1; Wackernagel I, 71. I See below, Denominatives, 563, a. 8 Cp. SCHMIDT, KZ. 26, 24; WACKER- NAGEL 2¹, p. 73- 9 Op. cit. 2¹, p. 71 (bottom). 10 Op. cit. 2¹, p. 72 (bottom). ¹1 Op. cit. 1, p. 61 (top). 2 Apart from the syncopation of a in low grade syllables: cp. 25, A I. 3 Cp. BÖHTLINGK, ZDMG. 39, 533; 44, 492f.; cp. OLDENBERG 324. 4 See BÖHTLINGK's Lexicon s. v. Per- haps also in jāmbila- (MS.) ‘knee-pan', if jānu-vila-. 5 Cp. DELBRÜCK, AIV. 174; V. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte des Veda 60 (2- Wnrzeln). 6 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, p. 324; OLDEN- = 12 Cp. op. cit. I, 53 c, note; ARNOLD, Vedic Metre, 129 (p. 78). 13 See below 69, 70. 14 See above 15, a 2. ¹5 The original inst. ending - under the influence of this contracted form became -ā; cp. Wackernagel I, p. 102, mid. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. nom. acc. du. neut. (— padá-i); bháves, opt. pres. (= bháva-īs); yamé ‘twin' sisters', nom. acc. du. fem. (- yamá-î). 12 3. stands for a+u; e. g. ávocam, aor. of vac- 'speak' (= áva-uc-am). 4. ai stands for å+e and, in augmented forms, a+i; e. g. tásmai 'to. him', dat. sing. masc. (= tásma-e); devyái, dat. sing. fem. (- devyá-e); áicchat, 3. sing. impf. (= á-icchat); áirata, 3. pl. impf. (= á-īrata) ‘set in motion'. 5. au stands for a+u in augmented forms; e. g. ducchat, 3. sing. impf. of vas- 'shine' (= á-ucchat); auhat, 3. sing. impf. of uh- 'remove' (= a-uh-at). b. Contractions of i with i or a are the following: I. 7 stands for iti in the nom. acc. pl. neut. of i-stems; e. g. tri 'three' (= tri-i). 2. 7 stands for i+i in weak forms of the perfect, when the reduplicative vowel is immediately followed by i (either original or reduced from ya); e. g. is-úr ( i-is-úr from is- 'speed'); j-é (= i-ij-é from yaj- 'sacrifice'). - 3. īstands for itā in the inst. sing. fem. and the nom. acc. du. masc. fem. of stems in -i; e. g. matí (— matí-à) ‘by thought'; pátī ‘the two lords' (— páti-ā, cp. ṛtvij-ā), śúc-i, du. fem. 'the two bright ones' (= śúci-à). 4. 7 stands for i+a in compounds of dvi- 'two', ní 'down', práti 'against', with the low grade of ap- 'water' : dvīp-á- ‘island'; nip-á- 'low-lying' (K.)¹; pratīpám against the stream'². 5. 7 stands for i+ã when reduplicative i is followed by the low grade form of a root beginning with ā : ípsa-ti (AV.), desiderative of ap- 'obtain' (=i-ip-sa-) ³. A similar contraction takes place when initial radical a is long by position, in iks-ate 'sees' (cp. ákş-i 'eye') and inkh-dyati 'swings' (cp. pari- ankhayate 'may he embrace'). In ij-ate 'drives', beside áj-ati 'drives', the contraction to ī of i+ă is perhaps due to analogy4. c. Contractions of u with u or a are the following: I. ū stands for u+u in weak forms of the perfect when the reduplicative vowel is immediately followed by u (either original or reduced from va); e. g. ūc-e, 3 sing. mid. (= u-uc-e) from uc- 'like'; ūc-úr (— u-uc-úr) from vac- 'speak'. 2. stands for utā in the compound formed with ánu 'along' and the low grade of áp- 'water': anup-á-4 pond'. 3. u stands for u+ã in the nom. acc. du. masc. fem. of u-stems; e. g. bāhú 'the two arms' ( bāhú-ā). = 4. seems to stand for uti in the nom. acc. pl. neuter of u-stems; e. g. vásu (= vásu-i), from vásu- 'good'; but the vowel may possibly be lengthened by analogy5, for the Pada text always has ž. 20. Hiatus.-a. In the written text of the Samhitãs, hiatus is, as a rule, tolerated in diphthongs only, vowels being otherwise separated by consonants. It nevertheless appears: 1. in Sandhi, when a final s y or v has been dropped before a following vowel; when final î û e of dual endings are followed by vowels; when a remains after final e and o; and in some other instances; 2. in compounds, when the final s of the first member has disappeared before a vowel; e. g. dyo-agra- 'iron-pointed' (áyas- iron'); pura-et- 'leader' (purás 'before'); and when, by a Prakritism, y is lost in prá-uga- 'fore-part of the shaft' (= prá-yuga-); ¹ Cp. nip-ya- (VS.), ‘lying at the bottom'. 2 Cp. ánīka- and prátīka- ‘face'. 3 Cp. Samprasarana ī and u for ya and vā. 4 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 90 c, p. 104. 5 That is, of the a and i stems; e. g. bhadra, tri. 6 See below, Sandhi 69-73. L I. PHONOLOGY. CONTRACTION. HIATUS. SVARABHAKTI. 13 3. in the simple word titau- 'sieve' (probably from tams- 'shake'), by a loss of s, due most likely to borrowing from an Iranian dialect (where medial s would have become h, which then disappeared). b. 1. Though not written, hiatus is common elsewhere also in the Samhitãs. The evidence of metre shows that y and v must often be pronounced as i and u, and that a long vowel or a diphthong has frequently the value of two vowels. When the long vowel or diphthong is the result of contraction, the two original vowels must often be restored, within a word as well as in Sandhi. Thus pánti 'they protecť, may have to be read as på-anti (— pá-anti)³, anjan 'they anointed' as á-anjan; jyéstha- 'mightiest' as jyá-iștha- (– jyá-iṣṭha- from jya- 'be mighty'); áicchas as á-icchas 'thou didst wish'; aurmos as a-urnos thou didst open'4. 2. Hiatus is further produced by distraction of long vowels 5 which, as the metre shows, are in the Rgveda often to be pronounced as two short vowels. This distraction was doubtless originally due partly to a slurred accentuation which practically divided a syllable into two halves, and partly to the resolution of etymological contraction. From such instances distraction spread to long vowels in which it was not historically justified. It appears most often in ā, especially in the gen. pl. in -ām, also in the abl. sing. in --āt, the nom. acc. pl. in -as, -āsas of a-stems, in the acc. sing. in -am of such words as abjám 'born in the water'; and in many individual words 6. Distraction is further found in the diphthongs of words in which it is not etymologically justified; as in the genitives vés 'of a bird', gós 'of a cow', in tredhá 'threefold', néty leader', réknas- 'property', śréni- 'row'; and in other words7. 21. Svarabhakti.- When a consonant is in conjunction with or a nasal, a very short vocalic sound tends to be developed between them, and the evidence of metre shows that a vowel must often be pronounced between them. It is the general view of the Prātiśākhyas that when an precedes another consonant a vowel is sounded after it; according to some of them this also takes place after / or even after any voiced consonant. They call it svarabhakti or 'vowel-part', which they describe as equal to ¹/8, ¹/4, or ¹/2 mora in length and generally as equivalent to a or e (probably = e) in sound. I a. The metre of the RV. shows that an additional syllable is frequently required in words in which either precedes or follows another consonant; e. g. darśatá- 'worthy to be seen' (quadrisyllabic); indra-¹0, name of a god (very often trisyllabic); prá 'forth' (dissyllabic) ". ¹ Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 37 b, note. appearance of slurred accentuation: WACKER- NAGEL I, 47. 2 See OLDENBERG, Prolegomena 434ff.: 'Hiatus und Contraction'; ARNOLD, Vedic Metre, chapter IV, p.70 ff. (Sandhi), chapter v, 'p. 81 ff. (Syllabic Restoration). 8 RPr. VI. 13 f., VPr. Iv. 16; TPr. XXI. 15f.; APr. I. 101 ff. 3 As a rule, one vowel (including e and o)| is shortened before another: see OLDEN- -BERG, op. cit., 465 ff.; 447 ff. 9 The vowel which has to be restored in the gen. loc. du. termination -tros, which must always be read as a dissyllable, is not to be explained as Svarabhakti, since -taros is the original ending. 4 WACKERNAGEL 1, 46 b. 5 See OLDENBERG, op. cit., 163 ff. (Vocale mit zweisilbiger Geltung). 10 Cp. OLDENBERG, ZDMG. 60, 711-745 (Die Messung von índra, rudrá u. a.). 11 There seem to be a few instances of a 6 See WACKERNAGEL I, 44. This is a very old phenomenon, as it is found in the Avesta Svarabhakti vowel being actually written: in the gen. pl. and in other forms: OLDEN | tarásantī, beside tras- 'tremble'; the secon- dary derivative śvaitárīm, beside śvitrá-(AV.) BERG 181; WACKERNAGEL I, p. 50. 7 WACKERNAGEL I, 46. This distraction 'white'; purusa- and pirusa- 'man', probably of diphthongs is also pre-Vedic, parallels for purşa- (WACKERNAGEL I, 51, cp. 52). being found in the Avesta. Its use gradually The initial vowel of uloká-, which is commoner decreases in the RV. and is lacking in the than loká- 'world', has not yet been satis- later Samhitãs, doubtless owing to the dis-factorily explained; cp. op. cit. 1, 52 d. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. VEDIC GRAMMAR. b. When a consonant is followed by ñ, n, or m, the same parasitic vowel often appears; e. g. yajñá- (- yajaná-) 'sacrifice'; gná- (= gºná-) 'woman'. It is, however, here frequent only as representing the second syllable after the caesura in triştubh and jagati verses; it rarely occurs at the beginning of such verses, and never at the end ¹. 14 VOWEL GRADATION. I. The Guna series: e o ar. 22. A. Low grade: iur.-In the same root or stem the simple vowels i url are found to interchange with the respective high grade forms e o ar al³ called Guna ('secondary form'?) by the native grammarians, according to the conditions under which the formative elements are attached. Beside these appear, but much less frequently, the long grade forms ai au ăr called Vṛddhi ('increase') by the same authorities. The latter regarded the simple vowels. as the fundamental grade, which, from the Indian, point of view, these vowels often evidently represent: thus from ūrṇavábhi- (SB.) 'spider', we have the derivative formation aurṇavābhá- ‘sprung from a spider'4. Comparative grammar has, however, shown that in such forms we have only a secondary application of an old habit of gradation derived from the IE. period, and that Guna 5 represents the normal stage from which the low grade form, with reduced or altogether lacking vowel, arose in less accented syllables. This theory alone can satisfactorily explain the parallel treatment of Guna gradation (e o ar beside i u r) and Samprasāraṇa gradation (ya va ra beside i u r), as in diş-tá-, di-dés-a (dis point out') and is-tá-, iyáj-a (yaj- 'sacrifice'). In other words, i ur can easily be explained as reduced forms of both Guna and Samprasāraṇa syllables (as ending or beginning with i u r), while the divergent 'strengthening' of i u r, under the same conditions, to e o ar or ya va ra cannot be accounted for7. The interchange of Guna and simple vowel is generally accompanied by a shift of accent: Guna appears in the syllable which bears the accent, but is replaced by the simple vowel when the accent is transferred to the following syllable. This shows itself most clearly in inflexional forms; e. g. é-mi 'I go', but i-más we go'; ap-nó-mi (AV.) 'I obtain', but āp-nu-más 'we obtain'; várdhāya, but vrdhaya 'to further'. Hence it is highly probable that change of accent was the cause of the gradation ³. a. Long grade or Vṛddhi: ai, au, ăr.- Vṛddhi is far more restricted in use than Guna, and as it nearly always appears where Guna is to be expected, it may be regarded as a lengthened variety of it9 dating back to the IE. period. I See OLDENBERG, Prolegomena, 374, note. 2 This interchange was already noticed by Yaska; see Nirukta x. 17. normal stage in the gradation of the a- vowels in many roots: see 24; WACKER- NAGEL I, 55 b. 6 The vowel sometimes disappears in the low grade of the a-series (Schwundstufe') see 24. 3 The only root in which the gradation al:! is found is klp-, cp. 14. It is employed in word-formation much in the same way 7 Cp. WACKERNAGEL 1, 55. as in verbal and nominal inflexion. 8 Occasional exceptions, such as vŕka- 4 See below a, 3 and cp. 25 B2; WACKER- | 'wolf', are capable of explanation: cp. NAGEL 1, 55, p. 62, note (top). 5 Botha and à represent the Guna or WACKERNAGEL 1, 57. 9 'Dehnstufe'; cp. WACKERNAGEL 1, 61. I. PHONOLOGY. VOWEL GRADATION. GUNA SERIES. It is to be found 1) in strong forms of a few monosyllabic substantives, in the nom. sing. of sákhi- 'friend' and of stems in , and in the loc. sing. of stems in i and u: su-hárd- 'good-hearted' (from hyd- 'heart'), dydu-s 'heaven' (from dyú-), gáu-s 'cow' (from gó-); sákhã¹, pitá²; agná ³ (from agni- 'fire'), aktáu (from akti- 'night'); 2) before the primary nominal suffixes -a, -i, -ti, -tna, -man, -vana; e. g. sparh-á- 'desirable' (√ sprh-); hard-i- 'heart' (from hrd-); kárṣ-i- (VS.) ‘drawing' ( √ krs-); śráuş-ți ‘obedient' ( √ śruṣ-); cyau-tná-'stimulating* (Vcyu-); bhárman- 'board' (Vbhr-); kárs-i-vana- (AV.) 'ploughman'; 3) in secondary nominal derivation, generally to form patronymics or adjectives expressive of connexion or relation; e. g. gairikṣitá- 'descended from giri-kṣít'; aušijá- 'son of Uśíj'; śrautrá- ‘relating to the ear' (śrótra-); hairanyá- 'golden' (hiranya- 'gold'); 4) in the singular pres. of a few verbs of the second class and in the active s-aorist of roots ending in vowels: kṣṇáu-mi I sharpen' (Vkṣnu-); mars-țis 'he wipes' (Vmrj-); yáu-mi (AV.) 'I unite' (Vyu-); a-jai-şam 'I have conquered' (Vji-); ydu-s, 2 sing. 'ward off' (Vyu-); a-bhar-şam 'I have borne' (√ bhṛ-). 15 B. Low grade: īū ir.-The same Guņa and Vṛddhi forms as a rule correspond to these long vowels as to their short forms i u r. Thus bhi 'fear': bi-bháy-a and bi-bhay-a; hu- 'call' : ju-háv-a; ty 'cross': ta-tar-a, beside tir-áte and tir-na- (just like fri- 'resort': si-śray-a; śru- 'hear': su-śrắv-a; kr- 'do': ca-kar-a). Before consonants the roots pri- 'love', vi- 'desire', vi- vī- 'impel', s'lie', ni- 'lead, bhi- 'fear', have Guņa forms in e, the last two also Vṛddhi forms in ai; but roots in ū and ♬ have avió and ari as Guņa, āvi and āri as Vṛddhi, respectively; e. g. pū- 'purify', aor. pavi-șța and apāviṣur; kr- 'scatter', aor. subj. kāri-ṣat7. a. ī and instead of Guna. In a few verbs and some other words 7 and ū are the old weak grade vowels (almost invariably medial) of e and o, the length of which has been preserved by the accent shifting to them (while when not thus protected they have been shortened to i and ů), and which as thus accented, sometimes appear instead of the Guna vowels. Thus i is found in ris-ant- 'injuring' (= *rīs-ánt-), beside resa-, the low grade form of the radical syllable otherwise becoming ris-8. Similary gáhati 'hides' appears beside góh-a- 'hiding-place', the root being also shortened in guh-yáte, etc.; duş-ayati 'spoils', beside doș-á- and doșás- (AV.) 'evening', also dús-ți- (AV.) 'destruction'; úh-ati 'removes', beside h-a- 'gift'; nú 'now', nu-tana- 'new', nu-nám 'now', beside náva- 'new', also nú 'now' (never at the beginning of a sentence); mús- 'mouse', beside moşatha 'ye rob', also mușitá- 'stolen'; yupa- 'post', beside yuyópa 'has infringeď, also yupitá- (AV.) ‘smoothed'; stú-pa- ‘tuft', beside sto-ká- 'drop', also stu-pá- (VS.) 'tuft'⁹. b. In a few roots ending in v¹º, the radical vowel ī represents the low With loss of the final element, which 6 They have o in the intensive redupli- however, remains in datives like tásmai, cation only; e. g. soșū- : Vsū-. probably because the diphthong was here pronounced with a slurred accent: cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 93. 7 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 76. 2 With loss of r, the preceding vowel having compensatory IE. lengthening (cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 61 c). In a few instances, the Vṛddhi of the nom. sing. spread to other cases (cp. 25 B b 1); e. g. tár-as, nom. pl., from old nom. sing. *stur (beside stř-bhis). 3 Also agnáu, like the u-stems. 4 See below 191. 8 The accentuation of ī, the low grade of yá, is probably to be explained similarly in feminínes like naptí-s (masc. nápāt-); shortened to nápti in voc.; cp. 19 b 3 and 29. 9 The accentuation of , the low grade of vá is probably to be explained similarly in feminines like kadrú-s (TS. B.) 'brown' (masc. kádru-m, TS. B.); shortened to u in voc., e. g. bábhru; cp. WACKERNAGEL 1, 82. 10 That is, the original form would have 5 From the present the ar spread to been iu- or i- according as a vowel or a other forms, c. g. perf. mamárja (AV.). consonant followed. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. VEDIC GRAMMAR. grade, but early began to supplant e; thus from dīv- 'play', beside didéva (AV.), dév-ana- 'game of dice', occur dív-yati, div-é and div-i dat. and loc. of div- 'game of dice'; from srīv- 'fail', beside śreváyant-, srīvayati (AV.); but from miv- 'push', only mív-ati etc.; from siv- 'sew', only siv-yati etc. It is a peculiarity of these roots that appears before vowels and y only, becoming yū or u before other consonants; thus dyū-tá- (AV.) 'play'; -mu-ta- 'impelled', mu-rá- ‘dull’, mú-tra- (AV. VS.) 'urine'; syi-tá- 'fastened', sü-ci- 'needle', st-tra- (AV.) 'thread'; sri- 'lead ball'¹. 16 II. The Samprasāraṇa* series. a. Gradation of ya va ra. 23. Low grade: i u p³.-In place of the accented syllables ya va ra (corresponding to the Guna vowels e o ar) appear the low grade vowels i ut when the accent shifts to the following syllable in some fourteen roots, viz. yaj- 'sacrifice', vyac- 'extend', vyadh- 'pierce', vac- 'speak', vad- 'speak', vap- 'strew, vas- 'be eager', vas- 'dwell', vas- 'shine', vah- 'carry'; svap- 'sleep', grabh- and grah- 'seize', pracch- (properly praś-) ‘ask', vraśc- ‘hew'; e. g. iş-tá-:yás-țave; uś-mási : vás-ți; suṣup-váms- : suṣvápa. a. Besides these, a good many other roots, in occasional verbal forms or nominal derivatives, show the same gradation in the radical syllable. 1. i appears in mimikṣúr: mimyákṣa perf. of Vmyaks-; vithura- 'wavering', vithuryá ti 'wavers', beside vyáth-ate 'wavers'. 2. u in ukṣant- 'growing' : vavákṣa 'has grown'; suș-ánt- : śvas-iti ‘breathes'; ju-hur-as: hvár-ati 'is crooked'; ur-ú- 'broad': comp. vár-īyas-, superl. vár-istha-; dúr- : dvár- 'door'; dhun-i- 'resounding" : dhvan-í- (AV.) ‘sound'. 3. in krpate ‘laments': aor. akrapiṣṭa; grṇatti (AV.): grath-itá- ‘tieď'; -śrth-ita- : śrath-nāti 'becomes loose'; rj-ú- 'straight': ráj-iṣṭha- 'straightest'; rbh-ú- 'adroit': rábh-ate ‘grasps'; drh-ya 'be firm' (impv.): drah-yát ‘firmly'; prth-ú- 'broad': práth-ati 'spreads out'; bhrm-á- 'error': bhram-d- whirling flame'; d-ni-bhṛṣ-ta- 'undefeated': bhras-at aor., bhraș-țá- (AV.) 'fallen'; mrd-- 'soft': mrada 'soften' (impv.), úrna-mradas- 'soft as wool'; sýk-van- : srák-va- 'corner of the mouth'. b. This gradation also appears in the stems of a few nouns and in certain nominal suffixes: dyú-bhis: dyáv-i loc., dyáu-s nom. 'heaven'; sún- : śvá-, śván- 'dog'; yin- (=yú-un-): yuva-, yúvan- 'youth'; catúr-: catvár- 'four'; the superlative and comparative suffixes -is-tha and yas; the perf. part. suffix -us: -vat, -vāms 5. b. Gradation of yā vā rā. ī 24. Low grade: 7 ū ir.-Corresponding to the reduction of the short syllables ya va ra to the short vowels i u r, the long syllables yā vā rā appear as ī ū ir (— IE. 7). 2 In the terminology of the native gramma- rians Samprasāraṇa ('distraction') designates the change of the semi-vowel only to the corresponding vowel (but see also Paņini VI. 1, 108). Here we use the word to express | Cp. PEDERSEN, IF. 2, 323, note. the reduction of the entire syllables ya va ra to the corresponding vowels i u r. ¹ The etymology of this word is, how-to suppose that every i and has a similar ever, doubtful. Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 81. origin. On the contrary, it is more likely that IE. i and u have been preserved by the side of the reduced vowels and that the Guņa grade has in many instances been subsequently added to original i and 4 This reduction goes back to the IE. pre- tonic syncope ofě o: cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 62 3 Though? seems invariably to have (p. 69, mid.). On the two forms of the roots resulted from the reduction of Guņa or cp. also Nirukta IL. 2 and Mahābhāṣya 1, 112. Samprasāraṇa syllables, there is no reason 5 See WACKERNAGEL I, 63. I. PHONOLOGY. SAMPRASARANA SERIES. à-SERIES. a. 7 is found thus both in radical and suffixal syllables: 1. in jī-tá- (AV.) jī-yáte (AV.) and ji-yate: jyá- 'might', jyá-yas- 'stronger', ji-jya-sant- 'desiring to overcome'; 2. in the fem. suffix -: kan-i-nām (for kani-nám) from kan-yà- 'girl'; in nom. acc., e. g. devi, devím, devis, beside -ya- in dat. abl. gen. loc. sing. devyái (= devyá-e), devyás (=devyá-as), devyám (= devya-am); 3. in the optative, either before or after the accented syllable, beside -ya-; e. g. bruv-i-tá and bháret (= bhára-i-t), but i-ya-t. b. ū is found: 1. in forms of sūd- 'put in order' (= 'make palatable'), e. g. su-sud-ati, sud-áyati, sam-süd-á- (TS.) 'gum', beside forms and derivatives of svad- 'enjoy', 'taste', e. g. svāda-te, svattá-, svad-i- 'sweet'; 2. in fem. nouns in - beside -va in dat. abl. gen. loc. sing.; e. g. śvaśrú- ‘mother-in-law', dat. suasr-vải (AV., = švaśr-vå-e), gen. švašr-vás (AV., śvaśr-vá-as), loc. svašr-vám ( svaśr-vá-am). = 1 c. 7r (7) is found in dirgh-á- long', beside drágh-iyas- 'longer', drágh- iştha- ‘longest', drāgh-mán- ‘length'. 17 III. The ǎ-series. a. Gradation of a. 25. A. Low grade: a or. Many roots and formatives have a in the Guņa or normal stage. The reduction of r from ar or ra indicates that in low grade syllables this a would normally disappear. As a rule, however, it remains', doubtless because its loss would in most cases have led to unpronounceable or obscure forms. At the same time, the syncope takes place in a considerable number of instances: I. in verbal forms: ad- 'eat': d-ánt- (- old pres. part.) 'tooth'; as- 'be': s-ánti, s-yắt, s-ánt-, beside ás-ti 'is'; gam- 'go':ja-gm-úr; ghas- 'eat' : a-ks-an, 3. pl. impf., g-dha (= ghs-ta), 3. sing. impf. mid., ja-ks-tyát, perf. opt., beside għas-a-t 'may he eat'; pat- 'fall' : pa-pt-ima, pa-pt-úr, pa-pt-iváms-, perf., a-pa-pt-at, aor., beside pát-anti; pad-‘go': pi-bd-a-māna-, red. pres. part., pi-bd-aná- ‘standing firm', beside pád-yate 'goes'; bhas- 'chew': ba-ps-ati, 3 pl. pres., bá-ps-at-, pres. part., beside bhás-a-t 'may he chew'; sac- 'follow': sá-śc-ati, 3. pl. red. pres., sa-śc-ata, 3. pl. impf. mid., sa-śc-iré, 3. pl. perf. mid., beside sac-ante 'they accompany'; sad- 'sit': sid-ati (= si-zd-ati), 3. sing. pres., sed-úr (= sa-zd-úr), 3. pl. perf., beside á-sad-at 'he sat'; han- strike': ghn-ánti, 3. pl. pres., beside hàn-ti 3. sing. 2. in nominal derivatives: ghas- 'eat': a-g-dhád- (TS.) 'eating what is uneaten' (= a-ghs-ta-ad-), sá-g-dhi (VS.) joint meal' (= sa-ghs-ti-); bhas- 'chew': á-ps-u- 'foodless'; pad- ‘walk': upa-bd-á-, upa-bd-i- 'noise' (lit. 'tread'); tur-tya- fourth' (= *ktur-iya-): catúr- 'four'; napt-í- 'granddaughter': nápāt- 'grandson'. 3. in suffixes: -s- for -as- in bhī-ș-á, inst. sing. : bhiy-ás-a 'through fear'; Sīr-ș-án- : šír-as- ‘head'; -s for -as in the abl. gen. sing. ending of stems in i u o: e. g. agné-s, visno-s, gó-s. B. Long grade: ā.— The Vṛddhi corresponding to the a which represents the Guņa stage is ā. It appears: a. in the root: I. in primary nominal derivation: thus pád- 'foot': pad-, bd- 'walk'; ráj- I See WACKERNAGEL I, 70. 2 When a is followed by n or m, the syllables an and am, if preceded by a con- sonant, usually lose the nasal before mutes; e. g. han strike': ha-thás 2. du. pres.; gam- cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 66. Indo-arische Philologie. I. 4. 'go' :ga-tá-; dyu-mánt-, inst. sing. dyu-mát-ā; na-man-, inst. pl. náma-bhis. The a in such low grade syllables is generally regarded as historically representing the sonant nasal : 2 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. ‘king’:raj, ?j- ‘direct’; zic- ‘voice’:vac-, uc-‘speak’; ksắs, nom., ksắm, acc., 'earth': ksam-, kşm-; nábh- 'well': nábh-as, abh-rá- (abh- = nbh-) 'cloud'. Also before primary suffixes: áp-as: áp-as 'work'; vás-as 'garment': vas-, uș- 'wear'; váh-as 'offering': vah-, uh- 'convey'; vás-tu 'abode': vas-, us- 'dwell. Perhaps also páth-as 'place': path 'path' ¹. 2. in secondary nominal derivation; e. g. kāṇvá- 'descended from Kanva'; vāpuş-á 'marvellous' : váp-us- 'marvel'. 3. in the active of the s-aorist: thus a-cchant-s-ur : chand-, chad- (= chnd-) 'appear'; a-yam-s-am, 1. sing. : yam-, ya- (= ym-) 'stretch'; sak-s-ama, also mid. sāk-s-i, sāk-s-ate : sah- 'overcome' 2. b. in the suffix of nominal stems: 18 I. in the nom. sing. masc. of stems in -mant and -vant, and throughout the strong cases of stems in -an, of mahát- 'great', and of nápat- 'grandson': thus dyu-mán 'brilliant': dyu-mánt-, dyu-mát- (= -mnt-); re-ván 'rich': re-vánt-, re-vát- (= vnt-) ³; ráj-ā, acc. ráj-ān-am 'king': ráj-an-, ráj-ñ-, ráj-a- (— rāj-n-); mah-án, acc. mah-ánt-am; nápāt, acc. nápātam. 2. in the nom. acc. pl. neuter of stems in -an and -as and of one in -ant; thus námā 'names': náman, nắma- (— nắmṇ-); mánäms-i ‘minds’ : mán-as; sánt-i: s-ánt- 'being'. c. in anu- as first member of a compound in anu-şák and ānūkám 'continuously' : otherwise anu-. b. Gradation of a. 26. Low grade: i.- The vowel à is not always the long grade vowel: in a number of roots it represents Guna. The low grade of this a is normally i; it sometimes, however, appears as , owing to analogy 5, and, especially with a secondary accent, as a. Thus sthi-tá-: sthá-s 'thou hast stood'; dhi-tá-: dá-dha-ti 'places'; pu-ni-hí: pu-ná-ti, from pu- 'purify'; gáh-ana- 'depth', gáh-vara- (AV.) 'hiding-place': gáh-ate 'plunges'. a. The low grade vowel disappears: 1. in roots ending in a before vowel terminations; in the weak forms of the reduplicated present base of da- 'give' and dha- 'put', before all terminations; and in the weak form of the suffix -na- in the ninth class before vowel terminations; thus in the perf. of dā-: dad-áthur, dad-atur; dad-á, dad-úr; dad-é; in the pres. of dhā-: dadh- mási; beside pu-ná-ti 'he purifies', pu-n-ánti 'they purify'. Similarly from ha- 'forsake' occurs, in the opt. pres., the form jah-yat (AV.). 2. in the final member of compounds formed with the perf. part. passive of da- 'give', and da- 'cut', or with a substantive in -ti- from dā- 'give': devá-tta-, a name ('given by the gods'); áva-tta- (VS.) 'cut off'; pári-tta- (VS.) 'given up'; áprati-tta- (AV.) 'not given back'; bhága-tti- 'gift of fortune'; maghá-tti- 'gift of presents'; vásu-tti- 'gift of wealth' (beside vásu-dhiti- 'bestowal of wealth': dha-). Also in agní-dh-6 ‘fire-placer', a kind of priest7. I Cp. AUFRECHT, BB. 14, 33; WACKER- NAGEL 1, 72 (p. 79, bottom). 2 Op. cit. I, 72 b (p. 80). 3 The long vowel in these nominatives is to he accounted for by IE. compensatory lengthening (-mān mant-s, etc.); in the following examples it has spread from the nominative to other cases. = 4 Such neuter plurals were in origin prob- ably feminine singular collectives: cp. BRUG MANN, KG. 481; WACKERNAGEL 1, 73 and 95. 5 That is, under the influence of i as low grade of ai which before consonants. appears as ā, as in gitá- beside gã-thá-, from gai- 'sing', pres. gay-ati; cp. 27 a. 6Cp. agni-dhana- 'fire-place'; in VS. agnidh- appears instead, as if 'fire-kindler' (from idh- kindle'). 7 For a few other examples (which are doubtful) of the loss of the low grade vowel in the final member of compounds, see Wackernagel 1, p. 82 (mid.). I. PHONOLOGY. à SERIES. ai AND au SERIES. 19 IV. The ai and au series. a. Gradation of ai. 27. Low grade: 7.— As the final of roots and in suffixes 7 is graded with ai (as with yā¹), which appears as āy- before vowels and as ā- before consonants ². The roots in which this gradation is found are stated by the Indian grammarians in five different forms. They are: a. I. roots given with -ai- (because their present base appears as -ay-a): gai- 'sing': gi-tá-, gi-ya-mana-, beside gáy-ati 'sings', -gay-as 'song', and gā-s-i, 1. sing. aor. mid., gã-thá- 'song'; pyai- 'swell': pi-nd-, beside pyáy-ate; śrai- ‘boil: śrī-ná-ti, śrī-tá-, beside śráy-ati, śra-tá-. -2. with -ay-: cay- 'observe': ciki-hi (AV.), beside cáy-amana-, cay-ú- 'respectful'.-3. with -e: dhe- 'suck': dhi-tá-, beside dháy-as 'drink', dhay-i- 'thirsty', and dhá-tave 'to suck', dhā-rử- (AV.) 'sucking'.-4. with -a-: pa- 'drink': pi-tá-, pi-ti- 'drink', beside pay-áyati, caus., pay-ána- 'causing to drink', and á-pa-t, aor., pá-tave; rā- 'give': ra-ri-thas, 2. sing. injv., beside ray-á 'with wealth', and rá-sva, impv., rắ-m, acc.-5. with --: ni- 'lead': ni-tá-, beside nãy-á- 'leader', and -nā-thá- (AV.) ‘help'; pi- 'revile': pi-yati, pi-ya-tn- and pi-y-i- 'reviler', beside pay-- (VS.) 'anus'; pri- 'love': pri-na-ti, pri-tá-, beside práy-as-e³; -4 'lie'; -st-van- 'lying', beside a-say-ata, 3. sing. 5 b. This gradation also occurs in the final of dissyllabic bases: thus grabhī-şta, a-grabhi-t, grbhí-tá-, beside grbhay-áti 'seizes"; and in the base of the ninth class: grbhni-ta, 2. pl., beside grbhná-ti. c. It is also found in the suffixes -ethe -ete and -ethām -etām of the 2. 3. du. mid. of the a-conjugation, which can only be explained as containing ithe ite and itham itam, with weak grade i corresponding to the accented a of áthe ate and átham átām of the non-thematic conjugation (and parallel to the -- of the optative beside -yā-7). b. Gradation of au. 28. Low grade: ū. As the final of roots ū is graded with au (parallel with vā³), much in the same way as i with ai, appearing as av before vowels, a before consonants9; but the certain examples are few. Thus dhu-nó-ti 'shakes', dhú-ti- 'shaker', dhu-má- 'smoke', beside dháv-ati 'runs', dhá-rā- 'stream'; dhu-tá- 'washed', beside dháv-ati 'washes'. But here au appears before consonants as well as ā; thus dhau-tárī- 'shaking', beside dhu- 'shake'; and dhau-ti- ‘spring', dhau-tá- (SV.), beside dhắv-ati 'washes'. Similarly gá-m to this e that ay sometimes appears instead of ay in some of the above verbs; as práy-as-enjoyment', from V/pri-; ray-i-'wealth', from Vra-; áy-e, 3. sing., from 'lie'. 6 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 79 b (p. 89). 7 Op. cit. 1, 79 c (p. 89). 8 See above 24 b. 1 See above 24- 2 ai appears only in the s-aor., as nai-s-ta, 2. pl., ni 'lead', owing to the analogy of forms like á-jai-s-ma, from ji- 'conquer'. = 3 Occurs RV. IV. 217 (Pp. prá áyase (and is explained by BÖHTLINGK (pw.) as = práyase. 4 Perhaps also in "fall: fiyate (AV.), beside śātá-yati 'cuts off', which may be a denominative from *a-tá fallen'. Cp. WHITNEY, Roots, under Vat- and VI -; WACKERNAGEL I, 79 a (p. 88). 9 Similarly in the RV. the -au of duals and of astáu 'eight' normally appears as av before vowels and a before consonants in Sandhi, The nominatives in a of stems and -an 5 In some of the above roots e appears stems, e. g. mātá, śvá ‘dog', are probably instead of a before consonants; e. g. cé-ru- | due originally to the loss of the final r and 'devout', beside căy-ú-; pe-ru- 'causing ton before consonants in the sentence, then drink', beside pay-ána-; dhe-nú- 'milch cow', becoming the regular form everywhere. dhé-na- id.; se-se, beside a-say-ata; ne-tr-, Conversely aştáu has become the only in- beside nãy-á-; ste-ná- 'thief', beside stay-u-dependent form in the AV., asta- appearing (VS.) id., and stay-ánt- (AV.) 'furtive'; séna- only as first member of a compound. Cp. missile', beside say-aka-. It is, perhaps, due | WACKERNAGEL 1, 94, 95- 2* I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. and gá-s, acc., beside gáv-as, nom. pl., but gáu-s, nom. sing., 'cow'; and dya-m, acc. sing., beside dyáv-as, nom. pl., but dyáu-s, nom. sing., 'heaven'. 20 V. Secondary shortening of ī ū ṛ. 29. Low grade: i u r.- Owing to the shift of the accent from its normal position in a word to its beginning, the low grade vowels ī ū ir år (=ř) are often further shortened to i ur in compounds and reduplicated forms. A pre-tonic syllable thus acquires a post-tonic position, where the force of the accent is weakest. It is the same cause which shortens final weak grade i and in the vocative singular; e. g. dévi, nom. deví; śváśru, nom. śvaśrúsª. This shortening often appears in: a. compounds ²: I. those in which the final member is derived with -ta- and -ti-, the accent being regularly thrown back on the first member ³: thus á-ni-ši-ta- 'restless', ní-si-tā- (TS. B.) 'night', from s 'lie'; prá-si-ti- 'onset', beside say-aka- 'missile'4; su-şu-ti- 'easy birth', beside súti-ka- (AV.) 'lying-in woman'; á-str-ta- 'unconquered', á-ni-str-ta- 'not overthrown', beside stir-ná-, from stř- 'strew'5; á-huti- 'invocation', otherwise -hu-ti- in sá-huti- 'joint invocation', devá-huti- 'invocation of the gods', and other compounds. 2. those in which the final member is a root in 76 or i with or without the suffix -t; e. g. dhi-ju- 'thought inspiring', beside jú- 'hastening', jū-tá- 'impelled'; very often -bhu-, beside bhū-, as in á-pra-bhu- ‘powerless', vi-bhi- 'mighty'; ni-yi-t- 'team', beside yu- 'unite' (as in yü-thá- 'herd'). 3. those in which the final member is formed with other suffixes; thus madhyán-di-na- 'midday', su-di-na- 'bright', beside di- 'shine'; su-su-mánt- 'very stimulating', beside su-tá- 'impelled'; also in tuvi-gr-á- and tuvi-gr-í- 'much devouring', beside sam-gir-á- (AV.) 'devouring', asr here = ??. 4. some Bahuvrihis (in which the first member is normally accented) ³; thus brhád-ri-⁹ 'possessing much wealth' (rái-); try-udh-án- 'having three udders', beside idh-an- 'udder'. b. reduplicated forms in which accentuation of the reduplicative syllable, especially in the third class and one form of the aorist, counteracts the normal accent of the verb; thus from dī- 'shine', are formed di-di-hi, 2. sing.impv., di-di-váms-, perf. part., di-di-vi- 'shining', beside di-paya- (causative) ¹ Cp. 23. 5 The secondarily shortened form of the an in- 2 The application of this shortening pro- past part. str-ta- is not found as cess becomes obscured, on the one hand | dependent word in the RV.; it first appears because the phonetically shortened vowel in later texts. has found its way into accented final 6 An example of the shortening of ī is members of compounds as being character- perhaps adhi-ksi-t- 'ruler”, kṣī- being according istic of the end of a compound; while, on the to J. SCHMIDT, Pluralbildung 419, the original other hand, īū ir úr (=ṛ) for the most part | weak form of the root; cp. WACKERNAGEL have remained unchanged, even when the 1, 83 b. accent has shifted, because of the influence of the uncompounded word; e. g. sú-suta- 'well- begotten', prá-suta- 'impelled'; á-kuti- 'inten- tion'; rtá-dhiti- 'truly adored'; prá-turti- 'onset'. 3 That this is the cause of the shortening is shown by the fact that the 7 of the inst. sing. of derivatives in -ti appears as i only when such words are compounded: e. g. prá-yukti 'with the team'. Cp. WACKERNAGEL 1, 84. 4 Cp. 27, note 5. 7 Cp. KRETSCHMER, KZ. 31, 397; WACKER- NAGEL I, 83 C. 8 See accentuation of compounds, 90. 9 Occurring only in the dat. sing. brhád- raye, beside ray-é, dat. of rái- 'wealth'. 1o On the shortening of the radical syllable in some verbs of the fifth and the ninth classes, ji-nó-și, beside ji-rá- 'lively', du-no-ti burns', beside dū-ná- (AV.); ju-na-ti 'impels', beside ju-tá-; pu-ná-ti 'purifies', beside pu-tá-, see WACKERNAGEL I, 85, note (bottom). I. PHONOLOGY. SECONDARY SHORTENING OF iur. CONSONANTS. 21 'kindle'; from dhi- 'think', di-dhi-ma, 1. pl. perf., di-dhi-ti- 'devotion', beside dhi-ti- 'thought'; from kr- 'commemorate', cár-kr-se, intv., car-kr-ti- 'praise', beside kīr-ti- 'praise'; from pr- fill', pi-pr-tám, 3. du., beside pur-ná- and pur-tá-. Such shortening often occurs in red. aor., e. g. bī-bhis-a-thas, 2. sing. mid., beside vi-bhis-ana- 'terrifying'. It is also found in a few nouns; e. g. si-si-ra- (AV.) 'coolness', beside si-tá- 'cold'; tū-tu-má- beside tú-ya- 'strong'*. The Consonants. 30. Doubling of consonants.-All consonants, except r hl, Anusvāra, and Visarjanīya, can be doubled, and the distinction between double and single consonants is known to the Pratiśākhyas as well as to Pāṇini. Aspirates are, however, nearly always written double by giving the first in the unaspirated form. A double consonant is pronounced by the organs of speech dwelling longer on it than on the single sound. Within words 3 a double consonant appears: 2 I. as the result of the contact of the same consonants or the assimilation + of different ones; e. g. cit-tá- 'perceived' (= cit-ta-); uc-cá- 'high' (= ud-ca-); bhet-ty- 'breaker' (= bhed-tr-); án-na- 'food' ( ad-na-). - 2. in a few onomatopoetic words: akhkhali-kŕtya 'shouting'; cicciká- a kind of bird; kukkuțá- (VS.) 'cock'; tittíri- (VS.) and tittiri- (TS. B.) ‘quail'; pippaka- (VS.) a kind of bird. 3. in the case of the palatal aspirate, which regularly appears as cch between vowels (though often written as ch in the Mss.), for it always makes the preceding vowel long by position and is derived from an original conjunct consonants. Some forms of khid- 'press down', are doubled after a vowel in the TS. (akkhidat, á-kkhidra-; ā-kkhidaté, pari-kkhidaté). In the TS.6 bh appears doubled in pári bbhuja. In a school of the White Yajurveda initial was regularly doubled 7. 4. when final n is doubled after a short vowel if followed by any vowel sound 8. a. In the Mss., when double consonants are preceded or followed by another con- sonant9, one of them is frequently dropped, because in such consonantal groups there was no difference in pronunciation between single and double consonants. Hence the VPr. (VI. 27) prescribes a single t in ksattrá- dominion' (= kşad-tra-), and in sattrá- 'sacrificial session' (= sad-tra-). Such shortening is further presupposed by the analysis of the Pada texts in hr(d)-dyotáḥ (AV. I. 22¹) and hrd)-dyotanaḥ (AV. v. 2012) as hr-dyotáh and hr-dyotanah; in tá(d)dyám (AV. Iv. 196) as tát yam (instead of tát dyam); and in upástha-, which appears in the RV. Pada as upá-stha- instead of upás-stha-, if GRASSMANN'S suggestion is right 1o. In some instances this reduction is IE., as in satrá- (IE. setlo-)11. ¹ On variations in cognate forms between | as in dvikṣat (AV.) — *dviş-şat, aor. of dviş- i u and i u 7 in some other words see 'hate', is also an Indian innovation. WACKERNAGEL I, 86. 3 On double consonants in Sandhi, see below 77. 4 The evidence of the Avestan form varadka- shows that the double consonant in vṛkká- (AV. VS.) ‘kidney' is due to assimilation. 5 See below 40; WACKERNAGEL 1, 133. 6 See TPr. XIV. 8. 2 Sometimes a single s represents the double sound, as in ási 'thou art' (= as-si); apásu (RV. VIII. 4¹4), loc. pl. of apás- 'active'; ámhasu (AV.), loc. pl. of ámhas- 'distress'; jo-si 'thou shalt taste' (juş-); probably also in gho-si (from ghus- 'sound'), in uş-ás, gen. sing., acc. pl. of us, weak stem of uş-ás- 'dawn' (for uss-as), possibly in usr- 'dawn' (for

uss-r-). As the singles in such forms is

shown by cognate languages also, it seems here to be pre-Vedic, and the double ss in forms like rájas-su, loc. pl., is probably an Indian innovation. The change of ss to ks, A 7 See WEBER, Abh. d. Berliner Ak. d. Wiss. 1871, p. 83 f. 8 See below 46; cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 279 a. 9 Cp. ROTH in ZDMG. 48, 102 f. 10 See his Lexicon, s. v. upástha-. 11 See WACKERNAGEL I, 98 b, note. 22 Mutes. 31. Modes of articulation. There are 20 mutes (or 22 counting !!h among the cerebrals), which comprise a tenuis, an aspirate tenuis, a media, and an aspirate media in each of the five groups of gutturals, palatals, cerebrals, dentals, and labials (4). These four modes of articulation are initially and medially liable to but little variation except when they come into contact with other mutes or with following sibilants. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. I. The tenues regularly represent IE. tenues; e. g. cakrá- 'wheel', Gk. Kýkλo-s; pit'- 'father', Gk. Taтýp, Lat. pater. 2. The mediae regularly represent IE. mediae; e. g. gácchati, Gk. Báokel; ráj- 'king', Lat. reg-; mád-ati is drunk', Lat. mad-et. There are a few instances in which a media appears in place of an older tenuis: gulphá- (AV.): kulphá- 'ancle'; árbhaga- 'youthfuľ': arbhaká- 'little'; túj-: túc-, toká- 'offspring'; án-ava-prgna- 'undivided': prc- 'mix'; giriká- (MS.) : kiriká- (VS.)¹ a kind of demon. These examples may be due to popular dialects, in which tenues largely became mediae². In a few derivatives the media appears instead of k before the n m v of suffixes owing to the influence of Sandhi: e. g. vag-nú- 'sound', from vac- 'speak', but rék-nas- 'wealth', from ric-; sag-má- 'helpful, from sak-, but ruk-má- ‘gold', from ruc- 'shine'; vag-vin- (AV.) ‘eloquent', from vák 'speech', but tak-vá- 'swift', from tak- 'hasten'. 3. The evidence of cognate languages shows that the Vedic aspirate tenuis in a large number of instances is original, and it is highly probable that it is the regular representative of IE. aspirate tenuis. The following are examples in which mutes of this character are inherited ³: a. khan- ‘dig’; khẳ- ‘spring’; khẩd-ati ‘chews’; nakhá- ‘nail’; makhả- ‘lively; mukha- 'mouth'; sankhá- (AV.) 'shell'; sákhi- 'companion'. b. ch IE.skh, e. g. in chid- 'split'; IE. sk in inchoative gácchati 'goes', uccháti 'shines'. = ― = c. th th in saș-thá- (VS. AV.) 'sixth'; șthiv-ati (AV.) ‘spits'. d. th in átha 'then'; athari- 'tip'; átharvan- 'fire-priest'; ártha- ‘use'; granth- 'knot'; path- 'way'; prth-ú- 'broad'; práth-as 'breadth'; próthat- 'snorting'; math- 'stir'; mith- 'alternate'; yá-thā ‘as'; rátha- ‘car'; vyathate ‘wavers'; śnath- 'pierce'. Further in the various suffixes-tha: forming primary nouns; e. g. uk-thá- praise', gã-thá- f. gã-tha- 'song'; as -atha in śvas-átha- 'hissing'; forming ordinals: catur-thá- (AV.) ‘fourth'; saptá-tha- 'seventh'; forming 2. sing. perf. : dada-tha 'thou gavesť, vét-tha ‘thou knowest'; forming 2. pl. pres.: bhava- tha 'ye are'; also in -thas of 2. sing. mid., e. g. a-sthi-thās 'thou hast stood'. e. ph in phála- 'fruit'; phála- ploughshare'; sphar- and sphur- 'jerk'; spha(y)- 'grow fat'. 4. The aspirate media, which represents the same IE. sound, is a media combined with 7. This is proved by the express statements of the Pratiśakhyass; by the fact that th dh is written with the separate letters ? and h; and by the change of following a media to an aspirate media (as tád dhí for tád hí). a. In two or three words an aspirate media interchanges with an aspirate tenuis: nádhamāna- 'praying', nādhitá- ‘distressed', beside näthitá- 'distressed' (where th is probably due to the influence of -näthá- 'help'); ádha and átha 'then' 6; nişangádhi- (VS.) and nişangáthi- (TS.) 'scabbard'.

For some doubtful instances of media | sprachliche tenuis aspirata dentalis im ari-

representing IE. tenuis, see WACKERNAGEL schen, griechischen und lateinischen' by I, 100 b, p. 117, note. ZUBATY in KZ. 31, 1-9. 2 1. c. 3 Op. cit. 101. 5 RPr. XIII. 2. 5; TPr. II. 9. 4 A complete list of Vedic and Sanskrit 6 There seem to have been a few IE. words containing th in his article 'Die ur-doublets of this kind: seeWACKERNAGEL I, 103. I. PHONOLOGY. MUTES. MODES OF ARTICULATION. LOSS OF ASPIRATION. 23 32. Loss of aspiration.. Aspiration is lost when there is another aspirate in the same syllable or at the beginning of the next in roots. Hence a. initial aspiration is lost: I. in the reduplicative syllable: e. g. ja- ghan-a (han-, ghan- 'strike'); ca-cchand-a (chand- 'please'); da-dhá-ti (dha- 'put'); par-phar-at (phar- 'scatter'?). But when the reduplication consists of two syllables, the rule does not apply; e. g. gháni-ghan-at, intv. part. of han- (beside ján-ghn-at), ghana-ghan-á- 'fond of striking'; bhári-bhr-at, intv. part. of bhr- 'bear'. Loss of aspiration, however, began, even in the RV.², to spread from monosyllabic to dissyllabic reduplication; thus a-pani-phan-at, intv. part. of phan- bound'.- 2. in the following words, according to the evidence of cognate languages: kumbhá- 'pot'³; gadh- 'attach'; gábhas-ti- 'arm'; guh- 'conceal'; grdh- 'be greedy'; grhá- 'house'; grabh- 'seize'; jámhas ‘gait'; jángha- 'leg'; jaghána- 'buttock'; dabh- 'harm'; dah- 'burn'; dih- 'besmear'; duh- milk'; duhitr- ‘daughter'; drahyát 'strongly'; druh- 'injure'; bandh- 'bind'; babhrú- 'brown'; badh- 'distress'; bahú- 'arm'; budh- 'awake'; budhná- 'bottom'; brh- 'be great'. It is probable also in dagh- 'reach': bamh- 'be firm'; badhirá- 'deaf'; bahu-, bahulá- ‘much'; bradhná- ‘pale red'; bráhman- 'devotion'. b. Final aspiration is often lost4. 1. When this occurs before suffixal s, orignal initial aspiration is lost in some cases; thus from guh- 'hide', desid. 3. du. ju-guk-sa-tas; grdh- 'be eager': grtsá- 'dexterous'; dabh- 'harm': desid. dip-sa-ti, dip-si- 'intending to hurt'; dah- 'burn': impv. dak-și, aor. part. dákṣat-, dáksu- and dakşús- 'flaming'; duh- ‘milk': aor. a-duksat, dukşás, etc., des. part. dudukṣans; bhas- 'chew': bap-sati, part. báps-at-; ghas- 'eat' : jak-siyát, perf. opt.; has- 'laugh' part. jáks-at-; also in the word drap-sá- ‘drop¹6. But in some of the above and in analogous forms with s, the original initial aspirate remains; thus from guh-, aor. aghukṣat; dah: dhákşi, part. dhákṣat-, fut. part. dhaksyán; duh- : aor. ádhukṣat, dhuksán, etc. 2. impv. dhuk-sva; badh- 'distress': bi-bhat-si- loathing'; budh- 'awake': aor. á-bhut-s-i. - 2. When the loss of final radical aspiration is due to any other cause than suffixal s, the original initial aspirate regularly remains; thus from dah, aor. a-dhak; budh- 'waken': nom. -bhut 'waking'; dha- 'put': dhat?, 3. sing., dhat-thas, á-dhat-tam, etc.; and in the latter verb always before s also: dhat-se, dhat-sva, desid. dhit-sati. c. On the other hand, there is no loss of aspiration in the root if an aspirate follows which belongs to a suffix or second member of a compound; e. g. vibhú-bhis 'with the Vibhus'; proth-átha- 'snorting'; dhestha- ‘giving most (dhā-iṣṭha-); ahi-hán- 'serpent-slaying'; garbha-dhi- 'breeding-place'. The only exceptions are the two imperatives bo-dhi 'be' (for *bho-dhi9 instead of *bhu- dhi) and ja-hí (for *jha-hí) from han- 'strike' ¹⁰. ¹ Except when the second aspirate belongs to a suffix or second member of a com- pound, see below c. 2 Later this became the rule. 3 Initial aspiration has perhaps been lost also in śákhā- branch', and in the roots stigh mount', and stambh 'make firm'. Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 105 a. 4 This may also be the case in the roots bhuj- bend', chid- 'split', chad- 'cover', dhraj- 'sweep': op. cit 1, 105 b, note. 5 These forms from dah- and duh- almost always appear in the Pada text with dh, doubtless because from the time of the Brāhmaṇas this initial aspiration had become the rule; cp. BENFEY, GGA. 1873, p. 18f. 6 IE. dhrebh- 'coagulate'. 7 For dhadh-t. 8 Forms like bud-dha- for budh-ta can hardly be regarded as exceptions since the aspiration is assumed by the suffix instead of reappearing in the initial of the root. 9 Here bho is a Prakritic contraction for bhava-. 10 Also vidátha- 'feast', if correctly derived from vidh- 'worship'; on this word see MAX MÜLLER, SBE. 32, 350; Foy, KZ. 34, BLOOMFIELD, JAOS. 19, 2, 12 ff.; 226; GELDNER, ZDMG. 52, 730-61; WACKER- NAGEL I, 108. A few more uncertain exam- ples might be exceptions: garda-bhá- 'ass' I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. Vedic GRAMMAR. d. There are a few cognate words in which an aspirate is found beside the corresponding media or tenuis: máj-man- 'greatness': máh- 'great'; vi- spulinga-ká- 'scattering sparks': sphur-áti 'darts'¹ e. In a few isolated words a media seems, according to the evidence of cognate languages, to stand for an IE. aspirate: gmá- 'earth', gen. gmás; jmá- 'earth', gen. jmás, inst. jmá; dvár-, dur-² 'door'; majján- marrow'. 24 33. Aspirates in contact with other mutes. Of two mutes in juxtaposition (of which both must be voiced or both voiceless 3), the second only can be aspirated. In such case either 1. the second represents an original aspirate, the first an aspirate or not: e. g. dhat-thás = *dhadh-thás (dha- 'put'); ran(d)-dhi = *randh-dhi (randh- ‘make subject’), uk-thả- ‘song’ = uk-thả- (vac- ‘speak’); vét-tha = *nyld-tha (vid- 'know'); sag-dhi 'help' = *sak-dhi (sak- 'be strong'); or 11 2. the first represents an aspirate media4, the second a dental tenuis 5 which assumes the mode of articulation of the first; e. g. dág-dhr- 'one who burns' (acc.) *dágh-tr- (dah- burn'); -vid-dha- 'pierced' *vidh-ta- (vyadh-); -lab-dha- 'taken' - *labh-ta- (labh-). An intervening sibilant (z s) did not prevent the same result: jag-dhá-, jag-dhváya, jag-dhvá (AV.), a-g-dha (TS.) from ghas- 'eat', gdh representing gzdh- for gzh-t- from għ(a)s-t-. = a. When the first is representing an old palatal aspirate (— zh, IE. ĝħ)6, it disappears after cerebralizing the dental and lengthening the preceding vowel; e. g. udhá- *uz-dhá- for uzh-tá- from vah-tá-7. — b. In a few instances the t does not become dh owing to the influence of cognate forms: thus dhaktam (instead of *dagdham —*dhagh-tám) according to 2. 3. sing. dhak (= *dhagh-t) from dagh- 'reach'; dhat-tám etc. (instead of

dad-dham for *dhadh-tam) according to 3. sing. dhat (= *dhadh-t), 2. sing. mid.

dhát-se, etc. (= *dhádh-se)³. (if from grdh- ‘be greedy'), bárjaha- 'udder' (if from brh- be great'), sabar-dúgha-, sabar- dhú, sabar-dhik, epithet of cows (if sabar- Gk. pap: BARTHOLOMAE, BB. 15, 18): cp. WACKERNAGEL 1, 108, note, 217 b; ZDMG. 43, 667 f.; 46, 292 (bárjaha-) . = ¹ A few doubtful examples discussed by WACKERNAGEL 1, p. 129 bottom. 2 Op. cit. I, 109, note (mid.); according to BLOOMFIELD, Album Kern, p.193 f., the media is due to the influence of the numeral dva- 'two'. The Five Classes of Mutes. 34. The gutturals. — These mutes, by the Indian phoneticians called kanthya ('produced from the throat'), are minutely described in the Prātiśākhyas as formed at the 'root of the tongue' (jihvä-mula) and at the root of the jaw' (hanu-mula). They are therefore velar¹0 sounds and, as the evidence 3 This was often due to assimilation, the mode of the articulation of the second generally prevailing; e. g. át-ti*ad-ti (ad- 'eat'); vét-tha = *véd-tha; sag-dhi *ak- dhí; the articulation of the first prevails in 33, 2. = 4 An aspirate tenuis loses its aspiration in these circumstances; thus gratti (AV.) for grnath-ti, if this form is derived from grath- 'tie'. 5 There seems to be no example of any other tenuis in contact with a preceding aspirate media within a word, but the result would probably have been the same. There is no example of th becoming voiced in this combination; it remains in dhat-thás (= *dadh-thás). 6 See below 58. 7 According to this rule us-tra- buffalo', could not be derived from vah- 'carry' (as in that case it would have become úḍhra-): cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 111 b, note. 8 Before sibilants, all aspirates as well as mediae become tenues; but according to TPr. xIv. 12, APr. II. 6 (cp. Pr. VI. 15) a tenuis in such a position may be pro- nounced as an aspirate; see WACKERNAGEL 1, 113. 9 See APr. I. 20 and WHITNEY's note. 10 That is, pronounced with the velum or soft palate. I. PHONOLOGY. THE FIVE CLASSES OF MUTES. GUTTURALS. PALATALS. 25 of cognate languages shows, derived from IE. velars. Gutturals are found interchanging to some extent with sounds of the four other classes. s-s 1. Under certain conditions they interchange with the new palatals (cj h) which are derived from them²; with the old palatal s³ (also old j and h) only when followed by s (which then becomes ş) 4. Between this ks and kṣ=k-s it is possible to distinguish by the aid of Iranian, where the two are represented by different sounds 5; and the original value of the k can thus be determined even in words in which no form without the sibilant occurs. This evidence shows that, in the following words, ks represents. a. s-s: ákşi-‘eye'; ṛkṣa- 'bear'; kákṣa- 'armpit'; kuksi- 'belly'; kṣi- ‘dwell’; ksidh- 'hunger'; caks- see'; taks- 'fashion'; dákṣina- 'right'; pákṣman- (VS.) 'eyelash'; makşú 'quickly'; raks- (AV.) 'injure'; ráks-as- 'injury'; b. k-s: ksatrá- 'dominion'; kşáp- 'night'; ksi- 'rule'; ksip- 'throw'; kṣīrá- 'milk'; ksud 'shake', kşód-as- 'rush of water', kṣudrá- 'small' (VS.), n. ‘minute particle'; kşübh- 'swift motion'; tvaks- 'be strong'; vyksá- 'tree'. 2. In a few instances k stands for a medial t: in vrkkáu (AV.) ‘kidneys', for *vrtkáu; prkṣú (SV.) prtsú in battles'. In these two forms the sub- stitution is due to Prakritic influence; this is probably also the case in skambh- beside stambh- 'prop". The guttural only seems to stand for a dental in ásiknī- beside ásita- 'black', pálikni- beside palitá- 'grey', and háriknikā- (AV.) beside hárita- 'yellow', as there is no etymological connexion between -knī- and -ta-⁹. L IO 3. In a few words a guttural interchanges with a labial medially: kakárdu- beside kaparda- 'braid of hair'; kulikā (VS.): pulikā (MS.) a kind of bird; kulikáya- (TS.): pulīkáya- (MS.), kulīpáya- (VS.): purīkáya ¹ (AV.) a kind of aquatic animal; nicunkuná- (TS.) nicumpuná- 'flood'; and in the TS. (B.) tristigbhis and anuştigbhyas occur beside tristúb-bhis and anuştúbbhyas**. = 4. In a few verbal forms from three roots k stands for s before suffixal s¹², though this never made its way into the loc. pl. (where only -s-su- or -h-sṣu, -t-su occur). The only example in the RV. is pinak (for pinak-s) 2. sing. impf. of pinas-ti (pis- 'crush'). In the AV. occur dvik-s-at, dvik-s-ata, aor. of dviș- ‘hate'; šišlikṣate, -śiśliksu-, desid. of śliş- 'embrace'. Other possible examples from the RV. are rksará- 'thorn' (if from rs- 'prick'); ririkṣa-ti and ririkşú-, desid. (if from ris- 'injure'); vivekşi (if from vis-'work') ¹3. 35. The palatals. These are pronounced in India at the present day as a close combination of a t-sound followed by a palatal spirant s The evidence of the Greek reproduction of Indian words 4 points in the same That is, the q-sounds; some, however, are derived from IE. labio-velars or qu-sounds; see BRUGMANN, KG. 1, 244 and 254; WACKERNAGEL I, 115. 2 See BRUGMANN, op. cit. 244- 3 Op. cit. 233. 4 See below 56. 5 That is, ss by š and k-s by hš; thus vakşi, from vas vaši; vaksya-mi, from vak- (for vac-) = vahšyā. = 6 The two components of ks cannot yet have coalesced when s dropped out between two mutes in abhakta, for abhak-s-ta (aor. of bhaj), and ataşta for alak-s-ta- from taks- (Av. taš) 'fashion'; otherwise the two differ- ent original sounds could not have been kept apart in these two forms. See above 30, note 4. 8 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, p. 136, note (top). 9 Cp. J. SCHMIDT, Pluralbildung 398. 10 See ZDMG. 33, 193. ¹1 See WEBER, IS. 8, 40. 54; 13, 109. 12 This probably started from the paralle- lism of the 3. sing. of roots in s and s: thus dves-ti from Udvis-, and vaș-ți from V/vaš-; then the 2. sing. dvek-şi for dueş-şi, followed vak-şi. 13 The relation of the k in dadhŕk 'firmly', to dadhrsá-, dadhrs-váni- bold', is uncertain. Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 118, note (end). 14 Thus Távdavov candana- sandal-

wood'; Tiaorávns = castana, N.; Ilatáhai = pañcala-, N. of a people; LaudpóKUNTOS candragupta-, N.; 'Õ¢ýv=ujjayinī- (Prakrit = 26 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. direction. It is therefore likely that they were thus pronounced in Vedic times. Prosodically, however, they have the value of a single consonant (excepting ch²). They date from the Indo-Iranian period only; but in order to understand their place in the Vedic language, especially in relation to the gutturals, we must go back to their ultimate origin. The evidence of com- parative grammar shows that two distinct series of palatals, the later and the earlier, must be distinguished. This evidence alone can explain how the same Vedic palatal sound (jor h) is, under certain conditions, treated differently. 36. The new palatals (c, j, h) are derived from gutturals (velars), being interchangeable, in most roots and formatives, with gutturals, and being in most cognate languages represented by the same sounds as represent original gutturals. Thus from the root suc- 'shine' come verbal forms such as Sócati, beside the nominal derivatives sóka-, śúkvan-, śukrá-, śuklá- (AV.); from yuj- 'yoke', yuje 1. sing. mid., etc., beside yugá-, yoga-, yuktá-, yigvan-; from druh- 'injure', dudróha, 3. sing. perf., etc., beside druhyi, a name, and drógha- 'deceitful'. The (Indo-Iranian) change from gutturals to palatals was regularly produced before the palatal sounds i 7 y³; e. g. città- 'noticed', beside kéta- will', from cit- 'perceive'; jiyas- 'stronger', beside ugrá- 'strong'; druhyu- beside drógha-. This change invariably takes place in Iranian, while the exceptions in Vedic appear only before vowels which were not originally palatal. a. Gutturals thus appear instead of palatals before ir (il) and ir (= IE. ṛr- and ), which were not yet pronounced with an i-sound in the Indo-Iranian period 5: thus ángiras-, a name; giri-6 'mountain'; kiráti, 3. sing., kirána- 'dust', from kr- 'scatter'; carkirama, carkiran, kirti- 'fame', from kŕ- 'commemorate'; gir- 'lauding', from gr- 'praise'; giráti (AV.), 3. sing., -gila- (AV.) 'devouring', from g- 'swallow'. Before i (IE. )7 k appears in ok-i-váms-, part. from uc- 'be pleased', and g in tigitá-8 'sharp', beside tejate, téjas- 'brilliance', and other derivatives, from tij- 'be sharp'. Otherwise a guttural followed by a palatal vowel is due to the influence of cognate forms. This is the case I. in the initial of roots a) in gī, the weak stem of gai- 'sing', beside gay, gã-; f) in reduplicated forms with cik-, jig-, due to forms like cikáya, jigaya (where the guttural is in accordance with phonetic law) and to the frequency of palatal reduplication of guttural initial; thus perf. ciky-ur, part. cíky-at-, desid, cikīşate, impv. cikīhi (AV.), from ci- 'perceive'; intv. cékit-, cikit-, desid. cikits-, from cit- 'perceive'; perf. jigy-ur, desid. jigīṣate, jigyú- 'victorious', ujjenī), N. of a city; Aiapoúva = yamunā-,|1, 121 (p. 140, top). The palatal aspirate N. of a river. Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 119. in fact never represents a guttural aspirate, ¹ Cp. WHITNEY on APr. I. 21. but only an IE. palatal, or sibilant and palatal. 7 This sound had probably not yet become pure palatal in IIr. 2 Cp. above 30, 3; 31, 3 b; and below 40. 3 The sphere of the palatals has been extended by analogy at the expense of the gutturals and vice versâ. The aspirate guttural kh appears where the other gutturals are replaced by palatals; thus before they in a khyā- 'see' (but jyā) 'overpower'; before 8 Otherwise the palatal regularly appears the thematic a of the present: rikhati before this i in perfect forms; e. g. saściré 'sits' (but dahati); before the -ayati of the (sac- 'accompany'); bhejiré (bhaj- 'divide'); Causative: inkhayati 'swings' (but arcáyati); uvócitha, ucise (uc- be pleased'); dudóhitha and notably in sákhi- 'friend': dat. sákhye, (duh 'milk'). pl. sákhibyas (IIr. sachi-): cp. WACKERNAGEL 4 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 24. 25. 5 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 123 a d. 6 In Av. gairi-. I. PHONOLOGY. PALATALS. from ji- 'conquer'; y) in the pronominal forms kis, kím, kīm, kiyat, kívant-, kīdṛs, beside the enclitic cid, because owing to the influence of the frequent forms ká-s, ká-d, etc., k appeared to be characteristic of the interrogative pronoun ¹. 2. in the final of roots in which guttural forms predominate, before they of the optative and the gerund; thus dagh-yas, from dagh- 'reach'; sak-yam, from sak- 'be able'; sagh-yasam (TS.), from sagh- 'be equal to'. It also appears very often before the suffixes -i, -i, -in, -ya forming derivatives from nouns the last consonant of which is a guttural: e. g. pláyogi- 'descendant of Playoga'; vrk-í- 'she-wolf' (vrka-); śāk-in- 'powerful' (saká-); śrng-in- 'horned' (śrnga-); upa-vak-yà- 'to be praised' (beside upavácya-) from upavāká- 'praise'. Similarly drágh-iyas- 'longer', drágh-istha- 'longest' (beside dirghá- 'long', dragh-mán- ‘length'); sphig-í- 'buttock', with g from the nom. sphik of sphij-, which occurs in the post-Vedic language only. 3. in a certain number of abnormal words, almost invariably at the beginning: a) words which may be suspected of foreign origin owing to meaning or phonetic form: kimśuká-, kiyambu- plant names; kimīdin-, kíkaṭa-, kirāta- (VS.), śva-kişkin- (AV.) names of foreigners or demons; kija- a kind of utensil; kilbişa- 'guilt' (contains the rare letter b), kistá- 'singer' (st instead of st); f) onomatopoetic words: kikidīví- 'blue jay'; kikirá-kr- 'tear to tatters'; kikkitá (TS.) an interjection; 7) some words of doubtful origin: kikasa- 'vertebra'; kīnára- 'ploughman' (?); kīnáša- ‘ploughman'; kilála-'sweet draught'; kirmirá- (VS.) 'variegated'; kiśorá- (AV.) ‘foal'; kiśmīla- (AV. Paipp.) a kind of disease. 37. New palatals as radical initials.-a. Before a, a, and diphthongs, both palatals and gutturals are very frequent in Vedic and Iranian. Comparative grammar shows that the palatals occur before a vowel or diphthong representing IE. è e or a diphthong beginning with e e²; but gutturals before IE. a o or sonant nasal. According to this evidence the palatal has come into being in the following words: ca 'and'; cakrá- 'wheel'; catváras 'four'; caramá- 'last'; cari pot'; cáru- ‘agreeable'; páñca 'five'; jathára- ‘belly'; jánī, jāni- 'woman'; jāmi- ‘akin'; háras- 'flame'. 27 On the other hand, the original guttural has remained in kakud- 'peak'; káksa- 'armpit'; kārú- 'poet'; kéta- 'will'; gáus 'cow'; gharmá- 'hot'; ghorá- 'terrible'; and in the roots käs- (AV.) 'cough'; gadh- 'clasp'; ga- 'go'; gah- 'plunge'; gai- 'sing'³. b. Among the roots with ů ř ! as low grade vowels, the only one in which the regular phonetic interchange of palatal and guttural takes place, is jar-:gr- 'call'; g appearing before r ir ar (— IE. õr), j before ar (— IE. ĕr) preceding the thematic -a- of the present or the suffix -tr-; thus gr-náti, gír-, -gará- (VS.), beside járate, jarádhyai, jarity-. In other roots either the guttural or the palatal appears throughout; mostly the guttural, because the forms with ř! and o ar al (= IE. ou or ol), which required the guttural, were more numerous than those with o ar al (= IE. čụ ěr el); thus from kr- 'do', ákar aor. 'has done', kartý- ‘agenť, kárman- 'action', retain the guttural, though the palatal would be phonetic (as ar here IE. er), through the influence of forms with kr- and of kárana- 'deed' (where ar = IE. or). u ¹ Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 128 a (p. 150, bottom). 2 Cp. Italian and the Balto-Slavic languages which palatalize before e as well as i. — 3 In the IE. vowel gradation of these roots only å and appear. In other roots in the IE. vowel gradation of which è is found, an initial palatal would be expected 28 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. On the other hand, the palatal appears in cud-, códati 'impel'; scut-, scotati 'drip', because here forms with u, which required a guttural, were rare; in car-, carati 'move', where the palatal is almost invariably phonetic in RV. (but AV. has cacãra); in crt- 'bind', the palatal has fixed itself in spite of many forms with r; while beside harşate 'rejoices', hársant-, part., both h and gh occur in weak forms: hrsitá-, ghŕsu- 'lively', ghrsvi- 'gladdening'. c. Among roots in -an and am, survivals of the regular interchange are found in kan 'be pleased', and han- 'strike'. The former has the palatal (= IE. kě-) in the aor. canistam, in the superl. cániṣṭha-, and in cánas- ‘favour', but otherwise the guttural. In han-, h appears before an (— IE. en) and, by analogy, also before an-nn and a = n; but gh before n and ǎ = IE. ǎ; thus hán-ti, inf. hán-tave; han-mas, han-yáma; ha-thás, -ha-tá, and with j in impv. jahi (= *jhahi), but perf. jaghána, and ghaná- 'striker', ghanāghaná- 'found of striking'. In the intv. janghan-, gh stands for before a = IE. e owing to the influence of the weak stem janghn-. In gam- 'go', ga- gm- (e. g. in gácchati, ga-tá-) has led to the use of gam- *jam-, as in gám-anti². = d. In the remaining verbs, that is, those with a (25) or e (22) as high grade vowel, there appears chiefly the palatal throughout; thus cakṣ-: cacákşa (for *cakákṣa). The phonetic guttural is, however, preserved in some forms of the three verbs ci- 'observe' (perf. cikáya); cit- 'observe' (perf. cikéta; kéta- will'; keti-3 'appearance'); and ji- 'conquer' (perf. jigaya; gáya- 'house- hold'). A guttural not phonetically justified appears before a (= IE. e) only in ghas- 'eat' (aor. ághas, subj. ghas-a-t) and in gal- 'drop' (gal- galīti VS.). = e. In reduplicative syllables containing a of roots having initial guttural or palatal, the palatal always appears in the perfect, pluperfect, or reduplicated aorist; thus kr- 'make': cakára; khad- 'chew': cakháda; gam- 'go': jagáma; ghas- 'eat : jaghása; cakṣ- 'see' : cacákṣşa; pluperf. of kr- : acakrat; red. aor. of jas- 'be exhausted': jajas-tám. The palatal is here historically phonetic, as the IE. reduplicative vowel was e. In the intensive, however, the palatal is invariable only when the reduplication is monosyllabic4; e. g. kram- ‘stride' : can-kramata; gr- :jā-gr- 'awake'; han- 'strike' : jan-ghanti. But when the reduplication is dissyllabic, the guttural 5 predominates; thus kṛ-, part.kári-kr-at-; krand- 'roar': káni-kra(n)d-; gam- 'go': gani-gan-, gani-gm-; han- 'strike' : ghani-ghn- (cp.ghanāghaná-); skand- 'leap': both káni-skand- and cani-şkadat subj. 38. New palatals as radical finals. a. Verbal forms.- Before the thematic verbal endings (including those of the a-aorist and the reduplicated aorist) the final of roots regularly appears as a palatal which, though phonetic only in about the same degree as the guttural, has prevailed. Gutturals are ¹ If kútsa- N. is derived from cud-, and carşani- 'active', from kr-, the initial conso- nant has not been affected by the norma- lizing influence of the roots, because these words have been isolated. in certain forms; but few traces of this remain, | 3 Beside céru- 'devout', keru- appears in as the forms of each verb have been nor- the compound máhi-keru- 'very devout'; cp. malized. WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 101 (43 b). 4 In the post-Vedic language, the palatal is invariable even in dissyllabic redupli- cation. 5 But if the initial of the root is a palatal, the reduplicative consonant is of course al- ways a palatal; thus cand- ‘shine' : cániścad- car- 'move': carácará-; cal- 'move' : calăcalá- 'ever moving'. Cp. 32 a. 6 Phonetically we should have *pákāmi (IE. o), pác-asi and pác-ati (IE. ě). 2 The correct phonetic interchange appears in jangahe 'kicks', and jámhas- 'course', if these forms are connected, as BR. think. WHITNEY, Roots, however, considers the former an intensive of gah- 'plunge'. t D I. PHONOLOGY. PALATALS. 29 rare at the end of the root, appearing only in sak- ‘be able'; 2. sing. sak-as; sagh- 'be equal to': 3. sing. sagh-at; dagh- 'reach' : dagh-at (TS.); in these roots the guttural prevails throughout owing to the influence of the present stem sak-nu-, sagh-nu-2. Even in the non-thematic presents and in the perfect the palatal carried the day, though phonetic in still fewer forms; thus the guttural alone would be historically justified in the forms yunájā, yuñje; yuyója³. The palatal further regularly appears before the causative 4 suffix -áya-, where it is phonetic (= IE. éie); e. g. arc-áya-ti from arc- 'praise'5. b. As shown by the appearance, in cognate forms, of a guttural before other consonants than s, the final of the following verbs is a new palatal: anj-'anoint'; ej- 'stir'; tij- 'sharpen'; tuj- 'beat'; tyaj- 'forsake'; nij- ‘wash'; bhaj- 'divide'; bhanj- 'break'; bhuj- 'bend'; yuj- 'yoke'; ranj- 'colour'; ruj- 'break'; vij- 'shoot up'; vrj- 'turn'; sinj- 'sound'; sanj-‘attach'; svañj- 'embrace'; also in the noun sráj- 'garland'. c. Apart from being the result of the Sandhi of d+j, jj is shown by the evidence of cognate languages to be derived from a sibilant + guttural (= IE. zg) and thus to belong to the series of new palatals in majján- ‘marrow'; rájju- 'rope'; bhrjjáti 'roasts'; majjati 'dives', from which is derived madgú- (VS.) 'diver' (a bird). d. Nominal derivatives. 1. Before the suffix -a, the final of the root is mostly guttural, because the a in nearly all the cases of the noun represents IE. . The rule in the RV. is that the guttural appears before both unaccented -a and accented -á, but the palatal before accented - only6; e. g. abhi- droh-á-, druh-a- ‘injury' : drógh-a- ‘injuring'; bhoj-á- ‘liberaľ : bhóg-a- 'enjoyment'; a-yuj-á- 'companionless'; yóg-a- ‘yoking'; ruj-á- ‘breaking': róg-a- (AV.) ‘disease'; vevij-á- 'swift' : vég-a- (AV.) ‘speed'; suc-á- 'bright': sók-a- 'flame'; ruc-á- (VS.) and roc-á- (AV.) ‘shining' : rók-a- and rok-á- ‘light’7. 2. Before the suffix -as, the palatal generally appears, as it is for the most part phonetically required; e. g. ój-as- 'force': ug-rá- 'mighty'. The guttural, however, prevailed in ánk-as- 'bend'; ág-as- 'offence'; -ny-ogh-as- 'streaming'; bhárg-as- ‘brilliance'; as there were no corresponding verbs with palatal beside these words; it also prevailed in ók-as- 'ease' and ny-okas- 'comfortable', as well as -sok-as- 'flaming', though there are such verbs (uc- 'be pleased', and suc- 'shine'). 3. Before other suffixes beginning with a, the final of the root is generally palatal; thus before -ana (= IE. -eno-), vac-and- 'speaking'; tej-ana- 'act of sharpening'; mamh-ána- 'gift'8; before -ant, -ana (under the influence of Apart from roots ending in kh, see 35, note 3. 2 In ni-mégha-mana- 'drenching oneself', the gh seems to be phonetic (as -amāna -omena). In válgate (AV.) 'springs', the guttural is perhaps due to the preceding , as neither lj nor le is ever found to occur. 3 This normalization of the palatal is probably Indo-Iranian, see J. SCHMIDT, KZ. 25, 104. 4 The denominatives in -ayá- (IE. eié and oie) follow the noun from which they are derived; e. g. from aghá- 'evil', aghãyáti 'wishes to injure'. 7 A palatal before an unaccented -a first appears in dóh-a- (RV. x. 12²), other- wise dogha- 'milking'; mỗh-a-(AV.) 'delusion', beside mógh-a- 'vain'; krúñc-a- (VS.) 'cur- lew', is probably only an extension of krúnc- 5 The causative ingáyati of éjati 'stirs' is probably due to an old present base *inag-, |(VS.) ing- formed according to the 7th class; the 8 The gh of jaghána- 'buttock', is phonetic phonetic form -injayati is found in the BAU. (Gk. Koyávn). VI. 4, 23. 6 The fluctuation of words in -a- probably arose from some cases in oxytones having had IE. , others ; hence in some words the palatal prevailed throughout, in others the guttural. The agent-nouns, being mostly oxytone, show a preference for the palatal, which originally appeared in oxytoues only. Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 128 a (p. 150, note, end). = 30 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. verbal forms), e. g. dúh-āna- and duduh-aná¹; before -ata (= IE. -ětő), e. g- pac-atá- 'cooked'2; before -an in majj-án- 'marrow' 3. 4. Nouns formed without suffix (including infinitives and gerunds) have the palatal of the corresponding verb; e. g. pre-as, nom. pl. 'food'; a-pre-as and a-pre-e 'to satisfy'; tuj-áye 'to procreate'. A guttural of course appears where the verb has a guttural only; e. g. pra-tánk-am (AV.) ‘gliding' (tak-'run'). 5. The suffix -ka is treated analogously to the final guttural of roots4. The guttural regularly appears except when the suffix, being attached to unaccented prepositions, is itself accented; thus asmá-ka- our'; yuşmá-ka- 'your'; ápa-ka- 'coming from afar'; abhí-ka- 'collision'; and even with the suffix accented in locatives such as upā-ké, upā-káyos 'in the vicinity and in the abl. para-kát 'from a distance'; but uc-cá and uc-cáis 'above'; parā-cáis ‘aside'; pas-cá and pas-cắt ‘behind'; prā-cáis 'forwards'. 39. Irregular palatalization. Before r and consonants (except y), the gutturals were not originally palatalized. Hence roots which regularly have palatals before a and diphthongs, usually retain the guttural before u r and consonants. Thus from ric- 'leave', are formed, rék-u- ‘empty', rék-ṇ-as- ‘property', perf. part. ririk-váms-; 3. sing. pres. rinák-ti, 2. sing. perf. mid. ririk-şe (but opt. riric-yāt); ug-rá- ‘mighty', beside ój-as- 'strength'; ghn- beside han- 'strike'). Nevertheless palatals appear by analogy before u, r, n, m, r, v: a. initially: 1. in the roots scut- ‘drip', crt- ‘bind', hṛṣ- ‘rejoice', in which the unphonetic palatal before the low grade vowels is due to the phonetic palatal before the high grade vowels o (= IE. ču) and ar (— IE. ěr). 2. in the reduplicative syllables cu-6 and ju- of the perfect and aorist. (in RV. occurring only in cyu- 'shake', gup- 'guard', gur- 'praise') for older

ca- *ja- (a è, the IE. reduplicative vowel).

= b. finally: 1. in verbal inflexion, the palatal which appears before a and diphthongs always appears also before u, and nearly always before m and (instead of the phonetic guttural); thus sisic-ur beside sisic-atur, sisic-e, from sic- 'pour'; bubhuj-máhe beside bhunáj-āmahe, from bhuj- ‘enjoy'; añj-mas beside añj-ánti, anáj-an from anj- 'anoint'; riric-ré beside riric-é, from ric- 'leave'; á-yuj-ran, yuyuj-ré beside yuyuj-é, from yuj- 'yoke'; duh-ré, duh-rate, duduh-ré, duh-rám and duh-ratam (AV.) beside duh-é, from duh- 'milk'. The guttural, however, regularly remains before the -nu of the 5th class: sak-nu- 'be able', sagh-nu- 'be equal to', spreading thence to other forms 7. Phonetic k remains before m in vivak-mi from vac- 'speak'; and before in vāvak-re beside vac-yáte, váñc-ati (AV. VS.) from vañc- 'move crookedly'. 2. in nominal derivation the guttural as a rule remains 8: e. g. rug-ná- 'broken', from ruj- 'break'; ruk-má- 'brilliant', from ruc- 'shine'; suk-rá-, śuk-lá- (AV.) 'bright', from suc- 'shine'; pak-vá- 'ripe', from pac- 'cook'. The perf. part. for the most part follows this rule: e. g. ru-ruk-váms-, from ruc- 'shine'; Strictly phonetic (but rarer) is dugh-on the other hand the palatal appears un- āna- ‘milking'; also vāgh-át- (IE. -nt-) ‘insti- | phonetically before in the intv. part. car- tutor of a sacrifice'. curyá-mana- from car- 'move'. 2 The kin sik-atā (AV. VS.) 'sand', is phonetic (IE. -nta-). 3 Beside yák-rt (AV.)ʻliver', and sák-rt'dung', the is found in the stems yak-an-, śak-an-, but only in weak forms before n or a (= n): yak-nás, yak-ná (VS.); šak-ná (VS.); sak-nás (AV.); śáka-bhis (TS.) 6 Otherwise cu occurs only in the ono- matopoetic ni-cumpuná- 'swell' and in a few words suggestive of foreign origin: cúmuri-, N. of a demon; cu-punākā, N. of a kritika (TS.). 7 Also dagh-nu- 'reach', in a Brāhmaṇa passage of the Kathaka, and stigh-nu- 4 See above 38 d, 1; WACKERNAGEL I, 129. | 'mount', in a similar one of the TS. 5 The phonetic guttural, however, appears 8 COLLITZ, BB. 3, 230 f.; J. SCHMIDT, in ghṛṣ-ú- 'lively', ghŕşvi- ‘gladdening'; while | KZ. 25, 70 f. I. PHONOLOGY. PALATALS. 31 vi-vik-váms-, from vic- 'divide³; ok-i-váms- (36 a), from uc- ‘find pleasure' (but dat. sing. uc-us-e). The following are, however, exceptions: ój-man- "might'¹; bhuj-mán- 'fruitful'; múh-ur 'suddenly'; druh-ú- (AV.) ‘injurer'; yāc-ñyá- (AV.) ‘request'. 40. The old palatals (ch, j, ś, h). The aspirate ch. This sound is, in pronunciation, the aspirate of ² and is therefore represented in reduplication by c. But in origin ch has nothing to do with c. The fact that after a mute it takes the place of in Sandhi shows that it is allied to . In fact, unlike j and h, it belongs exclusively to the old series of palatals; for it does not interchange with a guttural kh³. In the Avesta ch is regularly represented by s and in cognate European languages by a conjunct consonant beginning with s and standing for IE. skh (that is, s+ palatal mute aspirate); e. g. chid- 'cut off', Gk. oyid-. This in Indo-Iranian probably became ssh, which differentiated into Avestics and Vedic ch. In the inchoative suffix -cha (gácchati, Gk. Báokw) this palatal aspirate seems to represent IE. sk, a conclusion which is supported by the old inchoative verb rapsate is full’ rap(s)sate, where after the s has been dropped between two consonants 4, IE. remained. Thus ch represents a double sound and metrically lengthens a preceding short vowel. Hence the RPr. (VI. 1) prescribes the doubling of ch (that is c-ch) between vowels. Though the Vedic Mss. almost invariably write ch5 and AUFRECHT's edition of the RV. and v. SCHROEDER's edition of the MS.6 follow this practice, the spelling cch is to be preferred. Ś = a. In śákhā- 'branch', the initial probably stands for ch owing to the law by which two aspirates in the same syllable are avoided 7. b. In a few instances ch is a Prakritic representative of ks and ps: -ṛcchára- (AV.) beside yksála- (VS.)³, part of an animal's leg; kṛcchrá- ‘distress', perhaps for krpsrá-, and allied to krpate laments', and krpána- 'misery' 9. 41. The old palatal j.-This is the media of (while as a new palatal it is the media of c). It is recognizable as an old palatal by the following indications: I. when there are parallel forms with s before t, th, or a cerebral appears either as final or before mutes; e. g. beside yáj-ati ‘sacrifices', yás-tr- 'sacrificer', is-tá- 'sacrificed', a-yat 'has sacrificed'; similarly in the roots bhrāj- 'shine'; mrj- 'wipe off'; raj- 'rule'; rej- 'tremble' (?); vraj- 'wander'; srj- 'send forth'; possibly also in bhrajj- 'roast' ¹⁰. 2. when in the form in question or in cognate forms, sounds follow which do not palatalize gutturals, that is, u r n m r v; such are: dj-ra- 'plain'; áj-ma(n)- 'course'; árjuna- 'white', rj-rá- 'reddish'; rj-ú- 'straight', rj-iyas- g ¹ Under the influence of ój-iyas- 'stronger' | in Sandhi and ducchúnā- for *dus-šunā- “mis- and ój-istha- 'strongest', such nouns in -man- fortune'. being often closely connected with compara- tives and superlatives. 5 Except those of the Kathaka, which. write sch (cp. note 2). 6 Also ROTH's ed. of the Nirukta and MACDONELL's ed. of the Bṛhaddevatã; cp. AUFRECHT, RV², p. VI. 7 Cp. 32. 3 mūrkhá- 'dull', occurring in a B. passage 8 On AV. Ms. spelling ch for ks in two of the TS., is probably a new formation or three words, see WHITNEY, JAOS. 12, analogous to soká- (AV.) from sócati. Some 92. 175. scholars hold that there is an etymological connection between chand- ‘appear', chand-as- 'song', and skándati 'leaps'; between chid- 'cut off' and khid- 'press'; between chā- (AV.) 'cut off' and khā- (khan-) ‘dig'. Cp. WACKER- NAGEL I, 131, note, bottom. 9 On the origin of ch, cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 240; on the sound as a whole, WACKER - NAGEL I, 133 f. 10 But cp. 38 c, and WACKERNAGEL I, 139. ¹ Apart of course from the exceptions due to analogy: see 39. 4 Cp. above p. 25 note 6; cp. here cch=t+s 2 In the Kathaka ch is spelt fch, which is probably only a provincial assibilation, and not the survival of an older sound; cp. | J. SCHMIDT, KZ. 27, 332. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 'straighter', ráj--istha- 'straightest'; jánu- 'knee' beside jñu-; jrmbh- 'yawn'; jñā- 'know'; jmá-, gen. jm-ás 'earth'; jri- 'go'; -jvará- 'suffering'; paj-rá- 'fat'; maj-mán- 'greatness'; váj-ra- 'thunderbolt'; juráti, júryati, jujur-váms-, jūr-ná-, from 7 'grow old'. 32 3. when in inflexional forms, in which roots with a new palatal show a guttural, the j remains; e. g. jajana from jan- 'beget'; jajāsā (AV.) from jas- 'be exhausted'; jujósa from jus- 'like'; jujur-váms-, jajara (AV.), from jr- 'grow old' 2. 4. when is the reduplication of an old palatal j or h; e. g. jajana, jajára (AV.), juhóti. 5. when it is shown to be an old palatal by the evidence of the cognate languages; thus in ajá- 'he-goat', ajá-'goat'; ajina- (AV.) 'skin'; trj- 'nourishment'; jámhas-‘course'; jáñghā- ‘leg'; jambh- 'chew up'; jamātr- son- in-law'; dhraj- 'sweep'; bhisaj- 'heal'; rajata- 'silvery'; vája- 'swiftness'; rjipyá- 'going straight. a. It is uncertain whether j represents an old or a new palatal in the following words: 1. because the comparative evidence is conflicting: vi-jaman- 'related'; jū- 'hasten'; jyä-, jináti 'overpower' 3. 2. because the Vedic and comparative evidence is insufficient: ubj-“coerce'; kūj- (AV.) 'hum'; jáñjat-í-, pres. part., of uncertain meaning (à. λ.); járate 'approaches'; jéhamana- 'panting'; jihmá- 'transverse'; dhváj, dhvajá- 'banner'; paj- 'be rigid' (in ápa...papaje 'started back'); -pujana- 'honouring'; bajá- a kind of plant; bija- 'seed'; múnja- 'sedge'. b. Irregular j.-1. As the two kinds of j were indistinguishable in pro- nunciation, a guttural sometimes intruded among the old palatals owing to the analogy of the new palatals; thus from bhișaj- ‘heaľ, bhisák-tama-, spv., bhişák-ti, 3. sing. pres., a-bhisnak, 3. sing. impf. (like anak-ti from anj- 'anoint'); from mrj 'wipe': ni-mrg-ra- 'attached', apa-märgá- (AV.) a kind of plant, vi-mig-vari- (AV.) 'cleanly'; from srj- 'discharge', asrg-ram, asrgran, ásasrgram, sasrgmáhe (SV.) beside sasrjmáhe; from j- 'grow old', jāgāra (AV.) beside jajara (AV.). 2. The guttural beside the palatal may be due to IE. dialectic variety in gná- 'woman' beside jan- 'beget'; gm-ás beside jm-ás ‘of the earth'; bhárgas- 'splendour', bhigu- a name, beside bhraj- 'shine'. 3. In jyotis- 'light', jy seems, by an old Prakritism, to represent dy, as the word is probably derived from dyut- 'shine'. 4. The media aspirate jh4 occurs only in one form, jájhjhat-i- (RV.¹), a pres. part. probably meaning 'laughing' as an epithet of lightning (a metaphor connected with lightning elsewhere also in the RV.); it appears to be derived, by an old Prakritism, from has- 'laugh' : jhjh probably for jjh5 here IE.gzh, which otherwise would become ks-, as in jákṣ-at-, part., ‘laughing'. = 42. The cerebrals. The designation given to these sounds by the native phoneticians, mūrdhanya 'produced in the head', indicates that they were pronounced at the highest point in the mouth nearest the (upper part I In which only forms with occur; 4 The other two old palatals and h will cp., however, HÜBSCHMANN, KZ. 23, 393. be dealt with below in their alphabetical 2 The only instance of a new palatal | order: 54, 58. (cjh= kg gh) before år (= IE. 7) is 5 The Kashmir Ms. of the RV. reads carcuryá-mana- (RV. x). For some more or jájjhatīr for jájhjhatir (V. 526): SCHEFTE- less doubtful examples of old palatal j, see WACKERNAGEL I, 137 b note. 3 Op. cit. I, 137 e, note. LOWITZ, WZKM. 21, 86. 6 See RPr. I. 19; APr. I. 32; II. 37. TPr. I. PHONOLOGY. CEREBRALS. 33 of the) head. They are described by the Prātiśākhyas as pronounced by turning the tip of the tongue up to the roof of the mouth and bending it backwards. They were therefore pronounced farther back in the mouth than the palatals. This is also their pronunciation at the present day in India. An indication that it was such even in Vedic times is the fact that d is sometimes found in the later Samhitas interchanging, between vowels, with 7 (which itself interchanges with ), and that in the RV. itself d dh become !h between vowels. It is also to be noted that the Greeks reproduced d not only with d, but also with p². The cerebrals, however, were a specifically Indian product, being unknown in the Indo-Iranian period ³. They are still rare in the RV., where they occur medially and finally only. According to most scholars, they are due to aboriginal, especially Dravidian, influence*. As a rule, they have arisen immediately after y or an sound from dentals. But before consonants and finally they may represent the old palatals i sh. a. The voiceless cerebrals t țh take the place of the dentals t th after s s, or j); e. g. vṛṣ-ți- 'rain' (suffix -ti); dus-tára- ‘invincible' (— dus-tára-); nákiş te (= nákis te); vás-ți 'wishes' (— váś-ti); mṛṣ-tá- 'cleansed' (= mrj-tá-)5. Similarly the voiced cerebrals d dh take the place of the dentals d dh after z (= s or old palatal j, h), which has disappeared6; e. g. nīḍá- nesť (= IE. nizdó-); du-dhi- 'ill-disposed' (= dus-dhí-); id-é 'I worship' (*iz-d-— ij-d- for yaj-d-); dṛḍhá- ‘firm' (— drh-tá-). The preceding voiced sibilant * (= Ś and ş) has (instead of disappearing) itself become d in didid-dhi (from dis- 'show') and vivid-dhi (from vis- 'be active')¹. a. When the dental here was immediately followed by an » sound, the cerebralization seems originally to have been stopped. Hence drdhrá- (= drh-tra-), beside drahá- (=drh-ta-) 'firm'; and though str occurs several times in the RV. 8, the seems to have been dropped in pronunciation, as the only stems ending in -stra- which show a case- form with n, do not cerebralize it: ústrānām and rāṣṭrānám, as if no preceded. In TS. 1. 2. 5², is actually dropped after șt in tvășțīmatī- ‘accompanied by Tvaṣṭrī”. b. In several instances a cerebral appears by an evident Prakritism, in place of a dental originally preceded by an ♂ (or 7) sound; thus vi-kata- 'monstrous', beside kr-tá- ‘made'; kāṭá- 'depth', beside kartá-9 'pit'; avațá- (SV. VS.) 'pit', beside avár¹0 'down'"; and as shown by comparative evidence, kátuka- 'sharp'; kūḍayati 'singes'; kévata- 'pit'; jáḍhu- 'dull'; kūtá- (AV.TS.) 'horn- less'. In the following words, though cognate languages show 12, the cerebral is similarly based on Indian r or ¹3+ dental: kúta- 'frontal bone'; jathára- 'belly'; tadit-'contiguous', táḍa- (AV.) 'blow'; pinda- 'lump'; kanda- (AV.) 'piece'¹4. c. Cerebrals have in some instances supplanted dentals owing to the ¹ Cp. VPr. IV. 143; 28, 298. 2 Şee WACKERNAGEL I, 143, note. 3 Op. cit. I, 144. 4 Ibid., note. V. BRADKE, KZ. if from krt- 'cut'; but see BARTHOLOMAE, IF. 3, 180 f. 12 IE. / by rhotacism became » in IIr. 13 MS. II. 47 has the reading jinva rāvát for that of TS. II. 4. 7¹ jinvár ävýt and K. XI. 9 jinva ravat. Cp. below p. 70, note 4. ¹4 The cerebral could be similarly accounted for in kúta- (RV¹.) "house'(?), if it is related to kula-(pa-) family', and kulaya- (AV.) 'nest'. In dandá- 'staff' if identical with Gk. dévòpov (J. SCHMIDT, KZ. 25, 52, note 1) we seem to have an instance of a cerebral for a dental + following , but such a change seems not to be in accordance with the phonetic laws of either Vedic (cp. drdhrá-, above a, a) or Prakrit. On two other 10 Cp. BARTHOLOMAE, IF. 3, 179.

Perhaps also renúka-kata- 'stirring dust', examples of this supposed change, andá-

Indo-arische Philologie. I. 4. 3 5 Cp. above 41, I. 6 Cp. above 17, 5. 7 See WACKERNAGEL 1, 145 a, note (end). Cp. 42 d (p. 34) end. 8 In rastrá- dominion', ústra- buffalo', destri Directress'; dámstra- 'tooth'; - in á-ni-strta not shaken off', tvástr-mant 'accompanied by Tvastr; ndr in kundr- naci- 'house-lizard' (?). 9 WACKERNAGEL 1, 146 a. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. analogy of similar words with phonetic cerebral. In padbhís with feet', and perhaps pád-grbhi-, N., it is due to padbhís, inst. pl. of both pás- 'look', and of pás- 'cord', and to pádbiša-, páḍvīša (VS.) 'fetter', which is derived from pás- 'cord'¹ Váșaț and śráuşat, sacrificial calls, probably for vákṣat and

śróşat (3. sing. aor. subj. of vah- 'convey', and sru- 'hear'), seem to owe their

cerebral to the influence of the sacrificial call vắt (VS.), váț (TS.), 3. sing. aor. of Vvah. The ḍ of purodáš 'sacrificial cake' (from dāś- ‘worship'), is perhaps due to du-dás- 'impious' (for duz-dāś-)². d. In a few instances a cerebral t or d appears in place of the cerebral sibilant s. The phonetic representative of the latter before bh would be d (parallel to d for IE. z before bh)³, where it appears in viprúḍ-bhis (VS.) 'with drops'. From here the cerebral spread to the nom. sing., where it appears in vi-prut (AV.) 'drop', from prus- 'sprinkle', and in edhamana-dvit 'hating the arrogant' (from dvis- 'hate'). 34 The cerebral d also appears before the -dhi of the 2. sing. impv. fors in aviddhi (— avi-s-dhi) aor. of av- 'favour', and in viviḍḍhi (= viviş-dhi), red. aor. of vis- be active'. The phonetic form here would be *īḍh (= i-dh)*, instead of which iddh appears under the influence, perhaps, of the cognate verbal forms with the short vowel (avistu, avistám etc.). 43. Cerebrals in many instances represent the old palatals j š h. They are found thus: a. as final: 1. in nom. sing. m. f.: bhrát 'lustre' (bhráj-); rắt 'ruler' (ráj-); vipāt, N. of a river (vipās-); vít 'settlement' (víš-), spát ‘spying' (spáš-); sắț 'overcoming' (sáh-); -váț 'conducting' (-vāh-), pasthavát (VS.), -vắt (TS.). The guttural k would have been phonetic in this case, as the nom. sing. originally ended in s5, and even the old palatals became k before s; the cerebral must here therefore be due to the influence of forms in which it was phonetic. 2. in nom. acc. sát, from sás- ‘six’. As k might have been expected (IE. sveks), the cerebral is doubtless due to forms containing sas-, as sasti- ‘sixty', saṣṭhá- (AV. VS.) ‘sixth'. 3. in the first member of a compound, where the final of the nom. sing. appears, in sát- 'six', and pád- (from pás- 'cord', in pád-bisa-). 4. in 2. 3. sing. aor. for the radical palatal after the endings have been dropped: thus á-bhrāṭ (bhrāj- ‘shine'); yāṭ (yaj- 'sacrifice'); rāṭ (rāj- ‘shine'); nat, á-nat (nas- 'reach'); á-prāṭ (pras- 'ask' in pras-ná- 'question'); á-vat (vah- 'convey'). Here t is phonetic in the 3. pers. only, standing for s-t (= IE. k-t). It has been transferred to the 2. sing., where k would be phonetic (standing 'egg', and mandika- 'frog', see WACKER-rtvik 'sacrificer' (Vyaj-); úrk (VS.) 'nourish- NAGEL I, 147, note. ment' (ur); dik (AV.) 'region' (dis-). For -dik, the later Samhitãs have -dýň also. In ¹ Op. cit. 1, 148 a (p. 172, top). 2 The form vy-ávat in MS. III. 49 (B.) the n. nom. the m. f. form appears: -dik, beside vy-àvāt, AV. VIII. 1²2r, from vi-vas--sprk; but as there was no s here, it 'shine forth', is probably due to the influence must be assumed that the cerebral was of a-vāṭ, aor. of V/vah-; but cp. BARTHOLOMAE, originally used in these neuter forms. In Studien 1, 24, note. On the cerebral in avațá- (SV. VS.), beside avatá-, naḍá- 'reed', beside nadó-, and in kitá- (AV.), markáța- (VS.) cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 148 b, note. 3 See below 44 a, 3. bhisáj- 'healer', the k has spread from the nom. to other cases, where it is not phonetic (cp. WACKERNAGEL 1, 138). The original value of the palatal in usij- 'desiring', usnih- (AV. VS.), a kind of metre, which have k in the nom. is uncertain. The k in the nom. 5 This phonetic k for an old palatal is nák ‘night' is probably not based on an old preserved in the nominatives -dŕk 'seeing' | palatal (cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 149 a (drs-), -spŕk “touching' (spré-), spŕk ‘desiring' | note). (sprh-), an-ák 'eyeless' (-aks: al- 'penetrate'); 4 Cp. above 17, 5. I. PHONOLOGY. CEREBRALS. DENTALS. 35 for k-s IE. ks). The reverse transference of k to the 3. sing. has taken place in prá nak beside á-naț (naś- ‘reach') and in á-srāk (from srj- 'discharge'). b. before consonant suffixes: = 1. the phonetic cerebral appears before case-endings beginning with bh in pad-bhís, from pás- 'look' and 'cord'; vid-bhís from vis- 'settlement'; sarád- bhyas ‘for the bees' (probably from *saráh-); sad-bhis. In anaḍúd-bhyas (AV.), from anad-váh- 'bull', d appears for d by dissimilation; while the guttural of the nom. instead of the phonetic d appears in susamdrg-bhis (from drš- 'see') 'fair to see' and in dig-bhyás (AV.) from dís- ‘region'. 2. before the su of the loc. pl. k is phonetic, and appears in vik-sú, from vis, in spite of the unphonetic t of the nom. vit. But owing to the influence of the other cases the unphonetic cerebral (in the form of t dissimilated for t) appears in anaḍút-su. 3. before the dhi of the 2. sing. impv. the cerebral is phonetic in dididdhi, from dis; also in (s), which after cerebralizing the dh is dropped, z leaving a compensating length, in tāḍhi from takṣ- ‘hew' (— IE. tegzdhi); also in şo-dhá 'sixfold' (for sas-dha: as-, like as-, becoming o before a voiced mute) 3. c. The cerebrals in the following words have not been satisfactorily explained: aghāṭí- and a-ghāṭá- (AV.) 'striker', beside -a-ghāta- (VS.); andá- ‘egg'; itánt- (x. 171¹) 'wandering' (?), kúta- 'house' (?); kúta- 'frontal bone'; kipita- 'fuel' (?); mandúka- 'frog'; ita- (AV.) 'reed'; raráța- (VS.), laláta- (AV.) 'forehead'. Some others, mostly containing b, may be suspected of non-Aryan origin: bát, bada, interjections; batūrin- 'broad'(?), bírița- 'troop'(?); bekanáta- 'usurer'; ādámbara- (VS). ‘drum'; khadgá- (VS. MS.) 'rhinoceros'; cāṇḍalá- (VS.) 'outcast'; markáta- (VS.) ‘ape'. 44. The dentals.-The dentals are at the present day pronounced as interdentals in India, but according to the Prātiśākhyas+ they were post-dental, being produced at the root of the teeth (dantamula). They represent IE. dentals, corresponding to similar sounds in the cognate languages. When two IE. dentals met, there seems to have been a tendency to change the first to a sibilant 5. A survival of this appears in some Vedic combinations of d or dh with dh, which point to an earlier zdh, viz. in de-hí, beside dad- dhí ‘give’; dhe-hí (for *dhadh-dhi) ‘put'; kiye-dhá ‘containing much', in all of which examples e is based on IIr. az6. a. Change of s to t. The dental sibilant as the final of roots or nominal stems becomes #7: 1. before the s of verbal suffixes (future, aorist, desiderative) in the three verbs vas- 'dwell', vas- ‘shine', and ghas- 'eat'8: thus avātsīs (AV.) ‘thou hast dwelt'; vát-syati (MS.) 'will shine'; jighat-sati (AV.) ‘desires to eat, and jighat-sú- (AV.) 'hungry'. corresponding forms). This sibilant, Indians, first became the cerebral muted before the bh-suffixes (as dental s became dental d) when it first spread to the nom., and lastly to the loc. pl. 4 See RPr. I. 19; TPr. II. 38. 1 From this phonetic change of s to d before bh is to be explained the stem id- "refreshment', beside iş- (which occurs before vowel endings only): id-bhis etc. would have led to the formation of id-a, etc. (inst. sing.), which then gave rise to iḍ-ā- as an extension of id-; cp. also idáyata (RV. 1. 1916 MM., ilayata, AUFRECHT) : iláyatì (AV.) be quiet'. 5 For example, Gk. Foiola, Av. voistā, beside vét-tha 'thou knowest'. Cp. WACKER- NAGEL I, 152 b. 2 It is not phonetic in aviḍdhi and viviḍdhi (see above, 42 d). Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 149 c (end). 6 Loc. cit., also note. 7 See discussion of attempted explanations in WACKERNAGEL I, 153, note. 3 The cerebral which in this paragraph represents (except before s) the old pala- 8 All the other roots in s add the suffix tals, is based on an IIr. sh- sound š ž (as with connecting vowel i. shown by the Avesta having in the 3* I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 2. before the t of the 3. sing. of a past tense: thus vy-àvāt (AV.) ‘has shone forth', from vi-vas. This is, however, probably not a phonetic change, but is rather due to the influence of the 3. sing. of other preterites with -t;

á-vas-t having thus, instead of *á-vas, become á-vat¹.

3. before case-terminations beginning with bh, and when final (in nom. acc. sing. neut.), in the perf. part. and in four other words: thus jāgr-vád-bhis, inst. pl., 'having awakened', tatan-vát, acc. n., 'having stretched'; uşád-bhis, from usás- 'dawn'; mad-bhis, mad-bhyás (AV.), from más- 'month'; svá-tavad- bhyas (VS.), from svá-tavas- ‘self-strong'. The change of s to t began before the bh endings (like that of s to t or d)² and was extended to the nom. acc. sing. neut. in the RV., but not till later before the -su of the loc. pl.³ 2 36 a. Allied to the change of finals of roots and stems to t, is the apparent change of the medial dental sibilant to din madgú- (VS.) 'diver', from majj- 'dive' (jj = IE. zg) 4. p. The substitution of dentals for other mutes is extremely rare. In consequence of dissimilation, a dental replaces a cerebral in anaḍutsu and anaḍúdbhyas (AV.), from anadváh- 'bull'; in dṛdhrá- firm', beside drdhá-5; in paşthavát (TS.) 'four year old bull', beside pasthavát (VS.). A dental seems to take the place of a labial in ad-bhis, ad-bhyás, beside ap- 'water': but this is probably due to the analogy of *nadbhis, nadbhyás, beside nápat- "grandson' 6. 45. The labials. These sounds as a rule represent IE. labials; e. g. pitŕ-, Gk. natýp; bhára ‘bear', Gk. pépe. But owing to the great rarity of IE. b, there are very few Vedic examples of inherited b; e. g. rambate ‘hangs down', Lat. lābī ‘glide'7. a. The number of words containing 6 has been greatly increased by new formations. I. Thus & replaces p or bh before other voiced mutes: e. g. pi-bd-aná- 'firm', beside pad-d- 'place'; rab-dhá-, beside rabhante 'they take'. 2. It is the regular substitute for bh in reduplicative syllables or when initial aspiration is lost owing to a following aspirate; e. g. ba-bhúva from bhu- 'be', bahú- 'arm', bandh- ‘bind¹8. — 3. In a few examples it takes the place of or interchanges with v9; thus pádbīša- (RV.), beside pádvīša- (VS.); band- beside vand- 'arrow'; -balsa- (AV.) beside -valsa- 'twig'; bāṇá- (AV.) 'music' beside vāṇá-; -blīna- (AV.) ‘crushed', beside vlīna- (B.)¹°⁰.- 4. It further occurs in some new onomatopoetic words; budbudá- 'bubble'; bál (AV.) interj. 'dash!'; bata interj. 'alas! and batá- 'weakling'.-5. In one instance b seems to stand for m before r, in brū- 'speak', for *mrū-¹¹, originally appearing most likely after a pause or after a final consonant ¹2 II b. In many words the origin of 7 is obscure. Most of these probably come from a foreign source: I. owing to their meaning: arbudá- and árbuda-, balbūthá-, sámbara-, sýbinda-, names of foes of Indra and of the Aryans; brbú-, a proper name; bajá- (AV.), bálbaja- (AV.), bilvá- (AV.), names of plants; bákura- and bakurá-, a musical instrument.- 2. owing to their phonetic form: kilbişa- 'sin'; bisa- 'root-fibre'; busá- 'vapour'; bát and baḍa, interjections; — 1 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 154. 2 See 42 d (p. 34). different scholars, see WACKERNAGEL I, 158 b, note. 3 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 155 a, note. 8 See above 32 d, I, 2. 4 Op. cit. 1, 155 b, note. 5 See 42 a a (p. 33). There is some confusion between forms of brh- be great', and urh- 'tear'. 6 The name in-d-ra and nánan-dr- 'hus- 10 On some doubtful or wrong explanations band's sister', are explained by some scho- of b for v (ni-byh- 'crush', bála-, bálbaja-, bát, lars as containing a Prakritic d. See WACKER-| śabála-, śámba-), seeWACKERNAGELI, 161, note. NAGEL I, 157, note. II Cp. Gk. ßporós for *uporós. 12 See WACKERNAGEL I, 159. 7 On some words (sabar-, batá-, bála-, bal- būthá) in which is regarded as IE. by I. PHONOLOGY. LABIALS. LABIALS. NASALS. 37 baṇḍá-(AV.) ‘crippled'; bársva- (VS.) ‘socket'; baskáya-‘yearling'; báskiha- (VS.) 'decrepit'; bila- 'cave', bilma- 'chip'; birita- 'troop' (?); bekanáta- 'usurer'.-3. for both reasons: ilībisa- and bŕsaya-, names of demons; alábu- (AV.) ‘bottle gourd'.-4. Other words which if not of foreign origin, are as yet insufficiently explained: bárjaha- 'udder'; bastá- 'he-goat'; básri 'quickly'; -bara- 'aperture'; bija- 'seed'; bundá- 'arrow'; brbád-uktha-, an epithet of Indra; chúbuka- 'chin'; sabála- 'brindled'; sámba-, a weapon of Indra; balása- (VS. AV.), a disease; bleska- (K.) 'noose'. I 46. The nasals. There are five nasals corresponding, in regard to place of articulation, to the five classes of mutes. Each of them can only appear before a mute of its own class ². Before sibilants and the nasals do not appear³; before / only m is found; ñ does not appear finally any more than the palatal mutes. a. The guttural nasal ŉ regularly appears before gutturals: e. g. anká- 'hook'; ankháya- 'embrace'; ánga- ‘limb'; jáñgha- 'leg'. Before other consonants or as a final, it appears only when a following org has been dropped, as in stems ending with -nc- or -ñ- and in those compounded with dis; e. g. pratyáň, nom. sing. of pratyáñc- 'facing'; yundhi (— yuñj-dhi), 2. sing. impv. of yuj- join'; ki-din, nom. sing. of ki-dis- of what kind?'. - b. The palatal nasal is found only before and after cor j, and before ch; e. g. váñcati (AV.) ‘wavers'; yajñá- 'sacrifice'; vañchantu 'let them desire'. c: The labial nasal m as a rule represents IE. m; e. g. maty- 'mother', Lat. māter; náman- 'name', Lat. nomen. It is by far the most common labial sound, its frequency being greater than that of the four labial mutes taken togethers. By some scholars m is regarded as representing an original n or v in certain instances 6. d. The dental nasal n as a rule represents IE. n; e. g. ná ‘noť', Lat. -ně; mánas- ‘mind', Gk. μévos. It is the commonest of the nasals, being more frequent than m, and about three times as frequent as the other three taken together. The dental nasal also appears instead of dental mutes and of the labial nasal. a. It appears in place of d before the nominal suffix na, and of t, as well as d, before the m of secondary suffixes; e. g. án-na- 'food' (ad- 'eat'); chin-ná- 'cut off' (chid-); vidyún-mant- ‘gleaming' (vidyút- 'lightning'); mŕn-maya- 'earthen' (mfd- VS. 'earth'). This substitution is in imitation of Sandhi, as dn tm dm otherwise occur within words; e. g. udná (from udán- 'water'), atmán- 'breath', vid-má 'we know'. p. dental n regularly appears in place of m: 1. before t; e. g. from yam- 'restrain': yan-tiúr- and yan-ti- 'guide', yan-trá- ‘'rein'; from śram- 'exert oneself': śrantá- 'wearied'; 2. before suffixal m or v; e. g. from gam- 'go': d-gan-ma, gan-vahi, jagan-váms-³; 3. when radically final, originally followed by suffixal s or t; e. g. from gam- 'go', á-gan, 2. 3. sing. aor. (= á-gam-s, á-gam-t); from yam-'restrain', a-yan, 3.sing!aor. (= a-yam-s-t); from dám-'house', gen. (pátir) dán⁹ ¹ Op. cit. 1, 162. 1 8 This change of m to n may be due 2 Excepting in a few instances when a to the influence of the cognate forms in mute has been dropped, as in yundhi =which m phonetically becomes when final yungdhi (see a). (below 3). 9 On this explanation of dán (denied by PISCHEL, VS. 2, 307 ff.) see especially BARTHOLOMAE, IF. 8, in ‘Arica' 229—249; also RICHTER, KZ. 36, 111–123, on dám- pati-. 3 Excepting in a few instances or n before the su of the loc. pl. 4 Excluding the semivowel v. 5 Cp. WHITNEY 50 and 75. 6 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 177, note. 7 WHITNEY 75 I. Phonology. The cerebral

39

attainable', dur-nihita- (AV.) 'ill-preserved'; but (because s, r r or s follows) not in -nrmiia- 'manhood', -nistha- 'eminent'; -nissidh- 'gift'; -nirnij- 'adornment'; nor (owing to the intervening gh and m) in dirgkd-nitha-, N., yusmd-mta- 'led by you'. The cerebralization is further absent, without any preventing cause, in aksa-ndh- 'tied to the axle' (beside pari-ndh- 'enclosure'); tri-nakd- 'third heaven'; tri-nabhi- 'three-naved', and vfsa-nabhi- 'great-naved' ; p'mar-nava- 'renewing itself (but AV. pimar-nava-); dur-niydntu- 'hard to restrain'.

2. it is less frequent medially; e. g. purvahnd- forenoon'; aparahnd- (AV.) 'afternoon'; nr-vdhana- 'conveying ratr)!;pra-vdkana-{N'&) 'carr)dng oT ; purTsa- vAhana- (VS.) beside purlsa-vdhana- (TS. K.) 'removing rubbish'; nr-mdnas- 'kind to men', vrsa-manas- 'manly-spirited', but fd-manas- 'of far-seeing mind'; //r«-^/^a«(i- 'wooden club', but vrtra-ghnS, dat., 'Vrtra-slaying'; su-sumnd-^ ^v&nj gracious'; su-pra-pand- 'good drinking place'; nr-pdna- 'giving drink to men'; but pari-pdna- 'drink', pari-pdna- (AV.) 'protection'; pary-uhyamana- (VS.) beside pary-uhyamana-{ Yvak-).

c. Even in a closely connected following word cerebralization may take place after r r s in the preceding one.

1. This is frequently the case with initial n, most usually in nas 'us', rarely in other monosyllables such as mi 'now', nd 'like'^; e. g. sa^d m nah (vm. 73^). Initial n occasionally appears thus in other words also; e. g.

pdri netd . . visai {ix.. 103+) ; srnga-vrso napat {SV., napat, RV.); asthuri nau (VS., no RV. TS.); {gSmad)' u su nasatya (VS.) prd ndmani (TS.); punar nayamasi (AV.); suhdr nah (MS.) = suhard nah; vdr ndma (TS. v. 6. i3).

2. Medial n also occurs thus, most often in the enclitic pronoun ena- 'this'; e. g. indra , enam. It occasionally appears in accented words also after final r: gor ohena (i. i8o5); m'r inasah (AV.); nfbhir yemandh (SV, yemandh, RV.); panibhir viydmanah (TS.)3. A final n is treated as medial and cere- bralized thus in ifn imdn (MS.) and aksdn dva (MS.).

B. In a number of words n has a Prakritic origin.

a. It is due to a preceding r or r which has been replaced by a i u or has disappeared through assimilation. This is indicated to be the case by the appearance beside them of cognate words containing r or l sounds: I. in Vedic itself: thus āṇí- 'pin of the axle'; kāṇá- 'one-eyed', beside karṇá-<r4> 'crop-eared' (MS.); kdna- (AV.) 'particle' : kald- 'small part'; janjana-bhdvan 'ghttering' ■.jurni- 'glow' {-jan- probably = jrn- from old pres. *j'rnati); punya- 'auspicious' -.pf- 'fill'; phan- 'bound' (= *phrn-, *pharn-) cp. parpharat 'may he scatter'; dhdnika- ' cmw&^ -.dhdraka- (VS.), id.— 2. in alHed languages: gand- 'crowd'; paii- (VS.) 'purchase'; vanij- 'merchant'^; dnu- 'minute'; kiinaru- 'having a withered arm'; pani- 'hand'; sthanu- 'stump' ^.

b. Owing to the predilection for cerebrals in Prakrit, which substituted n for n throughout between vowels, even without the influence of neigh- bouring cerebrals, one or two words with such n seem to have made their way into Vedic: mani- 'pearl' (Lat. monile); amndh (MS.) 'at onct' : amndh (AV.), id. 7.

c. The exact explanation of the 11 in the foUowmg words (some of ■which may be of foreign origin) is uncertain: kdnva-, N.; kalydna- 'fair';

1 See above 47 A (end).

2 Cp. Benfey, Gottinger Abhandlungen

20, 14. , , ,

3 agner avena (l. 128^), Pp. agneh avena, is probably yiTong ior agneh jravena. On the other hand, for mdjw rukdna (l 328), Pp. manah ruhanah, the reading should per-

haps be manor uhana. Cp. Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, note on this passage.

4 See Wackernagel i, 172 a (p. 192, mid.).

5 See Fr6hde, BB. 16, 209.

6 Cp. Wackernagel i, 1 72 d, note, 173, note.

7 On a few doubtful instances, op. cit. I, 173, note. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. kāṇuká-, of doubtful meaning; nicumpuṇá-, of doubtful meaning; niņík ‘secretly', ninyá- ¹ ¹ 'inner'; paní-, a kind of demon; bāṇá- 'arrow'; vand- 'udder', 'arrow', ‘music'; vaṇī- ‘music'; vánīcī, a kind of musical instrument; sóna- ‘red'; úgana- (SV. VS.), of doubtful meaning; kúṇapa- (AV.) ‘corpse'; guná- 'division’ (AV.); cupunikā-(TS.), N.; nicankuṇá- (TS.) and nicuñkuṇá- (TS.), of doubtful meaning; venú- (AV.) 'reed'; śánu- (AV.) 'hemp' ². 48. The semivowels. The semivowels y, r, l, v have the peculiarity that each has a vowel corresponding to it, viz. ir! u respectively. They are called anta(h)sthā in the Pratiśākhyas 3, the term doubtless meaning 'intermediate', that is, standing midway between vowels and consonants. a. y and v regularly represent the final i and u of diphthongs before vowels, e and ai becoming ay and ãy, o and au av and av. But while y and v are regularly written for i and u before vowels, they were often pronounced as iy and uv. This is shown by the fact that: 40 — I. iy and uv are frequently written, beside y and v, in the inflexion of 7 and 7-stems. Thus from dhi- 'thought, there are several compounds, in some of which the stem is written with ży before vowels, as itthádhiy- 'very devout', in others with y, as ādhy- ‘longing'. Similarly -jū- 'hastening', regularly appears as -juv-; but -pū- 'purifying', -su- 'swelling', -sū- ‘bringing forth', always as -pv-, -sv-, -sv-4. In the same way, the suffix -ya is often written -iya; e. g. ágr-iya- 'first', beside ágr-ya- (VS.); ŕtv-iya- and ŕtv-ya- 'regular'; urv-iyá and urv-yá (VS. TS.) 'widely'. This spelling is characteristic of the TS. Here iy is generally written where more than one consonant precede, almost invariably so in the inflexion of stems in i and i; e. g. indrāgniy-ós ‘of Indra and Agni', lakṣmiyá 'by Lakşmi'; very often also in the suffix -ya; e. g. áśv- iya- beside ásv-ya- (RV.) 'relating to horses' 5. Similarly uv appears here for v in svar- and suvargá- 'heaven', beside svàr (RV.) and svargá- (RV.); in the inflexion of tanú- 'body', in some forms of vāyú- 'wind', bahú- ‘arm', ūrú- 'thigh'. In the SV. and MS.7 there are two or three other examples of iy and uv for y and v8. 2. according to metrical evidence, y and v (though written as pronounced in classical Sanskrit) have a syllabic value in a large number of examples in the Vedic hymns. This was recognized to be the case by the Prātiśākhyas to. 3. r appears instead of before the suffix -ya; e. g. in pítr-ya- 'paternal', from pity father'. 4. ay ay ey appear before the suffix -ya "¹; e. g. saha-sey-yāya, dat., ‘for lying together'. Here yy is always to be read as y-iy in the RV. (except in Book x and dakṣáyya- in 1. 129²) ¹2. the present suffix-ya; the comp. suffix -yas; the gen. ending -sya, and the fut. suffix -sya; the initial v of suffixes; the nv- of the 5th class; in ásva-'horse' and tvástr-, N. On the other hand the syllabic pronunciation is sometimes used artificially by the poets, as is apparent from the isolation of such occurrences. In some individual words the written iy and uv have to be pronounced as consonantal y and vi always in suvāná-. pres. part. of su- ‘press'; occasionally in bhiyás- fear', hiyaná- 'im- pelled'. Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 181 b, note, bottom. 10 RPr. VIII. 22; XVII. 14. 8 On the other hand there are some iso- lated instances of y and in the Vedas as compared with iy and av in classical Sans- krit; see WACKERNAGEL I, p. 201, bottom. II See GRASSMANN, Wb. 1711, columns 9 In certain words and formatives y and v4 and 5. are regularly consonantal: in the relative yá-; 12 WACKERNAGEL ↳, 181 c y. 1 Perhaps from *nirnaya-, see BENFEY, GGA. 1858, p. 1627. 2 On these words see WACKERNAGEL I, 174 b and 173 d, note. 3 RPr. L 2; VPr. IV. 101; also Nirukta II. 2. Cp. WHITNEY on APr. I. 30. 4 Cp. WACKERNAGEL 1, 181 a, note. 5 Several other examples, loc. cit. 6 Cp. WHITNEY on TPr. II. 25. 7 See WACKERNAGEL 1, 181 a, note (p. 201, mid.). I. PHONOLOGY. SEMIVOWELS. That this syllabic pronunciation was not simply i and u (with hiatus), but iy and uv, is rendered probable not only by the spelling iy uv beside y v, but by the consideration that y and v are respectively the natural transition from i and to a following dissimilar vowel. b. In the RV. y and v are pronounced with a syllabic value under the following conditions: 1 41 I. almost invariably after a group of consonants and generally after a single consonant if preceded by a long vowel. Thus the ending -bhyas and the suffix -tya are regularly pronounced as dissyllables after a long vowel, but as monosyllables after a short vowel. Hence, too, v is pronounced as well as written in the forms davidhv-át, susv-ati, suṣv-āṇá-, juhv-é, júhv-ati ³. 2. after a single initial consonant at the beginning of a verse, or, within a verse, if the preceding syllable is heavy, in some half dozen words. Thus tyá- 'that', and tvám 'thou' are nearly always pronounced as they are written after a short vowel, but tiyá- and tuvám at the beginning of a Pada or after a long vowel. They is pronounced as iy in jyá- and jyaká- 'bowstring' only at the beginning of a verse or after a long vowel, in jyáyas- 'mightier' only after a long vowel. Finally tva- 'many', must generally be read as tuva- after a long vowel, but almost invariably tva- after a short vowel. 3. in the inflexion of the nouns in 7 (nom. sing. -ī-s) and ū², where the stem has (with only six exceptions) to be pronounced with iy and uz. Thus the transition from iy and uv to y and began in the RV., the traditional text writing for the iy and uv which was pronounced by the poets of that Veda, sometimes iy and uv, sometimes y and v. 49. The semivowel y. This semivowel, when not derived from i before other vowels (48 a) within Vedic itself, is based either on IE. i (= Gk. spiritus asper) or voiced palatal spirant (= Gk. )4; e. g. yá-s 'who' (-s); yaj- 'sacrifice' (äy-10s); yudh- 'fight' (vo-uívn); but yáva- 'corn' (Celá); yas- boil' (Cew); yuj- 'yoke' (uy-); yuşán- 'broth' (-un). It is probably due to this difference of origin that yas- 'boil' and yam- 'restrain', reduplicate with ya- in the perfect, but yaj- 'sacrifice', with i-. a. This semivowel sometimes appears without etymological justi- fication: I. after roots in -a before vowel suffixes; e. g. da-y-i, 3. sing. aor. (dá- ‘give¹), á-dhā-y-i (dhā- ‘put'), á-jñā-y-i (jñā- ‘know'); upa-sthá-y-am, abs. 'approaching'; rṣabha-dã-y-in- (AV.) 'bestowing bulls'. This is probably due to the influence of roots in -ai (27 a), which have a- before consonants, but ay- before vowels; e. g. pai- ‘drink': pá-tave, á-pāy-i, pāy-ána-. 2. owing to the influence of closely allied words or formations, in: yu-y-ám 'you' (for

yūṣam, Av. yūžem, cp. yuş-má-, stem of other cases) 5 because of vay-ám

'we'; bhi-y-istha- 'most' because of bhi-yas- 'more'; bháve-y-am, 1. sing. opt. (for *bhávayam) because of bháves, bhávet, etc. b. very rarely in the later Samhitās after palatals: tiraścyè (AV. xv. 35) var. lect. for tiraścé, dat., 'transverse'; śnyáptra- (TS. I. 2. 13³): śnáptra- (VS.) 'corner of the mouth'. c. interchanging (after the manner of Prakrit) occasionally with 6 in 1 On vyūrnv-án, vy-urņv-ati- beside apornuv- ántas, see WACKERNAGEL I, 182 a, note. 2 See below 375, 382 a. 3 For various explanations of this see WACKERNAGEL I. 182 a y, note (p. 205). 4 See BRUGMANN, KG. I, 302. 5 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 86 c; 187, note. 6 In khyā- ‘tell', y seems at first sight to be interchanged with the of ka-, which occurs in the K. and the MS. (cp. v. SCHROE- DER's ed., 1, p. XLIII, 7); but the two verbs, though synonymous, have probably a different origin. Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 188 c, note. the Saṃhitās of the YV.; a. g. ātātayín- (VS.) beside ātātāvín- (TS.) 'having one's bow drawn'^[7].

50. The semivowel v. — This sound was, at the time of the Prāti- śākhyas^[8], a voiced labio-dental spirant like the English v or the German w. Within Vedic it is very frequently derived from u^[9]. It seems otherwise always to be based on IE. (symbol characters)u; there is no evidence that it is ever derived from an IE. spirant v which was not interchangeable with u^[10].

a. This semivowel is sometimes found interchanging with b^[11], with y^[12], and according to some scholars, with m^[13].

b. In two roots in which v is followed by r, an interchange of sonantal and consonantal pronunciation, together with metathesis takes place, vr becoming ru: hence from dhvr- 'bend' are derived both -dhvr-t- and -dhru-, -dhru-t-, dhru-H-; from hvr- 'go crooked', -hvr-t-, -hvr-ia-, -hvr-ti- and hru- ni-ii, 3. sing., hru-t-, -hru-ta-. The root rudh- 'grow', may be a similar variation of vrdh- 'grow'^-

51. The semivowel r. — The liquid sound r must originally have been a cerebral, as is shown by its phonetic effect on a following dental « (47 A). By the time of the Pratisakhyas?, it was, however, pronounced in- other phonetic positions also. Being the consonantal sound corresponding to r before vowels (like y v .o i v), it is in that position correspondingly graded with ar; e. g. d-kr-an, d-kr-ata, beside d-kr-thas : d-kar-am, aor. of kr- 'do'; dr-ii- : ddr-u- 'wood'.

a. r generally corresponds to r in the cognate languages, but not infrequently to / also; and where these languages agree in having /, the latter may in these instances be assumed to be the original sound. As old Iranian here invariably has r, there seems to have been a tendency to rhotacism in the Indo-Iranian period'". Words in which Vedic r thus represents IE. / are the following:

1. initially: raks- 'protect'; rag/i-t'i- 'swift'; ramhate 'speeds'; rabh- 'grasp'; ramb- 'hang down'; ra- 'bark'; ric- 'leave', rip- 'smear'; rih- 'lick'; rue- 'shine', ruj- 'break'; rudh- and ruh- 'grow'.

2. medially: dngara- 'coal'; ajird- 'agile'; aratni- 'elbow'; arh- 'be worthy'; iydrti 'sets in motion'; ir- 'set in motion'; Urna- 'wool'; urmi- 'wave'; garutmant-, a celestial bird; gardabhd- 'ass'; gdrbha- 'womb'; cakrd- 'wheel'; car- 'move'; caramd- 'last'; cird- 'long'; chardis- 'protection'; dharu- (AV.) 'sucking'; parasu- 'axe'; piparti 'fills'; pi'tr- 'fort'; puri'i- 'much'; prath- 'spread out'; -pru-t- 'swimming', -pruta- part, 'floating', pravate ^V2isit^ ; mdrdhati 'neglects'; -marsana- (AV.) 'touching'; inurdhdn- 'head'; vard- 'suitor', and various forms of vr- 'choose'; vdrcas- 'light'; iarand- 'pro- tecting'; sdrman- 'protection'; sdrkara- 'gravel'; Usira- (AV.) 'cold season'; sri- 'lean'; iru- 'hear'; sroni- 'buttock'; sar- in forms of sr- 'run', and sarird- (VS.) 'flood'; sarpis- 'clarified butter'; sahdsra- 'thousand'; svar- 'heaven'; surya- 'sun'; harit- and hdrita- 'yellow'; hiranya- 'gold'; hradi'mi- 'hail'".

r8 For some other possible instances see Wackernagel i, 18 (symbol characters). b, note.
r9 See Whitney on APr. i. 20, 28.
r10 It seems as if the Vedic relation of r to l could only be accounted for by assuming a mixture of dialects; one dialect having preserved the IE. distinction of r and l; in another IE. l becoming r (the Vedic dialect); in a third r becoming l throughout (the later Māgadhī). See Brugmann, KG. I, 175, note.
r11 See Wackernagel i, 189. I. Phonology. Semivowkls.

43

b. r appears in place of phonetic d (= z, Ilr. i)' as final of stems in -is and -us, before endings which begin with bk-; e. g. havir-bhis and vdpur-bhis. This substitution is due to the influence of Sandhi, where is, us would become ir, ur. r also takes the place of d in ira- beside ida- 'refreshing draught'. In urubjd- 'wide open' r apparently takes the place of dental d (= *ud-ubjd-), perhaps under the influence of the numerous compounds beginning with uru- 'wide', e. g. uru-jri- 'wide-striding' ^

c. Metathesis of r takes place when ar would be followed by s or h + consonant. Under these conditions it appears to be phonetic, being due to the Svarabhakti after r being twice as great before h and sibilants as before other consonants 3; when a vowel followed the sibilant or h (e. g. darsatd-)^, the Svarabhakti was pronounced; but if a consonant followed, rS took the place of ar + double Svarabhakti. This metathesis appears in forms of drs- 'see' and srj- 'send forth': drdstum (AV.), drastr- (AV.) 'one who sees'; sdm-srastr- 'one who engages in battle', 2. sing. aor. sras (== *sra/e)i; also va.prds-ti- 'side-horse', beside /«V/-z/- and prsti- 'rib'; moreover in brahmdn- 'priest', brdhman- 'devotion', beside barhis- 'sacrificial litter' (from brh- or barh- 'make big'); perhaps also drahydi 'strongly' {drh- 'be firm'). The same metathesis occurs, being, however, very rare and fluctuating, before ks-: thus tuvi-mraksd- 'injuring greatly', mraksa-kftvan- 'rubbing to pieces' (from mrj- 'wipe', or mrs- 'stroke'), but tdrksya-, N.*.

52. The semivowel I. — The liquid sound / is the semivowel corre- sponding to the vowel / (which however occurs only in some half dozen perfect and aorist forms of the root kip- 'be adapted'). It is pronounced at the present day in India as an interdental; but it must have had a post- dental sound at the time of the Pratisakhyas 7, by which it is described as being pronounced in the same position as the dentals*.

a. It represents IE. /9 and, in a few instances, IE. r. It is rarer in Vedic than in any cognate language except old Iranian (where it does not occur at all)". It is much rarer than r, which is seven times as frequent". The gradual increase of /, chiefly at the cost of r, but partly also owing to the appearance of new words, is unmistakable. Thus in the tenth Book of the RV. appear the verbs mhic- and labh-, and the nouns loman-, lohitd-, but in the earlier books only mruc- 'sink', rabh- 'seize', roman- 'hair', rohitd- 'red'; similarly dasanguld- 'length of ten fingers', hlddaka- and hlddika-vant- 'refreshing', beside sv-anguri- 'fair-fingered', hradd- 'pond'. Moreover, while in the oldest parts of the RV. / occurs" in a few words only, it is eight times as common in the latest parts. Again, in the AV. it is seven times as common as in the RV.'3; thus for rap- 'chatter', rikh- 'scratch', a-srird- 'ugly', appear in the AV. lap-, likh- (also VS.), aslTld-. The various texts

sraj- 'wreath', ra- does not stand for ar, Wackernagel I, 190 d, note.

7 Cp. PiSCHEL, BB. 3, 264. An indication that it was not a cerebral is the fact that Is never occurs (while rs is common).

8 See 44.

9 Which, however, is largely represented by r also : cp. 51 a.

10 Loc. cit.

11 See WmTNEY, JAOS. il, p. XLff.

12 See Arnold, 'L in the Rigveda', in Festgruss an Rudolf von Roth, 1893, p. 145 — 148; Historical Vedic Grammar, JAOS. 18, 2, p. 258f.; Vedic Metre p. 37, 3.

13 Cp. Wackernagel i, 191 c.

1 Cp. above p. 35, note 3.

2 On a supposed parasitic r in chardis- 'fence', yajatra- 'adorable', vibhrtra- 'to be borne hither and thither', see Wackernagel I, 189, note 7.

3 According to the APr. I. 1 01.

4 Cp. above 21 a.

5 Cp. V. Negelein, Zur Sprachgeschichte des Veda 83, note 7. ^

6 On the interchange of ra and ar in raj- 'colour', rajata- 'silvery', raj- 'shine', and arjuna- 'bright' ; bhraj- 'shine', and bhdrgas- 'brilliance'; bhratr- 'brother', and bhartr- 'hus- band'; see Wackernagel i, 190 e, note (end). In vraja- 'fold', vrati.- 'ordinance'. 44 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. of the YV. also show an increased number of words with / as compared with the RV.; thus babhlusá- (VS.) 'brownish' beside babhrú- 'brown'; kilala- (VS.) 'potter' beside cari- 'pot'. The MS. has a special predilection for 7¹; thus pulitát 'pericardium' beside purītát (AV. VS.). The SV. has pāmsulá- 'dusty', for pamsurá- in the corresponding passage of the RV. In a certain number of words interchanges with in the same period: thus purú- and pulú- ‘much'; miśrá- and -misla- 'mixed'; jargur- and jalgul-, intv. of gr- 'swallow'; in the AV.: -girá- and -gilá- 'swallowing', ksudrá- and kṣullaká- (— *kṣudla-ka) 'small', tiryà- and tilá- 'sesamum'. The above considerations render it probable that the Vedic dialect was descended from an Indo-Iranian one in which rhotacism had removed every 7. But since the oldest parts of the RV. contain some words with IE. 7, and in its later parts as well as in the other Samhitas predominantly inter- changes with representing IE. , there must have been another Vedic dialect in which IE. r and 7 were kept distinct; from the latter 7 must have found its way into the literary language to an increasing extent ². b. In the oldest parts of the RV. there are no verbal forms which preserve IE. /, and only a few nouns, viz. (u)loká- 'free space', ślóka- 'call', and -misla- 'mixed'. A few other words containing have no IE. cognates and may therefore be of foreign origin: nila- 'dark-coloured', jálasa- 'healing', tilvila- 'fertile', and the denominative tilvilayáte. In the latest parts of the RV. / represents IE. / in: 1. verbal forms and primary derivatives: lebhire, lebhāná-, labdhá-, from labh- ‘grasp', layantām, from li- 'cling'; alipsata, aor. of lip- 'anoint'; lobháyantī- part. from lubh- 'desire'; cala-calá-, -cacali- 'swaying' (also pums-cali- 'whore', AV. VS.), from cal- 'move'; plávate, plavá- 'boat', from plu- 'swim'. 2. the following nouns: logá- 'clod'; luka- 'owl'; ulká- 'meteor'; úlba- 'membrane'; kalása- 'jar'; kalá- 'small portion'; kála- 'time'; kalyána- 'fair'; kúla- 'family'; gálda- 'trickling' (VS. gal- 'drop'); palitá- 'grey'; pulu- (in compounds) 'much'; phalgvà- ‘weakly'; bála- ‘strength'³; balí- ‘tax'; mála- 'dirty garment'; salilá- 'surging'; hládaka- and hladikavant-"refreshing'; also words with the suffix -la 4, especially with diminutive sense; e. g. vṛṣa-lá- ‘little man', śiśú-la-‘little child' 5. a. In the later Samhitas / represents IE. in the following words: -kulva- (VS.) ‘balď; klóman- (AV. VS.) 'lung'; gláhana- (AV.) ‘dicing'; gláu- (AV. VS.) 'excrescence'; tulá- (VS.) 'balance'; paláva- (AV.) ‘chaff'; pula-sti- (VS.) 'smooth-haireď'; plīhán- (AV. VS.) 'spleen'; phalgú- (VS.) 'reddish'; laghi- (AV.) 'light'; lap- (AV.) ‘prate' (= rap- RV.). c. On the other hand, to some extent represents IE. also6. I. In the RV. this value of is rare and occurs only in the neigh- bourhood of labial sounds (u, o, p, m, v): ulúkhala- 'mortar' beside uri- ‘broad'; jalgul, intv. of gr- 'swallow'; plusi-, a kind of insect, beside prus- 'squirt'; klósa- 'call' beside króśant- ‘calling', krośaná- 'crying'; -lohitá- 'red', lodhá, a kind of red animal, beside rohit-, rohitá- 'red'; lopāśá- jackal', lup- (AV.) ‘break', beside rup- 'break'; pala- 'upper millstone' beside upári 'above'; jálpi- 'muttering'; pippala- 'berry'; mla- 'fade' beside mr- 'die'; valá- 'cave' beside várate 'encloses'. = 2. In the later Samhitãs the use of this / IE. extends further than in the RV.; thus álam (AV.) 'enough': áram; lis (VS.) 'tear': ris-; -luñcá- (VS.)

L. V. SCHROEDER, ZDMG. 33, 196.

2 See WACKERNAGEL I, 192 b, and cp. above p. 42, note 10. 3 Cp. above p. 36, note 10. 4 See ARNOLD, Festgruss an Roth 147. 5 See WACKERNAGEL I, p. 218. 6 Cp. above 51 a. I. Phonology. Semivowels. Sibilants.

45

'tearing out'; babhlusd- (VS.) 'brownish' : babhru- 'brown'; sthald- (AV. VS.) 'gross' : sthUrd- '.

3. In a few instances / represents IE. r by dissimilation; thus dlarsi dlarti, intv. of r- 'go' (= arar-); prd tilami (VS.) = prd tirami 'I promote' ^

d. In the later Samhitas / occasionally appears in place of phonetic d^ between vowels; and that this change could easily arise, is shown by the fact that / regularly appears instead of d between vowels'*. This substitution is regularly found in the Kanva recension of the VS.; e. g. ile= ide^KY.ik); dsalha = dsadha (RV. dsalha). Other instances are ildyati (AV.) 'stands still', for Hddyati (RV. ilayati) s from id- 'refreshment';, ila- (MS.) 'refreshment', byform of Ida- (RV. ila-); mil- (AV.) 'close the eyes' ^, connected with mis- 'wink'.

In the later Samhitas / is also found for d between vowels when the final of a word (like / in RV.): thus turasal dyuktasah (VS.) for turasat 'over- powering quickly'; phdl Hi (AV.) for pkdt (AV.); probably also in sdiiii (AV.) and bdl Hi (AV. TS.), cp. RV. bdl itthd.

e. In at least one word / stands for dental d: ksidla-kd- (AV.) 'small', for *ksudld-, byform of ksudrd- (VS.) 'small'.

f. Sometimes / has an independent Indian origin in onomatopoetic words; thus alala-bhdvant- 'sounding cheerfully'.

g. On the other hand there are many words in which a foreign origin may be suspected; such are, besides those already mentioned in 45 b, the following: kaulitard-, N.; dlina- and bhalands-, names of tribes; libuja- 'creeper'; lavand- (AV.) 'salt'.

53. The sibilants. — The three sibilants, the palatal s, the cerebral s, and the dental s, are all voiceless. Even apart from the regular phonetic change of / or j- to s, and of s to s, both the palatal and the dental are further liable, in many words and forms, to be substituted for each of the other two.

a. Assimilation of j is liable to occur

1. initially, when / or j appear at the end of the same or the beginning of the next syllable. This is the case in svdsura- 'father-in-law'; hasrU- 'mother-in-law'; imdsru- and -smasaru- 'beard'; sdsvant- 'ever-recurring'; in sds- 'six' (Lat. sex), and its various derivatives, sas-ti- 'sixty', sodM (= *saz- dha) 'sixfold', and others 7.

2. initially s in the RV. almost invariably becomes s in sah- 'overcoming', when the final h (= Ilr. i), with or without a following dental, becomes cerebral: nom. sing, sdt 'victorious', and the compounds /awa-j-a/, tura- sat, pura-sdt, prtana-sdt, vlra-sdt, vrtka-sdt, rta-sdt (VS.), visva-sdt (TS. AV.) ; also d-sadha- 'invincible'. The only exceptions are sadhd, nom. sing, of sddhr- 'conqueror', and the perf. part. pass, sadhd- (AV.)^- The s of the nom. has been transferred to forms with -sdh-, when compounded with prtana-, though

' In B. passages of the TS. and MS. are found intv. forms of ti 'sway': alelayat, pf. lelaya, also the adv. leldya 'quiveringly'. In similar passages the prepositions prd and para are affected : plenkha- (TS.) =prenkha- swing'; plaksdrayan (MS. in. 102) 'they caused to flow' {]/ksar-),pald-y-ata (TS.) 'fled' (para-i-). Some uncertain or wrong explanations of atdirnd- 'miserly', utoid- 'wide space', ^at- 'drop', with / = IE. r, are discussed by Wackernagel I, p. 221, top.

2 See Wackernagel i, 193 b, note.

3 See above SI b.

4 See above p. 5, note S.

5 According to B6HTLINGK, ildyaii is wrong for ildyati. Cp. above p. 35, note '.

6 A form with the original d is found in mtdam (K.) 'in a low tone'.

7 Cp. Wackernagel i, 197 a, note.

8 A B. passage of the MS. has sadhydi (I. 83). 46 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. VEDIC GRAMMAR. there is no phonetic justification for the cerebral (as the s is preceded by a): thus prtana-saham, gen. prtană-șáhas, pṛtanā-șáhya- 'victory in battle', but prtanā-sáham (SV.). When compounded with dyumnā-, dhanvā-, rathā-, vibhvā-, sadā-, the phonetic form -säh- remains¹. 3. Medial s has been assimilated to initial sin sasá- ‘hare' (IE. kasó-²). b. Without assimilation³, s or s has been changed to s, mostly under the influence of allied words, in the following: kéśa- 'hair': késara- (AV. VS.); šákṛt4 'excrement'; śubh- ‘adorn' (probably owing to sudh- ‘purify'); śúska- 'dry' (IIr. suška-), šúsyati ‘dries'; śru- ‘flow', śrávas- ‘stream': sru-, srávas-; Svas-, sus-'breathe'; svátra-, svátrya- 'dainty': svad-taste's; pyasiṣīmahi (AV.): pyāsiṣimahi (VS.), aor. (534) of pya- 'swell'; ośiştha-hán- (VS. TS.) 'striking very swiftly beside oşiştha-dávan- (TS.) 'giving very rapidly' (from osám 'quickly', lit. 'burningly'), owing to asistha- 'very swift'; kóśa- 'receptacle' (in the later language often also kosa-); kuśmá- (VS.) beside kuşmá- (MS.), a kind of demon; rusati- (AV.) ‘angry', beside rus- be angry', probably owing to rúsant- 'shining'. Ok. On the other hand, s occasionally appears in the later Samhitas, chiefly AV., for : thus asyate (AV. v. 19²): as- 'eat'; vási- (AV.) 'pointed knife': vášī-; sáru- (AV.) ‘arrow': śáru-; arus-sráṇa-(AV.), a kind of wound preparation: śra- boil'; saspinjara- (TS.) 'ruddy like young grass', owing to sasá- 'grass, for śas-pinjara- (VS. MS.) śas[pa]- pinjara-6. = 54. The palatal s.-This sibilant is a palatal both in origin (= IIr. s), as indicated by cognate languages, and in employment, as its combination with other consonants shows. Thus it represents an old palatal in šatám 'a hundred', áśva- 'horse', śván- ‘dog', śru- 'hear'7. In external Sandhi it regularly appears before voiceless palatal mutes, e. g. indras ca. At the present day the pronunciation of in India varies between a sh sound (not always. distinguished from s) and as sound followed by y. It is to some extent confused with the other two sibilants even in the Samhitās, but it is to be noted that here it interchanges much oftener with s than with 8 The aspirate of s' is chº; its media is represented by j and when aspirated by h. These four form the old palatals (IIr. , sh, ź, żh), representing IE. k kh g gh. The exact phonetic character of the latter is doubtful, but it is probable that they were dialectically pronounced in two ways, either as mutes (guttural or palatal) or as spirants, the centum languages later following the former, the satem languages the latter". 10 a. In external Sandhi s regularly appears for s before the palatals c, ch, s'¹². It also stands for s internally in paścắt and paścătāt ‘behind’ ¹³, and in vrścáti 'hews' beside -vraská- 'lopping'. b. Before s the palatal sibilant when medial is regularly replaced by k, and sometimes also when final; e. g. drk-sase and -drk, from drs- 'see'. Otherwise s very rarely interchanges with k or c; thus rúsant- brilliant', beside ruc- 'shine'; perhaps kárna- 'ear': śru- 'hear'¹4. There are also a few words 1 WACKERNAGEL I, 197 b. 9 Cp. above 40. 2 See, however, op. cit. I, 197 c, note. 10 The fact that before s regularly be- 3 For and are strictly distinguished in comes k and sometimes also when final, the RV.; cp. op. cit. I, 197 da, note (end). | seems to favour the assumption of the 4 Cp., however, op. cit. I, 197 d a. 5 Op. cit. p. 226, top. 6 See op. cit., p. 226 6; and below 64, 1 a. On the relation of to the corresponding sounds in cognate languages, see WACKER- NAGEL I, 200 a; BRUGMANN, KG. 1, 233- 8 See above 53, 3. guttural pronunciation. ¹¹ Сp. WACKERNAGEL I, 200 b. 12 See below, Sandhi, 78. 13 Cp. Av. paskāṭ and pasca. 14 For some words in which such an assumption is doubtful or wrong, see WACKER- NAGEL I, 201 a. with ś to which k corresponds in the satem languages; such are kruś- 'cry'; áśman- 'stone'^[14].

55. The dental s.—This sound as a rule represents IE. dental s; e. g. sa 'he', Gothic sa; áśva-s 'horse', Lat. equo-s; ásti, Gk. (Greek characters). In the combinations ts and ps, when they stand for etymological dhs and bhs, the s represents IE. zh; as in gŕtsa- 'adroit' (from gṛdh- 'be eager") and dipsa-, 'wish to injure' (from dabh- 'injure'), where the final aspirate of the root would have been thrown forward on the suffix, as in bud-dhá- from (symbol characters)budh-, and -rab-dha-, from (symbol characters)rabh-^[15].

The dental s is in Sandhi frequently changed to the palatal ś^[16] and still more frequently to the cerebral ṣ^[17].

56. The cerebral ṣ. — The cerebral sibilant is altogether of a secondary nature, since it always represents either an original palatal or an original dental sibilant.

The cerebral ṣ stands for a palatal before cerebral tenues (themselves produced by this ṣ from dental tenues) in the following two ways:

a. for the palatal ś (= Ilr. ś) and j (= Ilr. ź) ; e. g. naṣ-ṭá-, from nas- 'be lost'; mṛṣ-ṭa, 3.sing.mid., from mṛj- 'wipe'; pṛṣ-ṭá- 'asked', práṣ-ṭum 'to ask', from praś- 'ask' in praś-ná- 'question' (present stem. pṛcchá-^[18] with inchoative suffix -chá). In some instances it is shown by the evidence of cognate words to represent ś; thus aṣṭáu 'eight' beside aśītí- 'eighty'; pṛṣṭí- 'rib', práṣṭi- 'side-horse', beside párśu- 'rib'; áṣṭrā- 'goad', beside aśáni- 'thunderbolt'; possibly also apāṣṭhá-^[19] 'barb', beside áśman- 'bolt'.

b. for the combination kṣ, which in origin is ś + s^[20]; e. g. cáṣ-ṭe, a-caṣṭa, firom caks-^ 'see'; a-tas-ta, tas-td-, tds-tr-'^, beside taks- 'hew'; nir-as-ta- 'emasculated' beside nir-aks-nu-hi (AV.) 'emasculate'; also aorist forms like d-yas-ta, 3. sing. mid. from yaj- 'sacrifice', beside 3. sing. subj. ydks-at; d-srs-tay 3. sing, mid., beside d-srks-ata, 3. pi. mid. from sfj- 'emit'. As in all these instances ks = s -{■ s or/ (= z) + s^°, loss of s before t must here be assumed, the remaining / or / combining with the following t as usual to j/"- A similar origin of s is indicated by the evidence of cognate languages in sas-t/td- (AV.) 'sixth', where the final j has been dropped (as in Gk. sk-to?), while retained in Lat. sex-tus; also in sas-ti- 'sixty', sodhd 'sixfold', sodasd- (AV.) 'sixteenth'. It has possibly the same origin in asthivdnt- 'knee"^[21].

57. The cerebral ṣ stands for dental s after vowels other than a or ā, and after the consonants k, r, ṣ.

'I. Medially this change regularly^[22] takes place, both when the s is radical — e. g. tí-ṣṭhati, from sthā- 'stand'; su-ṣup-ur, 3. pi. perf. from svap-

r8 Cp. Av. cašman-.

r9 On the origin of tváṣṭr- = *tváṣṭr-, see Wackernagel I, 202 c, note.
r10 Though kṣ is regularly based on a palatal or a guttural+s in the Vedic language, there are some words of IE. origin in which the s appears to represent not ṣ but a dental spirant tenuis (þ) or media (đh). In a few words, kṣip-, kṣu-, kṣubh-, kṣurá-, the sibilant comes first in the cognate languages: see Wackernagel I, 209.

r11 Similarly, when kṣ = guttural + s is followed by t, the s disappears and the guttural combines with the t; thus from ghas- 'eat', -gdha- {= ghz-ta-); from jakṣ- 'eat', jagdhá- (= jaghz-ta-), jagdhvā͏́ya (= jaghz-tvā͏́ya); from bhaj- 'share', aor. á-bhak-ta (=abhaj-s-ta), beside á-bhak-ṣ-i. 'sleep'; us-and-, part, from vas- 'wear'; rsa-bhd- 'bull'; uksdn- 'ox'; varsd-

'rain' — and when the j is suffixal; as in the superlative suffix -istha; in the loc. pi. suffix -su, e. g. agni-su, aktic-su, nf-su, vik-su, gtr-su, kavis-su; in the j-suffix of the aorist, e. g. ydk-s-at, from yaj- 'sacrifice'.

The change is phonetic even when Anusvara intervenes between ~i u f and s; e. g. pimsdnti from pis- 'crush'; Aavtmsi 'offerings' from havis-; cdksumsi 'eyes' from cdksus-. The s, however, remains in forms of hims- 'injure', nims- 'kiss', and pums- 'man', being probably transferred from the strong forms kindsti, pi'imamsam, etc.

a. The s, however, remains when immediately followed by r or r, owing to a distaste for a succession of cerebrals i; e. g. tisras, tisrbhis, tisfnam, f. of tri- 'three' ; usrcis gen, usi-i s.nA.usram, loc. (beside war, voc), usrd- 'matutinal'; 2/wa- 'bull'; sansrpd- 'creeping'-. Owing to the influence of forms with si; the j- further remains in the syllable sm; instead of sm; as in sisarsi, sisaj-ii (beside sisrate, sisrai-, sarsri etc.). In khara- (AV. VS.) 'hair', the retention may be due to the ?■ having originally followed the s imme- diately 2. The s also remains unchanged in the combinations stir, stiir, spar, spr, sphur; e. g. tistire, from stf- 'strew'; pisprsas, from sprs- 'touch' 3. It remains in the second of three successive syllables in which s-s-s would be expected ; thus yasisTsfhas, beside ayasisam, from ja- 'go'; sisaksi, beside sisakti, from sac- 'follow'.

^. Words in which s otherwise follows r or any vowel but a, must be of foreign origin; such as bisa- 'root fibre'; busd- 'vapour'; bfsaya-, a demon; rbfsa- 'cleft'; ki/id- 'praiser'; barsvd- (VS.) 'socket'; htsula- (AV.), a kind of demon; musala- (AV.) 'pestle' (for mt'isra-l); stsa- (AV. VS.) 'lead' 4.

y. The cerebral s is sometimes found even after a, representing an early Prakritic change in which as^ is based on rs and as on arsS. Instances of this are kasaii (AV.) 'scratches'; pasthavdh- (VS. TS.) 'young bull' (lit. 'carrying on the back') a.nA pasthauht-6 'young cow', beside prsthd- 'back'; pasya-1 'stone'; bhasd-i (VS.) 'barking' 9. There are besides several unexplained instances, doubtless due to foreign influence or origin; such are dsatara- 'more accessible'; kavdsa-, N.; cam- 'blue jay'; casdla- 'knoh' ; jdlasa- 'remedy'; baskdya- 'yearling'; baskiha- (VS.) 'decrepit'; mdsa- 'bean' (AV. VS.); sdspa- (VS.) 'young grass' 10.

2. Initially^' the change regularly takes place, in the RV.:

a. in verbal compounds after prepositions ending in i or u, and in nominal derivatives from such compound verbs; also after the preposition nis 'out'; e. g. ni sida (x. 98*); dnu stuvanti (viii. 3*); nih-sdhamana^ (I. 1273).

a. But (as when it is medial) the s remains unchanged when followed by r (even when t or p intervenes) or r (even though a intervene, with an additional m or v in the roots sinar- and svar-); e. g. vi srja 'let flow', vi-sfsfi- 'creation'; vi striutam 'let him extend'; ni-spfse 'to caress' (but d-ni-sirta- 'unchecked'); pdri-sncta- 'flowed round'; vi-sargd- 'end', vi-sdrjana- 'extension' (owing to the influence of the forms with sr from J?7'-); vi-sarmdn- 'dissolving', vi-sard- 'extent', and even vi sasre (owing to the influence of forms with sr from sr- 'flow'); prdti smaretham 'may ye two remember' [ysmr-); abhi-svdranli 'praise', abhi-svdr- 'invocation', abhi-svare, loc, 'behind', abhi-svartf- 'invoker'. But St sp sph are changed according to the general rule, when ar ir ur follow; c. g. prdti sphura 'repel'. In roots which contain no r, the initial s rarely remains; thus in forms of as- 'be' : abhi santi. pari santu, pdri santi (beside pari santi], abhi sydma (beside abhi-syama); and owing to dislike of repeated s: anu-sisidhat (sidh- 'drive off'); dnu-spasfa- 'iioticed' [spas- *s&e^); pdri sani-svanat [svan- 'sound').

1 Cp. above 42 a, a and p. 38, note 2.

2 See Wackernagel i, 50.

3 The combination sr is found only where sr would be quite isolated amid cognate forms with s thus ajus-ran, from jtis- 'be satisfied', since all the other very numerous forms of this verb have /.

4 See Wackernagel i, 203 e, note.

5 Sometimes representing also IE. Is and Is; cp. Wackernagel i, 208 b a.

6 Cp. Bartholomae, KZ. 29, 579;

WiNDISCH, KZ. 27, 169.

7 Cp. FORTHNATOV, BE. 6, 217 ; J. SCHMIDT,

KZ. 32, 387.

8 FORTUNATOV, 1. C.

9 On doubtful instances like kastha- 'goal', asfhivdntau 'knees', apdsfhd- 'barb', cp. Wackernagel i, 208 b a, note; b /3, note.

>o Cp. Wackernagel i, 208 b /S.

" Finally, s stands for j in the first I. PHONOLOGY. CEREBRAL S. 49 ß. In the later Samhitās initial s is similarly changed to s; but its retention is in some instances somewhat less restricted; thus abhi sphurjati (AV.) 'sounds towards'; ádhi skanda (AV.) and abhi-skándam 1, beside pari-skandá- (AV., VS.), from skand- 'leap'; prati-spášana- (AV.) ‘lying in wait', prati-spasá- (TS.) 'spying'; ánu sthana (TS. v. 6. 1³), from as- 'be'; owing to the following s also in abhí sisyade (AV.) from syand- 'run'. 7. The divergence between the later Samhitãs and the RV. is much greater when the augment intervenes between a preposition ending in i and the initial s of a root. In the RV. the regularly remains unchanged (as ny-ásidat, vy-ásthāt, etc.) except in pary ásasvajat 'embraced' (under the influence of pári sasvaje). In the other Samhitas, however, the here regularly becomes ; thus abhy-ásincan (TS.), abhy-ásicyanta (AV.) from sic- 'sprinkle'; vy-àşahanta (AV.) 2, from sah- 'overcome'; ádhy-astham (AV.), ádhy- aşthat (AV.), abhy-àstham (AV.) from stha- 'stand'. In the root sthi- 'spit', which first occurs in the AV., the initial s has been displaced by s throughout. The form praty ásthivan indicates the transition which led to the change. Similarly when a reduplicative syllable containing å intervenes between a preposition ending in i and an initial radical s, the latter always remains unchanged in the RV.; thus pári şasvaje; ni-sasáttha (VIII. 489); ati-tastháu (x. 603); but the AV. has vi-taşthiré, vi taşthe (owing to vi tişthate, vi-sthita-), but also ádhi tasthúr. S b. Initially in the second member of other than verbal compounds is more common than s when preceded by vowels other than a. But s even in the RV. the is not infrequently retained; not only when or r follows as in hrdi-spŕs- 'touching the heart', su-sártu-, N., ṛṣi-svará- ‘sung by seers', but also when there is no such cause to prevent the change; thus gó-sakhi- beside gó-şakhi- 'possessing cattle'; go-sáni- (AV. VS.) beside go-sani- 'winning cattle'; rayi-sthána- beside rayi-ṣṭhána- (AV.) possessing wealth'; tri-saptá- beside tri-șaptá- (AV.) 'twenty-one'; si-samiddha- beside sú-samiddha- (SV.) 'well-kindled'; apake-stha- (AV.) 'standing in the oven' beside ştha- in other compounds after -e; prthivi-sád- (VS.) beside prthivi- sád- (AV.) 'seated on the earth'; si-samrddha- (AV.) 'quite perfect'. After r the s becomess in svar-sá- 'light-winning', svàr-sati- 'obtainment of light'; after k, probably only in yk-sama- (TS.) ‘resembling a rc, beside yk-sama- (VS.). a. In Avyayībhāvas s seems to appear in the RV. only; thus anu- svadhám ‘according to wish'; anu-şatyám 'according to truth'; anu-șvápam 'sleepily'. 8. In some compounds appears where it is not phonetically justifiable, owing to the influence of cognate words; thus upa-stút, adv., ‘at one's call' (because of the frequency of -stu- after i and u), beside úpa-stut- 'invocation'; sa-stúbh- (TS.), a metre, owing to anu-șṭubh-, tri-stúbh-; savya-ṣṭhắ- (AV.), owing to compounds in -e-stha-. 7. In Âmreḍita compounds, however, the s regularly remains unchanged because of the desire to leave the repeated word unaltered; thus suté-sute and somé-some 'at every Soma draught'; also in stuhi stuhi 'praise on'³. 3. Initially in external Sandhi s frequently becomes after a final i and u in the RV. This change chiefly takes place in monosyllabic pronouns and particles, such as sá(s), sá, syá(s), sīm, sma, svid, and particularly sú. It also appears in verbal forms like stha sthas sthana, santu, syām, syāma (from as- 'be'); sīdati, satsat, satsi (from sad- 'sit'); sinca, siñcata (from sic- 'pour'); stavama, stave, stuhi (from stu- 'praise'); in participles like sán, satás (from as- 'be'); sidan (from sad sit'); suvanás (su- 'press'); sitám (si- 'bind'); stutás (stu- 'praise'); skannám (skand- ‘leap'). In other words the change member of the compound and often in external Sandhi; see below 78. 3 This is not treated as an Amredita compound in the Padapatha (VII. 130): stuhi stuhi it; but piba-piba (1. II¹¹) is ¹ Cp. APr. II. 104. 2 Cp. WHITNEY's Translation of the AV. analyzed as piba-piba|it|. 1, p. LXIV (mid.). Indo-arische Philologie I, 4. rarely takes place; e. g. ánu rājati ṣṭúp (ix. 96¹⁸); tri sadhdstha (ill. 56⁵); níḥ ṣadhásthāt^[23] (v. 31⁹); nū͏̂ ṣṭhirám (i. 64¹⁵); ádhi sṇúnā (ix. 97¹⁶).

The ṣ usually follows short words such as u, tu, nú, sú, hí, and occurs where there is a close syntactical connection of two words; e. g. rájaḥsu ṣidan (vii. 34¹⁶); váṃsu ṣídati (ix. 57³); diví sán (vi. 2⁶); diví sántu (v. 2¹⁰); ṛcchánti ṣma (x. 102⁶). In no word, however, even when these conditions are fulfilled, is the change of initial s to ṣ invariably made.

a. In the later Saṃhitās, apart from passages adopted from the RV. this form of external Sandhi is very rare except in the combination ū͏̆ ṣú. Examples are ā͏̂d u ṣṭendm (AV. iv. 3⁴); máhi ṣáÑd dyumdn ndmah (TS. m. 2. 8²)^[24]

58. The breathing h. — The sound h is, at the present day, pronounced as a breathing in India, and this was its character at the period when Greek and Indian words were interchanged, as is shown e. g. by ὤρα being reproduced by hōrā. It is already recognised as a breathing by the TPr. (ii. 9), which identifies it with the second element of voiced aspirates (g-h, d-h, b-h). This is borne out by the spelling ळह l-h (= ḍh) beside ळ ḷ (= ḍ). The TPr. further (ii. 47) assigns to it, on the authority of some, the same place of articulation as the following vowel, this being still characteristic of the pronunciation of h at the present day in India^[25]. The breathing is, moreover, stated by the Prātiśākhyas^[26] to have been voiced. This pronunciation is proved by the evidence of the Samhitās themselves; for h is here often derived from a voiced aspirate, e. g. hitá- from dhā- 'put'; it is occasionally replaced by a voiced aspirate, e. g. jaghā͏̂na from han- 'strike'; and in Sandhi initial h after a final mute regularly becomes a voiced aspirate, e. g. tád dhí for tád hí. It is in fact clear that whatever its origin (even when = IIr. źh)^[27], h was always pronounced as a voiced breathing in the Sarnhitās.

As h cannot be final owing to its phonetic character^[28], it is represented in that position by sounds connected with its origin^[29]. It appears in combination with voiced sounds only; being preceded only by vowels, Anusvāra, or the semivowels r and l^[30] (in Sandhi also by the nasals ṅ and n), and followed only by vowels, the nasals ṇ, n, m, or the semivowels y, r, l, v.

The breathing h as a rule represents a voiced aspirate, regularly a palatal aspirate, occasionally the dental dh and the labial bh. It usually represents a new palatal (= IIr. jh, Av. ȷ ^[31]), appearing beside gh, e. g. druhyú- : drógha-, as j beside g, e. g. ójiyas : ugrá-. But in many words it also stands (like j for ź) for the old palatal źh, the voiced aspirate of ś, being recognizable as such in the same way as j^[32].

1 a. h represents the palatalization (= IIr.jh) of gh when, in cognate forms, gh (or g) is found before other sounds than s; e. g. hán-ti 'strikes' : ghn-ánti, jaghāna; árhati 'is worthy' : arghá- 'price'; rh-dhá- 'weak' : ragh-ú- 'light'; jámh-as- 'gait' :jáṅghā- 'leg'; dáhati 'burns' : dag-dhá- 'burnt'; dóhate 'milks' : dúghana- 'milking', dug-dhá- 'milked'; dudróha 'have injured' : drug-dhá- 'injured', drógha- 'injurious'; máṃhate 'presents' : maghá- 'gift'; míh- 'mist' : I. PHONOLOGY. THE BREATHING h. 51 meghá- cloud'; mühyati 'is perplexed': mugdhá- gone astray', mógha- ‘vain’; rámhi- 'speed' : raghi- 'swift'; háras- and gharmá- 'heat'; harmye-şthá- and gharmye-sṭhā- 'dwelling in the house'; hrșitá- ‘glaď: ghŕşu- 'joyful', ghŕsvi- 'gladdening'. In áhi- 'serpent' and duhitý- daughter' the guttural origin of his shown by cognate languages ¹. b. h represents the old palatal aspirate (= IIr. zh): a. when, either as a final or before t, it is replaced by a cerebral (like the old palatals and j = IIr. ); e. g. vah- 'carry': á-vāt, 3. sing. aor. guh- 'conceal': gūḍhá-² 'concealed'; trháti 'crushes': trḍhá-3; dŕmhati 'makes; firm', drhyati is firm': drahá- 'firm'; bahi- 'abundant': badhá- 'aloud'; mih- 'make water': méḍhra- (AV.) ‘penis'; riháti 'licks' : réḍhi ‘licks', rīḍha- ‘licked'; váhati 'carries': vódhum 'to carry', udhá- 'carried'; sáhate 'overcomes': sádhr- 'victor'. 2 s ß. when it is followed by sounds which do not palatalize gutturals 4, before which dh and bh do not become h, and before which the other old palatals and j (-) appear; thus ámhas- and amhati- 'distress' because of amhi 'narrow'; áhan- 'day', because of áhnām, g. pl., and purvāhná- 'forenoon' (not ghn as in ghnanti from han); jéhamana-5 'panting', because of jihmá- 'oblique'; bahu 'arm'; bráhman- n. 'devotion', brahmán- 'one who prays'; rahú- (AV.), demon of eclipse; yahvá-, yahvánt- 'ever young', because of yahu, id. This applies to all words beginning with hữ, hr-, hn-, hr-, hv; e. g. hu- 'pour'; hrd- and hŕdaya- 'heart'; -hraya- 'ashamed'; -hva-, hi- 'call'; hur be crooked'. 7. when the 'satem' languages have a corresponding voiced spirant (zor ž)6; thus ahám ‘ľ; ehá- (AV.) 'desirous'; garhate 'complains of'; dih- 'besmear'; plīhán- (AV. VS.) 'spleen'; barhis- 'sacrificial straw'; mah- 'great'; varahá- 'boar'; sahásra- 'thousand'; simhá- 'lion'; sprh- 'desire'; hamsá- 'goose'; hánu- 'jaw'; hi- 'impeľ'; hemán- 'zeal', hetí- 'weapon'; háya- 'steed'; hári- and hárita- tawny'; háryati 'likes'; hásta 'hand'; ha 'forsake'; hayaná- (AV.) 'year'; hi 'for'; himá- 'cold'; hiranya- 'gold'; hirắ- (AV. VS.) ‘vein'; hims- 'injure'; hesas- 'wound'; hr 'take'; hyás 'yesterday'7. 8. h according to the evidence of cognate languages, represents other palatals in some words. Thus in hyd- 'heart', 'IE. would be expected; and j = IE. & in ahám 'T', mahant- 'great', hánu- jaw', hásta- 'hand', hva-, hu- § 'call'. These irregularities are probably due to IE. dialectic variations 8. 2. h also represents dh and bh not infrequently, and dh at least once. a. It takes the place of dh in four or five roots (with nominal derivatives) and in a few nominal and verbal suffixes. Thus it appears initially in hitá-, -hiti-, beside -dhita-, dhiti-, from dha- 'put'. Medially it is found in gáhate 'plunges' (with the derivatives gāhá- 'depth', gáhana- 'deep', dur-gáha- 'impassable place') beside gādhá- 'ford'; róhati 'rises', 'grows' (with the derivatives rüh- 'growth', róhana- 'means of ascending', róhas- 'elevation') beside ródhati 'grows' (with the derivatives vi-rúdh- 'creeper', -ródha- 'growing', ródhas- 'bank', ā-ródhana- 'ascent'); derivatives of *rudh- 'be red': rohit-, róhita-, ¹ Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 214 b. 2 That is for *guzdhá (through guzh-tá- for gugh-tá-), the cerebral z disappearing but leaving the vowel long. 3 Cp. 12 and 17, 5. 4 See above 41, 2. 5 See WHITNEY, Roots, under jeh; and CP. 4I &, 2. 6 This includes several examples given under a aud f. 7 Perhaps also in has- 'laugh' and ha- go', as these verbs have no forms with gh; also nah- bind' in spite of nad-dhá-. In several words the origin of the is un- certain, e. g. jangahe 'struggles', as the evidence is doubtful. 8 See WACKERNAGEL I, 216 b; for a few doubtful examples, ibid. 216 a, note. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. -lohita- 'red', beside lodhá- 'reddish animal', rudhirá- (AV.) ‘reď'; also rauhiná- beside rudhikrá-, names of demons; the evidence of cognate languages further shows that represents dh in grhá- 'house'¹. h moreover represents dh in the adverbial suffix -ha in višvá-ha beside visvá-dha 'always'; in sahá 'together', beside sadha- in compounds; in ihá 'here', as shown by the Prakrit idha; and doubtless also in sama-ha 'somehow', though there is no direct evidence. The evidence of cognate languages, more- over, shows that in the endings of the 1. du. -vahe, -vahi, -vahai and the 1. pl. -mahe, -mahi, -mahai h represents dh (cp. Gk. -peda, etc.) ². 52 b. takes the place of bh in the verb grah, grh- 'seize' (with its derivatives gráha- 'ladleful', gráhi- 'demoness', grahyì- 'to be grasped', grhá- 'servant', hasta-gŕhya 'having take the hand') beside grabh-, grbh- (with the derivatives grábha- 'taking possession of', grābhá- 'handful'); and in the nouns kakuhá- 'high', beside kakúbh- 'height', kakubhá- (VS. TS.) 'high', m. (AV.) a kind of demon; bali-hrt- 'paying tax' (beside bhṛ- 'bear'); probably bárjaha- 'udder' (?), if formed with suffix -ha = -bha (in rsa-bhá-, etc.) ³. c. h takes the place of dh in bárbrhi, 2. sing. impv. of the intv. bárbṛh- of the root byh- 'make strong', for *barbṛḍhi (= *barbrṇḍhi, with the cerebral dropped after lengthening the preceding in pronunciation) 4. d. The rule is that appears for dh, dh, bh, only between vowels 5, the first of which is unaccented; e. g. ihá, kakuhá-, grhá- bárjaha-, bali-hŕt- rauhiná-, sahá. Similarly in grabh- ‘seize', h alone appears after unaccented y in RV.1-rx6; while on the other hand, in the 2. sing. impv. of graded roots, -dhi regularly appears after strong and therefore originally accented vowels; e. g. bodhi (from bhu- be'), y'dhi (from yu- 'yoke'), yuyodhi (from yu- 'separate'); śiśādhi, but śiśīhí (šā- ‘sharpen'). Again, in rudh- 'rise', the unaccented form of the root is regularly ruh-, while when it is accented, forms such as ródhati appear beside róhati, and in nominal derivatives dh predominates in accented radical syllables, the RV. having rýdha- and ā-ródhana- only, but the AV. riha- and aróhaṇa-7. a. At the same time dh and bh remain in a good many instances after an un- accented vowel; thus in the 2. sing. impv. krdhi, gadhi, śrudhi, śṛṇudhi; în adhás ‘below', adhamá- 'lowest', abhi 'towards'; rbhú- 'deft'; midhi- 'reward'; medha- 'wisdom'; vidháti 'adores'; vidhi- 'solitary'; vidháva- 'widow'; vadhi- bride'; sādhi- 'right'; rudhirá- (AV.) 'red'; derivatives formed with -dhí-, -bhá-, etc. The retention of the dh and bh here is partly to be explained as an archaism, and partly as due to borrowing from a dialect in which these aspirates did not become h, and the existence of which is indicated by the Prakrit form idha beside the Vedic ihá here'. The guttural aspirate media is probably to be similarly explained in meghá- ‘cloud' and arhá- ‘sinful'.. ¹ Cp. WACKERNAGEL 1, 217 a. 2 The in the perf. aha, ahúr, may represent dh; not, however, in náhyati binds', in spite of naddhá-; nah- rather stands for IIr. nažh- (cp. Lat. necto); the pp. instead of

nadhá-, became naddhá through the in-

fluence of baddhá- from bandh- 'bind'. Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 217 a, note, where several other wrong explanations of h dh are discussed. — 3 Some erroneous etymologies in which his explained as bh are discussed in WACKERNAGEL I, 217 b, note. 4 Cp. 12 and 17, 5. 5 It appears initially in hitá- -dhita-, but originally it was doutbless preceded in this position by a final vowel. That h — appears, though a vowel does not follow, in grhnatu (IV. 57) and hasta-gfhya, is due to other forms of grabh- in which is followed by a vowel. 6 In RV. x, however, gráha- and grähi- occur; cp. above, 2 b. 7 Exceptions like róhita-, višváha and inflected forms such as gáhate, are due to normalization. 8 Where the RV. fluctuates between h and dh bh (above 2, a, b), h appears throughout in the later Samhitās; thus always -hi, after vowels in imperatives except edhi 'be'; thus for śrnudhi (RV. VIIL. 843), SV. has śrnuhi. But a new h of this kind hardly occurs. Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 219 a. I. PHONOLOGY. THE CEREBRAL. ANUSVĀRA AND ANUNĀSIKA. 53 3. The various origins of h led to some confusion in the groups of forms belonging to roots which contain h. a. roots in which represents an original guttural (IIr. jh) show some forms which would presuppose an old palatal (IIr. 2). Thus from muh- 'be confused', phonetic derivatives of which are mugdhá-, mógha-, are formed mūḍhá- (AV.) 'bewildered' and múhur 'suddenly'. b. roots in which represents an old palatal (IIr. h) show forms with a guttural before vowels and dentals; thus from dih- 'besmear' is formed digdhá- (AV.) 'owing to the influence of dah- 'bum', and duh- 'milk'. Similarly, froin *saráh- 'bee', beside sarádbhyas, is formed säraghá- (AV. VS.) 'derived from the bee'¹. c. the root ruh-, though-rudh- 'ascend', is treated as if the represented (as in vah-) an old palatal (IIr. zh); hence aor. áruksat, des. rúruksati, Pp. -rūḍha- (AV.), ger. rūḍhvá (AV.). 59. The cerebral .This sound, as distinguished from the ordinary dental, is a cerebral ². It appears in our (Sakala) recension of the RV. as a substitute, between vowels, for the cerebral d and, with the appended sign for h, for the cerebral aspirate dh³; e. g. ila- 'refreshment'; á-şalha- 'invincible'. It also appears in Sandhi when final before an initial vowel; e. g. turāṣál abhibhutyojaḥ (III. 434). In the written Samhitā text, however, it does not appear if followed by a semivowel which must be pronounced as a vowel; e. g. vidv-ànga- 'firm-limbed', to be pronounced as vilu-anga- and analysed thus by the Padapatha. In one passage of the RV. the readings fluctuate between ! and / in nilavat or nilavat (VII. 976)4. 60. Anusvāra and Anunāsika. - Anusvara, 'after-sound', is a pure nasal sound which differs from the five class nasals; for it appears after vowels only, and its proper use is not before mutes, but before sibilants or h (which have no class nasal). But it resembled the class nasals in being pronounced, according to the Prātiśākhyas of the RV. and the VS.5, after the vowel. The vowel itself might, however, be nasalized, forming a single combined sound. The Pratiśakhya of the AV.6, recognizes this nasal vowel, called Anunāsika, 'accompanied by by a nasal', alone, ignoring Anusvāra, which with the preceding vowel represents two distinct successive sounds. WHITNEY', however, denies the existence of any distinction between Anunāsika and Anusvāra. In any case, the Vedic Mss. have only the one sign ³ (placed either above or after the vowel) for both³, employing the simple dot - where neither Anusvāra nor Anunāsika is allowable. The latter sign is used in the TS. for final m before y v, and in both the TS. and MS. before mutes instead of the class nasal9, a practice arising from carelessness or the desire to save trouble. There is thus no ground for the prevalent opinion that ³ represents Anunāsika and Anusvāra ¹0. Throughout the present work m with a dot (m) will be used for both, except if they appear before a vowel, when m with the older sign (m) will be employed. 10 29. I The root sagh- 'take upon oneself',| 4 Cp. BENFEY, Gött. Abhandl. 19, 138, has no connexion with sah 'overcome'; | note. See also WHITNEY on APr. nor väghát- institutor of a sacrifice', with vah 'convey'. The relation of gó-nyoghas- 'streaming among milk', to vah- is un- certain; cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 220 b, 5 See RPr. XII. 13; VS. I. 74f., 147 f. 6 See WHITNEY on APr. I. II. note. 2 Cp. above 42. 3 This practice is followed by the Mss. of secondary texts of the RV. 7 On TPr. II. 30; JAOS. 10, LXXXVIf. 8 Cp. WHITNEY on TPr. II. 30. 9 In the MS. also when -am is written for -ān. 10 See WHITNEY, JAOS. 7, 92, note. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Anusvāra and Anunāsika are commonest when final. As in that position they belong to the sphere of Sandhi, the conditions under which they then appear, will be stated below'. Medially Anusvāra and Anunāsika are found under the following conditions: 54 a. regularly before sibilants and h; e. g. vamšá- ‘reed'; havímși ‘offerings'; māmsá- 'flesh'; simhá- 'lion'. This is generally recognized as the sphere of Anusvāra, except by the APr.; but mamscatú 'light yellow', is stated ³ to have Anunāsika, while pumścali- (AV. VS.) is said to have both Anunāsika and Anusvāra4. The Anusvāra usually appears before s, and all forms with ms are shown to be based on original ns or ms by the evidence of cognate forms corroborated by that of allied languages 5; thus mámsate, 3. sing. subj. aor. of man- 'think'; jighamsati, des. from han- 'strike'; pimşánti beside pinásti, from pis- ‘crush'; the neuter plurals in -āmsi, -īmṣi, -umsi from stems in -as, -is, -us, with nasal after the analogy of -anti, nom. acc. pl. from neuters innt; stems in -yāms, -vams beside nom. sing. in-yan, -van; kramsyáte (AV.) from kram- 'stride'. When Anusvāra appears before and h derived from an IE. palatal or guttural, it represents the corresponding class nasal. The reduction of these old nasals to Anusvāra is probably IIr. after long vowels (am, -imr, -umr); probably later after short vowels, for it does not appear in forms like áhan (for áhans), though s was not dropped after an in the IIr. period; but the s must have been dropped early in the Indian period, before -ans became -ams Anusvāra before h (= Av. j) must have arisen in the Indian period. b. before any consonant in the intensive reduplicative syllable, the final of which is treated like that of the prior member of a compound; e. g. námnam- īti (v. 835) from nam- 'bend'. c. before any consonant which is the initial of secondary suffixes; thus from sam 'blessing', is formed sam-yu- 'beneficent'; sám-täti- or śántiti- 'blessing'. 61. Voiceless Spirants.-a. The sound called Visarjanīya8 in the Prātiśākhyas⁹, must in their time have been pronounced as a voiceless breathing, since they describe it as an uşman, the common term for breathings and sibilants. This conclusion is borne out by the fact that, in the RPr., Jihvāmūlīya and Upadhmānīya, the sounds which are most nearly related to and may be replaced by Visarjanīya, are regarded as forming the second half of the voiceless aspirates kh and ph respectively, just as forms the second half of the voiced aspirates gh, bh, etc. At the present day Visarjanīya is still pronounced in India as a voiceless breathing, which is, however, followed by a weak echo of the preceding vowel. According to the TPr.", Visarjanīya has the same place of articulation as the end of the preceding vowel. The proper function of this sound is to represent final s and r in pausā; it may, however, also appear before certain voiceless initial sounds, viz. k, kh, p, ph, and the sibilants (occasionally also in compounds) ** b. Beside and instead of Visarjanīya, the Pratiśākhyas recognise two voiceless breathings as appropriate before initial voiceless gutturals (k, kh)¹² ¹ See below, Sandhi, 75. 2 APr. 1. 67; 11. 33f. 3 Cp. RPr. IV. 35. 4 Cp. VPr. 1V. 7 f. 5 Cp. WACKERNAGEL. I, 224 a. 6 Loc. cit.; cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 354, 17. 7 In AUFRECHT's edition printed nánna- mīti. 8 The erm visarga is not found in the Prātiśākhyas (nor in Pāņini). 9 RPr. 1. 5 etc., VPr. 1. 41 etc.; APr. I. 5 etc.; TPr. I. 12 etc. 10 See WHITNEY on TPr. II. 48. ¹¹ See below, Sandhi, 78, 79. 12 See RPr. 1. 8; VPr. III. 11 etc. I. PHONOLOGY. VOICELESS SPIRANTS. Loss OF CONSONANTS. 55 and labials (p, ph) respectively. The former (2) called Jihvamūliya, or sound 'formed at the root of the tongue', is the guttural spirant x; the latter (h), called Upadhmäniya, or 'on-breathing', is the bilabial spirant ². In Mss. they are regularly employed in the Kasmirian Sarada character. 62. Loss of Consonants.- Consonants have been lost almost exclusively when they have been in conjunction with others. The loss of a single consonant which is not in conjunction with another is restricted to the dis- appearance of v before u, and much more rarely of y before i. The v thus disappears finally in the Sandhi of av before u in the RV. and VS.3 Initially, is lost before ur derived from a vowel; thus in úrana- and úra- 'sheep'; úras- 'breast'; ur-āṇá-, mid. part. (vr- 'choose'); úrj- 'vigour'; úrṇā- 'wool'; urnóti 'covers' (ur- 'cover'); urdhvá- 'high'; ūrmí- 'wave'. Such loss of v before ur also occurs after an initial consonant in tūrtá- ‘quick’ (— IIr. tvŕtá-); dhúrvati, ádhurṣata, dhurti-, from dhur- 'cause to fall'; húrya-, juhūr- thas; juhur, from hur- 'go crookedly'+ Before simple z the v has disappeared at the beginning of the reduplicative syllable u- (— *vu- for original va-), in u-vác-a from vac- 'speak'; u-vása from vas- 'shine'; u-váh-a from vah- 'convey'. Similarly initial y has disappeared from the reduplicative syllable i-= *yi- in the desiderative i-yak-sati, i-yak-şamana-, from yaj 'sacrifice'5. 1. When a group of consonants is final, the last element or elements are regularly lost (the first only, as a rule, remaining) in pausã and in Sandhi. 2. When a group of consonants is initial, the first element is frequently lost. The only certain example of an initial mute having disappeared seems to be tur-tya- 'fourth', from *ktur-, the low grade form of catúr- 'four', because the Vedic language did not tolerate initial conjunct mutes 7. An initial sibilant is, however, often lost before a mute or nasal. This loss was originally doubtless caused by the group being preceded by a final consonant. There are a few survivals of this in the Vedas; thus cit kámbhanena (x. III 5), otherwise skámbhana- 'support'; and the roots stambh- 'support', and stha- 'stand', lose there s after ud-; e. g. út-thita-, út-tabhita-. On the other hand the sibilant is preserved after a final vowel, in compounds or in Sandhi, in á-skrdhoyu- 'uncurtailed', beside krdhú- 'shortened'; scandrá- 'brilliant', in ášva- scandra- 'brilliant with horses', ádhi ścandrám (vIII. 65¹), also in the intens. pres. part. cáni-ścad-at ‘shining brightly', otherwise candrá- 'shining', and only candrá-mas- moon'. In derivatives from four other roots, forms with and without the sibilant 10 are used indiscriminately, without regard to the preceding I See VPr. I. 41. 2 Cp. EBEL, KZ. 13, 277 f. 3 See below, Sandhi, 73. 4 The has either remained or been restored before such ur and ur in hotr-vúrya- 'election of the invoker'; in the opt. vurīta, from ur- 'choose'; and in the 3. pl. perfect babhū-vúr, jūhu-vur, susu-vur, tustu-vúr. 5 The evidence of cognate languages seems to point to the loss of initial din áśru- ‘tear' (Lat. dacruma, Gk. dákpu). It is, however, probable that there were two different but synonymous IE. words akru and dakru. On some doubtful etymologies based on loss of initial consonants, see WACKERNAGEL I, 228 C₂ note. ¹6 See below, Sandhi, 65. 7 There are some words in which an initial mute seems to have been lost in the IE. period; thus t in šatám 'hundred' (=IE. tentóm); d perhaps in vinsati- 'twenty' and vi- 'between'; / perhaps in yákrt- 'liver'. An initial mute seems to have been lost before a sibilant (originally perhaps after a final consonant) in stána- 'breast', suid- 'sweat'; sasș- 'six' (KZ. 31, 415 ff.). 8 Dissimilation may also have played some part in the loss of the sibilant in the reduplicative syllable of roots with initial sk(h) st(h), sp(h), as caskánda, tiṣṭhāmi, paspársa. 9 See GRASSMANN's Wörterbuch sub verbo scandrá-. 10 The verb kr- 'do', after pári and sam, shows an initial s; e. g. pariṣkṛṇvanti, pári56 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. sound; from stan- 'thunder', stanayitni-, beside tanayitnú- 'thunder', tanyatú- (also AV.) 'thunder', tanyú- 'thundering', tanyati 'resounds'; stená- 'thief', stay-ánt- (AV.) 'stealing', stayi- (VS.) 'thief', stéya- 'theft', beside täyi- 'thief'; sty, beside t- 'star'; spás 'spy' and spas 'see' in verbal forms á-spas-ta aor., paspas perf., spāśáyati caus., -spasta- part., 'seen', beside pásyati 'sees'¹. The loss of initials may be inferred in the following words from the evidence of cognate languages in which it has been preserved: tij- 'sharpen'; tuj- ‘strike'; tud- beat'; narmá- (VS.) ‘jesť; nṛt- ‘dance'; parṇá- ‘wing’; piká- (VS.) 'Indian cuckoo'; plíhán- (VS. AV.) 'spleen'; phéna- 'foam'; mrd 'crush', mydů- (VS.) 'soft'; vip- 'tremble'; supti- 'shoulder'. A few examples occur of the loss of the semivowels y or v² as the last element of an initial consonant group. Thus y disappears in derivatives of roots in i formed with suffixes beginning with consonats: -mūta- ‘moveď', mū-rá- 'impetuous', mi-tra- (AV. VS.) 'urine', from mīv- 'push'; suci- 'needle', sū-ná- plaited basket', sú-tra- (AV.) 'thread', beside syú-man- 'thong', syū-tá- 'sewn', from siv- 'sew'. Loss of v seems to have taken place in siti- 'white' (only at the beginning of compounds), beside svit- 'be bright', śvity-áñc- ‘brilliant', švitrá- (AV.) ‘white', śvitrya-, perhaps 'white'; and, on the evidence of the Avesta, in kṣip- 'throw' (Av. hšiw), sáș- (Av. hšvaš). 3. When the group is medial, the loss usually taken takes place between single consonants. a. The sibilants and s thus regularly disappear between mutes; e. g. á-bhak-ta, 3. sing. aor., for *ábhak-s-ta beside á-bhak-ş-i, from bhaj-, 'share'; cas-te for caks-te (original *cas-s-te) 3. Similarly a-gdha- (TS.) 'un- eaten', for *a-ghs-ta-, from ghas- 'eat'4. b. The dental t has disappeared between a sibilant and c in pas-cá and pas-cát 'behind' (— IE. post-që, post-qét); and between pand s in *nap-su which must have been the loc. pl. (AV. nafšu), from *napt-, ‘weak stem of nápät-, beside the dat. nád-bhyas 'to the grandsons', for napt-bhyas, where on the other hand the p has been dropped. c. A mute may disappear between a nasal and a mute; e. g. panti- for pańkti-, yundhi for yungdhi. This spelling is common in Vedic Mss.; it is prescribed in APr. II. 20, and, as regards the mediae, in VPr. vI. 30. 4. The only example of the loss of an initial 5 mute in a medial group of consonants seems to be that of b before dbh in nádbhyas for *nabdbhyas from napt for nápat-. The semivowel seems to be lost before a consonant when another follows in cakr-át (Pp. cakrán) and cakr-iyās6 for *carkr- beside carkar-mi, from kr- 'commemorate'; and, on the evidence of the Avesta, in tuástr- (cp. pwaras 'cut', pwaršta- 'created'), 3 See above 56, b. şkṛta-, sám-skrta-; also after nis in nir askrta (Pp. akrta), perhaps owing to Sandhi forms 4 On ápnas- property', dámpati- 'lord of with sk such as niskuru (AV.). There can | the house', see WACKERNAGEL I, 233 c, note. be little doubt that the s here was not ori- ginal but was due to analogy; cp. WACKER- NAGEL I, 230 a, , note. ¹ WACKERNAGEL I, 230 a 7, note, discusses several uncertain or erroneous etymologies based on loss of initial s (including maryas interpreted as 2. sing. opt. of smr-). The evi- dence of Prakrit seems to point to the loss of initial s in sépa- 'tail', krīd- 'leap', kruś 'cry', parasú- 'axe', parusá- 'knotty'; cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 230 b. 2 On the possible loss of in bhanj (Lat. frango) and of k in savyá- (Lat. scaevus), see WACKERNAGEL I, 232 c, note. 5 The guttural mute only seems to be lost when ks+t becomes st: see above, 56, 6. The loss of m in the inst. sing. -ni of nouns in -man is only a seeming one; for dānā, prāthiná, preṇā, bhūná, mahină, variņá (TS.) appear beside the stems dáman- etc., because some of them had a stem in - without m, so that - seemed an alternative from of -mnă: see BENFEY, GGA. 1846, 702. 880; Göttinger Abhandlungen 19, 234; BLOOM- FIELD, JAOS. 17, 3; cp. IF. 8, Anzeiger, p. 17. 6 But see GELDNER, VS. I, 279. I. Phonology. Loss of Consonants.

57

probably starting from forms like tvdsira {KST) in which the r immediately followed '

But the loss of a spirant (Ilr. j, z, z, Ui) at the beginning of a medial group is common.

a. The sibilant s ^ has thus been lost before k followed by a consonant in vavrktam, vrknd-, vrktvf, vrkd (TS.), from vrak- 'lop' (cp. -vraskd-).

b. The voiced form (Ilr. z) of dental s has disappeared ^ before voiced dentals, without leaving any trace, in the roots as- 'sit', and sds- 'order'; thus a-dhvam, sasa-dhi. But when d preceded the z, the disappearance of the sibilant is indicated by e taking the place of az before d, dk, h {= dh); thus e-dhi, from as- 'be'; sed-'-, perfect stem of sad- 'sit' (for sazd-, like sasc- from sac-). This e also replaces az with loss of the sibilant in de-hi 'give'; dhe-hi 'put'; kiye-dha- 'containing much'; ned-Tyas- and ned-istha- 'vtxy vaaQ}r! j>ed-ii-^ N.; medatl 'is fat'; medhd- and medhds- 'wisdom'; m'edha- 'juice'*.

c. When a vowel other than a preceded, the z was cerebralized (like s before a voiceless dental) and disappeared after cerebralizing the following dental and lengthening the preceding vowel; thus a-sto-dhvam (= d-stoz-dhvam for a-stos-dhvam) 2. pi. aor., beside a-sto-s-ta, 3. sing., from siu- 'praise'. Thus also are to be explained mdd- 'nest' (= nizda- for ni-sd-a-); pid- 'press' {== pizd- iox J>i-sd- 01 pis-d-) ; mid/id- 'reward' (Gk. fj.ia66g); vid-u- 'strong', viddyati 'is strong' (from -vis- -work' +-^)*; Jud-'^ 'be angry', and its Guna forms, e. g. hed-as- 'anger'; ttirddti 'be gracious', mrdikd- 'gracious' (for mrz-d- from mrs- 'forget') with vowel pronounced long (12), d-red-ant- (TS.) 'not deceiving' {= a-rezd-atit-), from ris- 'injure'.

d. Similarly the old voiced palatal spirant (Ilr. z) disappeared after cerebralizing a following ^_^or dh and lengthening the preceding vowel; thus ta-dhi Jox *tai-dhi {= tak-s-dhi) from taks- 'fashion'; so-dhA for *sas-dhd (= sak-s-dka), beside sas-thd- (AV.) 'sixth'. A similar loss is to be assumed in id- 'praise' (= iz-d ior yaj--{- d)'^°.

e. This loss is specially frequent in the case of the old voiced palatal aspirated spirant Qlr.z/i) represented by k, which was dropped after cerebralizing and aspirating a followed i and lengthening the preceding vowel; thus baclhd-

» In a few forms of the AV. the semi- vowel y seems to be lost at the end of the medial group ksy: meksami, yokse, vidhaksdn, sakse. But these forms may be due to errors in the MSS.

2 In. ch^ IE. skh, the original s was lost in a pre-Indian period.

3 Before voiced mutes other than dentals, z became d, as in madgt'i- (44, 3 a) 'diver'; similarly 2 became d, as in fadbhis, from pas- 'look' or 'cord'; and in vi-prud-bhis from viprits- 'drop'.

4 The loss of the voiced sibilant [z] must be older than the original text of the RV., as the e of sed- has been transferred to other stems which contain no sibilant, as in bhej-iri, from bhaj- 'divide'. Similarly the vowel of Kid-, though derived from iz, is regarded as a primitive I'va. the form ajlhidat (AV.): cp. Wackernagel i, p. 272 (mid.).

5 Cp. Bartholomae, KZ. 27, 361. On edh- 'thrive', miyedha- 'broth', vedhds- 'virtuous', see Wackernagel i, 237 c.

6 In stems in -as before case terminations beginning with bh, and before secondary

suffixes beginning with m,yorv, the sibilant is lost (instead of becoming d in the former circumstances, or remaining in the latter) owing to the influence of Sandhi; e. g. dveso-b/iis from dves-as- 'hate'. An original sibilant has perhaps been lost in mahisd-, sahvdms-jjahiisa, hraduni-,;as- 'be exhausted' ; cp. Wackernagel i, 237 a ,8, note.

7 The origin of krodd- (AV. VS.) 'breast' (Av. hraozdra- 'hard') and of many words with d or dh preceded by a long vowel, and with no collateral forms containing a sibi- lant, is obscure.

8 Cp. HiJBSCHMANN, KZ. 24, 408. In sTda- (= sizda-) from sad- 'sit', the d has been retained owing to the influence of other forms of the verb sad-. See, however, RozwADOWSKi, BB. 21, 147, and cp. ZDMG. 48, 519.

9 Plnda- perhaps stands for *pinzda-, from pis- 'crush; cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 146, d.

10 On /end-, cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 238 b, note; PiscHEL, BB. 23, 253 if. On td-, cp. Oldenberg, SBE. 30, 2. I. Allgemeines und Sprache. 4. Vedic Grammar.

'strong', ni-bndha- 'dense' (= bazdhd- for bah-td-) from bamh- 'be strong'; sddhr- 'conqueror', d-sadha- 'invincible', from sah-; rjdhd- (= rizdkd-), from rih- 'lick'; iidkd- (= usdhd-) from va/i- 'carry'; gadhd- 'concealed', ixoia. guh- 'hide'; trdhd-, trdhva (AV.), from trh- 'crush'; drdhd- 'firm', from drh- 'be strong'. Here e also appears for az in trnedhu (AV.) from /-^i^- (^ trnaz- dhu); and <? in vodhdm (= vazdhajn), 2. du. aor. of Z'a/^- 'carry'. We also find e as Guna of /' in medhra- (AV.), from iiiih- 'mingere' (= mezdhra-).

63. Metathesis. — Apart from the few examples of ra before s and h (51 c), there are probably no certain instances of metathesis in the RV.'. In the later Samhitas, however, a few other forms of metathesis are to be found. Thus -valh- seems to be a transposition of hval- 'go deviously' in upa-valh- (VS.) 'propound a riddle to"'. In valmika- (VS.) 'anthill', m appears trans- posed beside vamrl- and vatnrd- 'ant', vamra-kd- 'little ant'. Metathesis of quantity occurs in as-thas for *as-t/iSs, 2. sing. mid. aor. of as- 'throw'. This is analogous to the shortening, in the RV., of the radical vowel of da- 'give', in the forms adam, adas, adat, where the verb is compounded with the verbal prefix a 3, while otherwise the forms dam, das, dat alone appear.

64. Syllable. — The notion of the syllable is already known to the late hymns of the Rgveda, though the word {a-ksdra-) is there generally used as an adjective meaning 'imperishable'. Thus aksdrena mimate saptd vdnih means 'with the syllable they measure the seven metres'. The vowel being according to the Pratisakhyas ■» the essential element of the syllable, the word aksara-^ is used by them in the sense of 'vowel' also. Initially, a vowel, or a con- sonant and the following vowel form a syllable. Medially, a simple consonant begins a syllable, e. g. ta-pas; when there is a group of consonants, the last begins the syllable, e. g. tap-ta-, and if the last is a sibilant or semivowel, the penultimate also belongs to the following syllable'^, e. g. astam-psTt, an- tya-. A final consonant in pausa belongs to the preceding vowel, e. g. i-dain.

By the process called haplology one of two identical or similar syllables in juxtaposition is dropped. Syllable is here to be taken in the sense not only of a consonant with a following vowel, but of a vowel with a following consonant.

I. The first of the two syllables is dropped within a word in tuvi-rdvavan 'roaring mightily"', beside tuvi-rdva- madh{ydya 'in the middle', from mddhya- (like asa-yti, nakta-ya); vftdtha 'at will', from vrtd- 'willed' (like rtu-tha 'according to r/«-'); svapatydi for svapat{yayai, dat. sing. f. oi sv-apatyd- 'having good offspring'; perhaps also Vj, hfi^% ydyos, gen. loc. du. of^i-*- Examples of a vowel with following consonant being dropped are: iradfiddhyai, inf. ofzVaayz-'seektowin'; ca^ati^anta, r[an]anta, v[an]anta9 ; perhaps sdd[as]as-pdti- beside sddasas-pdti- 'lord of the seat'".

a. The final syllable of the first member of a compound is sometimes dropped in this way; thus se[vd-vara- 'treasury'; se{vd-vrdha- 'dear'; madugha- (AV.),

1 Perhaps stoka- 'drop', may stand for

skota.-, from imi- 'drip-, under the influence

of stukd- 'tuft'.

2 Cp. Wackernagel I, 212 b, note, and 239 b.

3 These forms are not resolved in the Pada text, i. e. they are treated as if they did not contain the verbal prefix a.

RPr. xvm. 17; VPr. i, 99.

5 Though known to Katyayana and Patan- jali as well as to the Pratisakhyas, aksara-

as the designation of syllable is not found in Panini.

6 See TPr. xxi. 7, 9. On the division of syllables cp. further RPr. I. 15; VPr. I. looff. ; APr. I. 55ff.; TPr. xxi. iff.; and Whitney on TPr. XXI. 5.

7 Cp. Bartholomae, KZ. 29, 527, 562.

8 Cp., however, eti-os for ena-yos.

9 See KZ. 20, 70 f.

10 See Bloomfield, JAOS. 16, xxxv. II. Euphonic Combination (Sandhi).

^^ 59

N. of a plant yielding honey, beside madhu-dugha- 'shedding sweetness'; sas[pa]-pinjara- (VS.) 'tawny like young grass'<r1>.

2^. The second syllable is dropped in the d&'iwts pdumsyaja], ratnadheyj[ya], saMyd[y a], and abhikhyd beside abhikhyaya; also xi vrkdt[ati- 'destruction', beside vrkdtat- and devd-iati-; and at the beginning of the second member of a compound in sirsa-[saM- (AV.) 'headache' ^

a. A following syllable is sometimes dropped in spite of a different one intervening; thus in the dative marydda[ya] 'boundary'; and somewhat pecuHarly iri dvarrv[ar]ur, 3. pi. impf beside the 3. sing, d varivar and 3, sing. pres. a varTvarti.

II. EUPHONIC COMBINATION (SANDHI).

Benfey, Vollstandige Grammatik p. 21—70. — Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar p. 34 — 87. — Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik i, 301 — 343. — Arnold, Vedic Metre p. 70 — 80.

65. The nature of Vedic Sandhi. — The sentence is naturally the unit of speech which forms an unbroken chain of syllables euphonically combined. It is, however, strictly so only in the prose portion of the AV.3 and the prose Mantras of the YV. As the great bulk of the Vedas is metrical, the RV. and the SV. being entirely so, the editors of the Sarnhita text treat the hemistich (consisting generally of two Padas or verses) t as the euphonic unit, applying the rules of Sandhi with special stringency between the Padas or metrical units which form the hemistich. The evidence of metre, however, shows that, in the original form of the text, Sandhi at the end of an internal Pada is all but unknowns. The verse, therefore, is the true euphonic unit®. The final of a word appears either at the end of this unit in pausa {avasane) 7, or within it as modified by contact with a following initial. The form which the final of a word assumes in pausa, being regarded as the normal ending, is generally the basis of the modification appearing within the verse. It will therefore conduce to clearness if the rules relating to absolute finals are first stated.

66. Finals in pausa. — a. Vowels' in this position undergo no change other than occasional nasalization.

1. In all the Sarnhitas a % u'^ are frequently nasalized when prolated; e. g. vindatiim = vindati (x. 146'); babhuvaiin = babhUva (AV. x. 2²⁸); vivesaim = vivesa (VS. xxiii. 49); mamdim = mama (TS. vii. 4^°).

2. In the Sarnhita text of the RV. there survive, at the end of a verse within a hemistich, from the period when such end also was accounted a pause, several instances of nasalized c, preserved to avoid hiatus and con-

<r1> This explanation is doubtful in uloká-

for u[hi]loka- (cp. Erugmann, Grundriss i, 624, p. 471); susmaya- (TS.) for śuṣma- mdya-; bhTmala- (VS.) 'terrible', for bhTma- mala-; improbable ia ne/anas for rujand-nas, 'with broken nose' (Bloomfield, JAOS. 16, xxxiv).

2 Cp. Whitney, Translation of AV. I, 123.

3 See Bloomfield, The Atharvaveda, in this Encyclopedia, §1 (beginning) and note i.

i In the Gayatrl metre, in which there are three Padas, the third alone constitutes the second hemistich; in the Pankti, which has five Padas, the last three constitute the second hemistich.

5 The only probable exception is RV. IX. 113, 7 c d; cp. Arnold, Vedic Metre 119.

6 The sentence within a Pada, as well as the Pada itself, is the unit of accent; cp. below, 83.

7 Cp. RPr. L 3; VI. 5; x. S; xi. 30.

8 Final r never occurs in the RV., its place being supplied by iir as nom. ace. s. n. e. g. sihitur 'standing' (cp. WaCKERNAGEL, KZ. 25, 287 f.); but the TS. already has

janayiif and bhartf (B ?), Wackernagel I, 259 a, note.

9 The vowels I and li, when dual termina- tions (pragrhya), cannot be nasalized. traction. Thus ă appears as ă͏̇m before e and o; e. g. ghaném͏̆͏̇ (symbol characters) ékaś (i. 33⁴); a appears am before ^ <? r; q. g. yamynamcaye {Y.2,0^'^); while the prepositions (7 'near', and wa 'together', are nasalized before any vowel; q. g. sdcam^udydn. The vowel ā once appears as ayn before r in vipanydmytdsya (iv. i'^), following the regular rule that unnasalized a is shortened before r in the RV. b. Consonants are liable to change of mode of articulation and, to some extent, of place of articulation.

1. Final mutes, whether tenuis, media, or aspirate, are without distinction represented by the corresponding tenuis; e. g. durat (111.593) = durdd ^iroxa afar'; usar-bhut (i. 65') = usar-bi'idh 'waking at dawn'.

2. The palatals c and / revert to the original guttural, becoming k; thus arvdk (i. 118^) = arvdc 'coming hither'; su-yi'ik = su-yuj 'well yoked'. The old palatal y, however, becomes /, e.g. rat ij. i2i3), m. £ 'king', 'queen', = raj; in rtvik, however, it becomes the guttural, = rtvlj 'priest' {{xovayaj- 'sacrifice') ^.

3. The ritual exclamations vdsat (x. iis') and srdusat (i. 139'), which are probably modified forms of the 3. sing. aor. subj. of »«/?- 'carry', and srti- 'hear'*, have t for i owing to the analogy of the exclamations vdtiys.), vat (TS.), 3. sing. aor. of Yvah-^.

4. The nasals occurring as finals, «, n, m^, remain unchanged. Of these, n and m are very common; but n is found very rarely and only secondarily after the loss of a following k (representing an original palatal; e. g. prsfi for *prdnk, from prdnc-). Probably no instance of final n can be found in Vedic Mantras. The palatal n never occurs, since final palatals become guttural (b, 2).

a. In the rare instances in which a radical m becomes final after dropping a following -t or -s, it appears as n owing to the influence of the dental; thus ddn (= *dam-s) 'of the house' {dam-)T; d-kran (^=*d-kram-t), 3. sing. aor. of kram- 'stride'; d-gan (= *a-gam-s, *a-gam-t), 2. 3. sing, aor., a-Jagan {=*ajagam-i), 3. sing, plup., aganTgan (VS.), 3.sing. intv. of gam- 'go'; d-yan {= *a-yam-s-t), 3. sing. aor. of yam- 'reach'*.

5. The semivowels y v /^ do not occur as finals, r is represented by Visarga; thus pi'mar 'again', is written punah'^°.

6. The sibilants and h are all changed when final.

a. The dental s, which is by far the commonest of final sibilants, becomes Visarga; e. g. ketus is written ketuh (iii. 61 3).

^. The cerebral s, which is very rare as a final, becomes cerebral / in sdt 'six', for sds; -dvit 'hating', for -dvis; vi-prut (AV.) 'sprinkling'.

1 The ritual interjection 6m (VS.) may be due to the nasalization of an original prolated (cp. RPr. xv. 3). Thus the JUB. I. 24. 3ff., mentions the pronunciations o as well as om, both of which it rejects in favour of om.

2 O^. RPr. I. 13; Whitney on APr. 1.43,

3 Cp. Wackernagel I, 149 a a.

4 Cp. above 42 c (p. 34).

5 Loc. cit.

6 Final m is often incorrectly written as Anusvara in Mss. (as conversely in Prakrit Mss. m is often written as m under Sanskrit influence: cp.PlscHEL.Grammatik derPrakrit- Sprachen, in this Encyclopedia, 339, 348), and their example is sometimes followed in printed editions.

7 In the K. also occurs the 'form a-nSn = *-!iSm-s-i, from nam- 'bend'. The SB. has prasan 'painless', ^= *pra-sam-s.

8 See 46 d, /?.

9 Final / is spoken of as occurring rarely (Wackernagel i, 260 c), or as very rare (Whitney 144), but I have been unable to find a single example in the Vedas (or even in post-Vedic Sanskrit). But though no etymologically final / seems to occur either in pausa or in Sandhi, it is found as a sub- stitute for d in two or three words in the later Sainhitas (see above 52 d, p. 45).

10 When h stands for etymological r, this is indicated by an added iti in the Pada- patha; e. g. piinar iti (x. 8518). n. Euphonic Combination. Finals. Rules of Sandhi.

6i

for vi-pri'is. These are the only examples occurring in the RV. and AV. In the only two examples in which s occurs in the RV. as a final in the com- pound form ks, it is dropped: andk 'eyeless', from an-dks-; d-myak, 3. sing. aor. of myaks- 'be situated' (?).

y. The palatal s becomes either k or t'; e. g. -^r^ fox drs- (m. 61 9); vtpai, N. of a river, for vip3,s-.

8. According as it is guttural or palatal in origin, h become k ar i; thus d-dhok, 3. sing. impf. of i/z^,^- 'milk'; hvX d-vdt, 3. sing. aor. of z/a/^- 'carry'.

c. Th'i rule is, that only a single consonant may be final. Hence all but the first of a group of consonants are dropped; e. g. dbhavan for

dbhavant tAn for *idns; tuddn for iuddnts; prAh for *prAhks (= *prancs);

acckaii for *ackantst, 3, sing. aor. of chand- 'be pleasing'.

a. k t or t, when they follow an f and belong to the root, are allowed to remain; e. g. vdrk, 2. 3. sing. aor. of vrj- 'bend'; urkj^S), nom. of a;;;- 'strength'; d-m3,rt, 3. sing, impf. of mrj- 'wipe'; a-vart, 3. sing. aor. of vrt- 'turn'; stthdrt (AV.), nom. of suhard- 'friend'. The only instance of a suffix remaining after ris dar-t, 3 sing. aor. of dr- 'cleave', used also for 2. sing, beside d-dah = d-dar (for *d-dars).

8. Some half-dozen instances have been noted, in the Samhitas, in which a suffixal s or f seems to have been retained instead of the preceding consonant; but they are probably all to be explained as due to analogical influence. They are :

1. the nominatives sadka-mas (beside sadha-mdd) 'companion of the feast'; ava-yds 'sacrificial share', and piro-das (ace. purodasam) 'sacrificial cake'. Sadha-mds may be due to the influence of nom. with phonetic j- like -mas 'moon', beside inst. pi. mJd-bhis (44 a 3). Ava-yas, in the only passage m which it occurs in the RV., has to be read as quadiisyllabic (also in AV.), i. e. as ava-yajah, and is probably to be explained as a con- traction which retains the living -s of the nom. (and not the prehistoric s of *-yaj-s). Puro-das (from das- 'worship'), occurring only twice in the RV., may be due to the in- fluence of a frequent nom. like draviiw-djs 'wealth-giver'. That the prehistoric nom. -j- should in these three forms have survived in the linguistic consciousness of the Vedic poets, and as such have ousted the preceding consonant, which in all other analogous nominatives alone remains, is hardly conceivable =. The only reasonable explanation is to assume the analogical influence of the nom. -s which was in living use after vowels.

2. The four verbal preterite forms [a-yas (for *a-yaj-s) beside a-y3f, 2. sing. aor. olyaj- 'sacrifice'; srSs {KV.) = *a-srdj-s, 2. sing. aor. oi srj- 'emit'; a-bhanas[KS>j ^*a-bhanak-s,

2. sing. impf. of bhanj- 'break' ; and a-srat (VS.) = *a-sras-t, 3. sing. aor. of sras- 'fall') are the beginnings of the tendency (of which there are several other examjDles in the Brahmanas)3, to normalize the terminations, so as to have -s in 2. sing, and -/in

3. sing. This tendency is extended in the RV. from the s and i of 2. 3. sing^ even to i. sing, in the forms a-kramlm (beside a-kramisani) owing to a-kram-u, a-k7-am-it; and vam (for var-am) owing to 2. sing, vak (for var), aor. of vr- 'cover'.

67. Rules of Sandhi. — The body of euphonic rules by which final consonants are assimilated to following initials and hiatus is avoided between final and initial vowels is called Sandhi in the Pratisakhyas +. The editors of the Samhita of the RV. have greatly obscured the true condition of the text vidth which they dealt by applying to it rules of euphonic combination which did not prevail at the time when the text was composed. Thus though the Sandhi between the verses of a hemistich is (excepting a few survivals from the older form of the text) 5 appHed with greater stringency than elsewhere, the metre clearly shows that the end of the first verse of a hemistich con- stitutes a pause as much as the end of the last. Within the verse, moreover, Sandhi is, according to metrical evidence, not applied where the caesura occurs; nd, when it means 'like' (as opposed to nd 'not'), is never contracted with any following vowel, nor (?^ 'then' with a preceding a^; t and w before

1 Cp. 43 a.

2 Cp. Whitney 146 a; Bt.oomfield, AJP. 3, 28 ff.; Bartholomae, KZ. 29, 578 ff.

3 Cp. Whitney 555 a.

4 RPr. 11. 2. 7. 13; VII. l; VPr. III. 2; APr. IV. 414.

5 E. g. manisa agnih (l. 701).

6 In these instances there is a pause in I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. dissimilar initial vowels are hardly ever changed to the corresponding semi- vowels, and often remain uncontracted even before similar vowels 2; the elision of a after e o is rare³; contraction is commonly avoided by the final vowel of monosyllabic words, and by an initial vowel followed by conjunct consonants 4. Nevertheless, it may be said in a general way that the poets of the RV. show a tendency to avoid the meeting of vowels 5. The divergences between the apparent and the real Sandhi which appear in the RV., decrease in the later Vedas, while the application of particular rules of Sandhi becomes more uniform6. 62 a. External Sandhi, or that which applies between words in the sentence, is to a considerable extent identical with internal Sandhi, or that which applies within words. The most striking difference is, that in the latter consonants remain unchanged before verbal and nominal terminations beginning with vowels, semivowels, or nasals 7. External Sandhi is on the whole followed in the formation of compounds, the divergences from it in the latter being merely survivals of an earlier stage of external Sandhi due to the closer connexion between members of a compound that renders them less liable than separate words to be affected by modifications of phonetic laws. External Sandhi is to a considerable extent affected by the law of finals in pausā. Under that influence it avoids final aspirates and palatals. There are, however, in the treatment of final n r, and s, certain survivals which do not agree with the corresponding forms in pausā. b. There are certain duplicate forms which were originally due to divergent euphonic conditions. Thus the tendency was to employ the dual ending a before consonants, but au before vowels. Similarly, the word sádā 'always', was used before consonants, but sádam before vowels 8. 68. Lengthening of final vowels.-Final vowels as a rule remain unchanged before consonants. But à i are very frequently lengthened ⁹ before a single initial consonant both in the metrical portion of the Samhitās and in the prose formulas of the Yajurveda; e. g. śrudhí hávam 'hear (our) call'. This practice includes examples in which the consonant is followed by a written y or v, to be pronounced, however, as i or u; e. g. ádhā hy àgne (IV. 10²a) ádha hi agne; abhí sv àryaḥ (x. 593ª) = abhí sú aryáḥ. The lengthening here appears to have arisen from an ancient rhythmic tendency of the language to pronounce long, between two short syllables, a final short vowel which was liable to be lengthened elsewhere as well"; this tendency being utilized by the poets of the Samhitãs where metrical exigencies required a long syllable. Thus ádha 'then', appears as ádha when a short syllable follows. Similarly tú 'but' generally becomes tú before a short syllable; and sú 'well' nearly always becomes sú between short syllables 12 the sense; cp. OLDENBERG, Prolegomena 443, note 2; ARNOLD 122. 1 ARNOLD 125. 2 Op. cit. 124. 3 Op. cit. 127. 4 Thus mápsavaḥ (iv. 47d) must be read má ápsavaḥ, but máduvaḥ (for má áduvaḥ) remains (ibid.). 5 Cp. OLDENBERG 434f. ¹1 This tendency survived in the post- 6 Cp. BARTHOLOMAE in KZ. 29, 37, Vedic language in compounds, in words P. 511f. (which followed the analogy of compounds) 7 Thus sakat, á-saknuvan, sakra-, šákvan-| before suffixes beginning with consonants, (from sak be able'), in all which forms gand in reduplicative syllables. would be required by external Sandhi. 12 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 266 b. 8 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 309, bottom. 9 The Padapatha in these instances regu- |larly gives the original unlengthened vowel. 10 Except in compounds, this lengthening disappears in the later language; there are, however, several survivals in the Brähmaṇas; see AUFRECHT, Aitareya Brāhmaṇa 427; and cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 264 b. 1 II. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. VOWELS. a. The short vowel regularly remains unchanged at the end of a verse (even within a hemistich); and often before the caesura of a Triṣṭubh or Jagati Pada (even in terminations otherwise liable to be lengthened) ². b. The final vowel is not lengthened in 1. vocatives (except vṛṣabhā VIII. 4538, and hariyojanā 1. 61¹6); 2. datives in -aya; 3. nom. plur. neuter in -i; 4. verbal forms ending in i and - (excepting imperatives in -dhi and the 3. sing. rákṣati II. 264) ³; 5. the prepositions úpat and ápa (except ápā vrdhi VII. 27²). = c. In some instances final vowels appear to be lengthened before vowels 5 or two consonants 6. 69. Contraction of similar vowels. When a final à ž or ž¹ is followed by corresponding initial à i or ž, contraction resulting in the long form of the respective vowel regularly takes place; e. g. ihásti - ihá asti; indrá indra á; tvagne = tva agne; vidám (VI. 99) = ví idám; a. The contraction of a + a and of й + occasionally does not take place even in the written text of the RV. both at the end of and within a Pāda; thus manīṣá | agníḥ (1.70¹); manīṣá abhí (1.1017); pūsá ásuraḥ (v.51¹), pūsá abhi- (vI. 505), pūsá avistu (x. 26¹d); vīli utá (1. 39²); sú urdhvá(h) (VI. 24⁹); sú utíbhiḥ (1. 112¹-23); the compound suutáyaḥ (vIII. 471-18) 8. b. On the other hand, in many instances where the contraction is written, the original vowels have to be restored in pronunciation with hiatus. The restored initial in these instances is long by nature or position, and the preceding final if long must be shortened in pronunciation "º; e. g. casắt (1. 273) 10; = ca āsát; carcata (1. 155¹) = ca arcata; mápéh = mă apéḥ; mắpsávaḥ må apsávaḥ; mrlatīdý še (IV.57¹)= mrlati idŕše; yántíndavaḥ (IV.472)=yánti indavaḥ; bhavantūksánaḥ (VI. 1647) bhavantu uksánaḥ. After monosyllables, the hiatus is regular in the case of the written contractions ī and ū, especially when the monosyllables are vi and hi; e. g. vindra (x. 32²) vi indra; hindra (1. 1025) ví hi indra II c. Duals in ãī ū are regularly uncombined. Such i and are usually written with hiatus in the Samhita text; the dual a always appears before ¹2, but at the end of internal Padas invariably coalesces in the written text. 70. Contraction of a with dissimilar vowels.-I. When final à is followed by i ž, contraction takes place resulting in e o¹3 respectively; e. g. pitéva pitá iva; ém = á îm; óbhá = á ubha. When a is followed by ?, contraction is never written in the RV. and VS. ¹4, but the metre shows that the combination is sometimes pronounced as ar, as is the case in the compound saptarsáyah 'the seven seers’ ¹5. 5 Op. cit. 60. 6 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I. 265 b, note. - in the 7 There is no example of contracted Samhitās, as never meet; and in the RV. final never occurs (cp. above, p. 59, note 8). 63 ― = L 9 ná 'like', is never combined in pro- nunciation, see above 67; cp. ARNOLD 120. ¹ Apparent exceptions are due to erroneous 8 Cp. BENFEY, SV. XXXIIf.; ROTH, Litte- metrical division of Padas by the editors of ratur 67 f. the Samhitãs, or to mechanical repetition of formulas originally used in a different posi-| tion in the verse. Thus śrudhi | hávam (1.25¹9) appears in imitation of śrudhi hávam which is frequent at the beginning of a verse (II. 11¹, etc.). Cp. OLDENBERG 420 f. 2 See ZUBATY, Der Quantitätswechsel im Auslaute vedischer Wörter, Vienna Or. Journal 2, 315. 3 See ZUBATY, op. cit. 3, 89. 4 See OLDENBERG 399. 10 Long vowels being regularly shortened before vowels; see OLDENBERG 465 f. 11 Cp. ARNOLD 124. 12 Op. cit. 120. Before other vowels, āv, the Sandbi form of au, the alternative dual ending, appears. 13 Because the long monophthongs ē and ō represent IE. či and Ⓡău. 14 The MS. does not contract either, but on the contrary often lengthens à to ā, even where the metre requires contraction. Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 267 a a, note. ¹5 See GRASSMANN, Wörterbuch p. VII. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. = a. In the RV. ǎ+i is once contracted to ai- in práiṣayúr (1. 1205) — þrá iṣayúḥ (Pp.)¹; in the SV. āti is once contracted to ai- in áindra á indra (I. 2. 1. 45); and in the AV. and VS. the preposition à contracts with ṛ to ār in ārti- à-ti- 'suffering', and árchatu á-rcchatu 2. The last three instances are perhaps survivals of an older con- traction. That à is not otherwise contracted with i'r to ai au ār, is doubtless to be accounted for by the previous shortening of à in hiatus 3. 64 = b. Occasionally a followed by i remains uncontracted in the written text of the RV.; thus jyá iyám (VI. 753); pibā imám (VIII. 17'); raṇayā ihá (VIII. 34¹¹) 4. When ā is followed by r, it is either shorteneds or nasalized; e. g. tátha r-túḥ for táthā r-; kadám rtacid (v. 39), = kadá r-; vibhvāṁ ṛbhúr (IV. 33³)6 — vibhvā y-; vipanyáṁ7 | rtásya (IV. 112) vipanyà rtásya. c. On the other hand, in many instances where the contraction e oro is written, á the original simple vowels must be restored with hiatus; e. g. éndrāgnī (1. 1084) indragnī; subhágosah (1. 487) = subhágā uṣaḥ8. = 2. Final a contracts with a following e or ai to ai; and with o or au to au; e. g. dibhiḥ for á ebhiḥ. But though the contraction is written, the original vowels must sometimes be restored; e. g. áisu (1. 61¹) must be read á eșu. a. Final å, instead of being contracted with e and o, is in a few instances elided before those diphthongs; thus tatar' evéd (VII. 333) tatara evéd; iv' étayaḥ (x. 914) = iva étayaḥ; aśvin' evét (VII. 99) aśvina | evét; yáth' ohişe (VIII. 53) yátha oh s șe; úð eșatu úpa esatu 9. An example of a compound with this elision seems to be dášoni- 10 dáśa-oni- 'having ten aids'. = = b. Final å, instead of being contracted with is, in a few instances, nasalized before that diphthong; thus aminantam évaiḥ 11 (1. 792) for -a é-; śášadānāṁ éși (1. 12310) for à é-; upásthāṁ | ékā (1. 356) for -à é-. = 3. When å remains after a final y or s has been dropped, it does not as a rule contract with the following vowel. Nevertheless such contraction is not infrequent in the Samhitās. In some instances it is actually written; thus sártavájáu (III. 326) Pp. sártauái ājáu; vàsáu (v. 173) = Pp. vái asáu; and the compound rájesitam (VIII. 46²8) Pp. rájaḥ-isitam; in the later Sam- hitãs are found kŕtyéti (AV. x. 15) Pp. kŕtyah iti; pivopavasānanām (VS. XXI. 43) Pp. pivaḥ-upavasanānām ¹². In other instances the contraction, though not written, is required by the metre; thus ta indra (vII. 21°), Pp. te indra, must be read as tendra; pṛthivyá antárikṣāt (AV. IX. 19), Pp. prthivyāḥ, as pṛthivyántárikṣāt¹³; gosthá úpa (AV. IX. 4²³), Pp. gosthé úpa, as gosthipa. 12 a. = I Several instances of this contraction occur in B and later. 2 The TS. extends this contraction to pre- positions ending in a: úparchati, avárchati; see WHITNEY, APr. III. 47f., TPr. III. 9f. In the post-Vedic language this contraction was extended to all prepositions ending in ǎ. = There appear to be several other instances of such written contraction, which are however otherwise explained by the l'adapāṭha; thus rīyótá (X. 93¹⁰j rayé utá, 3 Cp. BENFEY, GGA. 1846, p. 822. 4 The Pp. explains pibā and ranayū as imperatives (piba, raṇaya); but the à here may represent -ās of the subjunctive (cp. WACKERNAGEL I, p. 311 mid.). Occasionally å remain uncontracted because the editors regarded them as representing aḥ-e, or āḥ, as in ranta itya (VII. 363) jmayá átra (VII. 393). Cp. RPr. II. 28 f.; BENFEY, SV. xxxf.; WACKER- NAGEL 1, 267 a ß. 5 See p. 63, note 10; à is shortened before in the AB.; see AUFRECHT's ed. 427. 6 vibhvām occurs thus three times; see LANMAN 529. In osition to the Mss. MAX MÜLLER, RV2. reads vipanyám rtásya because Sāyaṇa appears to favour that reading. 8 See ARNOLD, Vedic Metre 123. 9 This is a precursor of the post-Vedic rule by which the å of a preposition before initial e and o of verbs (except eti etc. and edhate etc.) is elided. 10 Though the AV. has páñcaudana- pánca odana- the elision of a before -odana- often takes place in the Sūtras and later. 11 The old hiatus is here treated as it would be at the end of an internal Pāda. The TS. (III. 1, 115) retains the hiatus in the same verse without nasalization; cp. OLDENBERG 469 ff. 12 See WACKERNAGEL I, 268 b. 13 In the Paippalāda recension this con- traction is actually written. II. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. VOWELS. 65 Pp. raya utá; bhúmyopári (x. 753) bhúmyāḥ upári, Pp. bhúmya upári. In a few of these the contraction must be removed as contrary to metre; thus usa yati (III. 614), Pp. usaḥ yati, which means 'Dawn goes', should be read as uşá a yati, as the sense requires 'Dawn comes', and the metre requires an additional syllable; abhiștipási (11. 20²), Pp. på asi, should be read as abhistipá (h) asi; vysabhéva (VI. 464), Pp. vysabhá iva ², as vrşabhá h) iva. b. In a very few instances a final m is dropped after u, which then combines with a following vowel. This contraction is actually written in durgáhaitát (1v. 182) for durgáham etát (but Pp. durgáha etál) 3, and sávanedám (TS. 1. 4. 44²) for sávanam idám (Pp. sávanā idám). Occasionally this contraction though not written is required by the metre; thus rāṣṭrám ihá (AV.) must be read rastréhá. 71. Final and before dissimilar vowels.-1. The final vowels ž and before dissimilar initial vowels and before diphthongs are in the Samhitās regularly written as y and vs respectively; e. g. práty ayam (I. 116) práti ayam; á tv éta (1. 5¹) - á tú éta; jánitry ajijanat (x. 134¹) jánitrī ajījanat. The evidence of the metre, however, shows that this y or nearly always has the syllabic value of i or u; e. g. uy úsáḥ (1. 924) must be read as ví usáh: vidáthesv añján (1. 925) as vidáthesu añján. - = a. The final of disyllabic prepositions must, however, frequently be pronounced as a semivowel, especially before augmented forms; e. g. adhyásthāḥ (1. 49²); ánv acāriṣam (1. 23²3); also ánv ihi (x. 536) 7. b. In all the Samhitãs the particle z following a consonant is written as 7 and pronounced as u before a vowel; e. g. ávéd v indra (1. 28¹)8; but the long form of the same particle occasionally remains unchanged in the RV. even after a consonant; úd u ayam (VI. 715); tám u akynvan (x. 8810). c. g. c. In RV. I-IX there are other instances of monosyllabic and disyllabic words at the end of which y and v are pronounced; but the only example of a trisyllabic word in which this occurs is sivyatu in sívyatv ápaḥ (11.324). In RV.x there are a few further examples; e. g. devéşv ádhi (X. 1218)9. d. The semivowel is regular in the compounds rtv-ij-, gávy-uti-10, sv-áhã, and sv-id 11. 2. Unchangeable ī and ū. a. The dual ī and ū never change to y or v; nor is the former ever prosodically shortened, though the latter some- times is; e. g. hárī (-) rtásya; but sādhú (-) asmai (II. 27¹5). The dual 7 may remain even before i; e. g. hárī iva, hárī indra, akşí iva; but the contraction is written in upadhíva, pradhiva, dámpatíva, vispátīva, nypátīva (AV.), ródasīmé (VII. 90³) ródast imé 'these two worlds'. There are also several passages in which the contraction, though not written, must be read ¹2. 12 b. The rare locatives in 7 and ¹3 (from stems in i and ū) are regularly written unchanged in the Samhitā text of the RV., except védy asyám (11.34), = 1 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 268 a. iy and uv are sometimes written for i and u; In instances in which contraction with e. g. suv-itá- su-itá 'accessible'; hence iva seems to take place, the existence of a the pronunciation may have been iy, uv; cp. byform va has to be taken into consider- WACKERNAGEL I, 270 c, 271 a. ation; cp. GRASSMANN, Wörterbuch, column 221; WACKERNAGEL I, 268 a, note. 3 Cp. DELBRÜCK, Verbum 67, end. 4 In the RV. is never final, and I doubt whether any example can be quoted from the other Samhitas in which it is followed by an initial vowel. 9 See ARNOLD, Vedic Metre 125. 10 If the analysis of BR., gávi-uti-, is correct; the Pp. divides gó- yüti-. 7 WACKERNAGEL I, 271 b; OLDENBERG 438, note, ZDMG. 44, 326 note; ARNOLD, Vedic Metre 125. Elsewhere also 8 The TS. has uv for v. Indo-arische Philologie. I. 4. 11 See ARNOLD, Vedic Metre 125. 12 Сp. WACKERNAGEL I, 270 b, note. Here we have probably not contracted forms with iva, but the dual 7+va, the byform of iva. 13 The vowels which regularly remain unchanged are called pragyhya, 'separated', by the native phoneticians; see RPr. 1. 16 etc.; VPr. I. 92 etc.; APr. 1. 73 etc. They indicated as such in the Pp. by an appended iti. The particle z is indicated as pragrhya in the Pp. of RV. and AV. by its nasalized form um (nasalization being employed to avoid hiatus: see above 66, 1). 5 The Sandhi which changes a vowel to the semivowel is called kşaipra 'gliding', in the Pratiśākhyas; cp. RPr. II. 8; III. 7; VII. 5. 6 The long vowel being regularly short-are ened; cp. OLDENBERG 465. 5 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. where, however, the vowel must be pronounced (___). The vowels here (unlike the dual 7) seem always to be treated as prosodically short¹. c. The final i of other cases also occasionally remains unchanged; thus the nominatives prthiví, prthujráyī, samrájnī and the instrumental sušámī sometimes retain their ī, and the inst. uti frequently does so ³- 72. Final e and o.-1. a. Before a. The diphthongs e and o remain unchanged before an initial a. This a is often not written in the Samhitās ³, being dropped in about three-fourths of its occurrences in the RV. and in about two-thirds in the AV.4; but the evidence of metre shows that, in 99 instances out of 100 in the RV., and in about 80 in the AV. and the metrical parts of the YV., it is, whether written or not, to be read, and at the same time shortens the preceding diphthong to è or 05. In víśve deváso aptúraḥ (1. 38) the a is both written and pronounced; in sūnávé | gne (1. 19) it must be restored: sūnáve | ágne. The exceptional treatment of e in stőtava ambyàm (VIII. 725), for stótave ambyàm, indicates that the Sandhi of e and o before a was originally the same as before other vowels 7. But their unchanged form, as before consonants, gained the day, because the short close à, when coming immediately after them in their character of monophthongs, would have a natural tendency to disappear and thus leave a consonant to follow. b. Before other vowels. The diphthongs e ando before any vowels but à would naturally become ay and av, as being originally ai and au, and as having the form of ay and av within a word. But ay regularly drops the y; e. g. agna ihá (1. 22¹); av on the other hand generally retains the v, dropping it before 8; e. g. váyav á yāhi (1. 2¹); but váya ukthébhir (1. 2²). 2. Unchangeable e. a. The e of the dual nom. acc. f. n. of a-stems, e. g. ubhe 'both', is regularly uncontracted (pragrhya), because it consists of at the dual 79. 66 b. Under the influence of this nominal dual e, the verbal dual e¹0 of the 2. 3. present and perfect middle, e. g. váhethe 'ye two bring', bruvāte 'they two speak', āśāthe 'ye two have obtained', come to be uncontractable, though the e is nearly always prosodically shortened; e. g. yuñjāthe apáḥ (1. 1514); but parimamnáthe asmán (VII. 93°). c. The e of the locative tvé 'in thee', is uncontractable. Under its influence the other pronominal forms asmé 'us', and yuşmé 'you', are also always treated as pragrhya by the Samhitã as well as the Padapãţha; it is, I Cp. OLDENBERG 456, note; WACKER- NAGEL I, 270 b. 2 Cp. op. cit. I, 270 b, note. Such forms, in which the absence of contraction is only occasional, are not indicated by iti in the Pp. 3 This form of Sandhi is in the Prāti- śākhyas called abhinihita ‘elided'; RPr. 11. 13 etc.; VPr. I. 114, 125; APr. III. 54; TPr. II. 8. = 7 Internally the original Sandhi of the compound go-agra- must have been gáv-agra-; cp. WACKERNAGEL 1, p. 325, note. e. g. = 8 There are a few survivals of ay; tây ắ (MS. I. I. tá á (TS.); cp. TPr. x. 23; OLDENBERG 447 ff. In the MS., the K., and Mantras occurring in the Mänavasūtras, unaccented a for e before an accented initial vowel is lengthened; e. g. á dadhā iti. 4 See WHITNEY 135 C. 5 Cp. OLDENBERG 435 f., 453 ff., ZDMG. 44, 331 ff.; WACKERNAGEL 1, p. 324. 6 The few instances (70 out of 4500) of the elision of a in the RV. are the fore-note, top. runners of the invariable practice of post- Vedic Sandhi. 9 See above 71, 2. A dual e once appears contracted in dhinyemé (VII. 72³), | which, however, should probably be read un contracted as dhişnye imé. The-eva which occurs several times (1. 1864 etc) and looks like a contraction of the dual e with iva, in reality probably stands for the dual e+va, the byform of iva; cp. WACKERNAGEL I, p. 317, 10 There was originally no difference be- tween this dual e and any other e in middle forms, such as that of the dual -vahe, the singular -te, and the plural -ante. 67 II. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. CONSONANTS. however, doubtful whether they were so treated in the original text of the RV.1. 3. Unchangeable o. a. When is the result of combining the final ă of particles with u (which itself is often unchangeable) 2, it is pragrhya; thus ó (= á u), átho (= átha u), utó (= utá u), mó (= má u). (— b. Following this analogy, the vocative in o of u-stems is sometimes treated as pragrhya in the Samhita of the TS.; e. g. pito á (TS.v. 7. 24). It is regularly so treated in the Padapāṭhas of the RV., AV., VS., TS. (but not SV.). Thus in váyavá (1. 2¹), váya ukthébhir (1. 2²), vayo táva (1. 2³) the vocative is equally given in the Padapatha as vayo iti. M 73. The diphthongs ai and au. -The diphthongs ai and au are treated throughout in the same way as e ando before vowels other than a. Thus ai is regularly written ā (having dropped the y of ay); e. g. tásmā akṣí (1. 116¹6); tásmā indrāya (1. 4⁹). On the other hand, au is generally written āv, but always a before in the RV. and VS.; e. g. táv á (1.25); táv indrāgnī (1.1083³); but sujihvá úpa (1. 13³). In the AV. a appears before u in pādā ucyete (AV. xix. 65). In the MS. a appears before other vowels also ³. 74. Euphonic combination of consonants. The Sandhi of final consonants, generally speaking, starts from the form which they assume in pausā. Thus an aspirate first loses its aspiration; the palatal becomes k; jsh become k or t; and of a group of consonants the first alone remains. Final n is, however, to a great extent differently treated from what it is in pausā; and the Sandhi ofs and r is, for the most part, based not on h, their form in pausā, but on the original letter. A final consonant is assimilated5 in quality to the following initial, becoming voiceless before a voiceless consonant, and voiced before a voiced sound7; e. g. tát satyám (1. 15) for tád; yát tvā (1. 15%) for yád; havyaváḍ juhvasyaḥ (1 126), through -vát for -vah; gámad vájebhiḥ (1. 5³) for gámat; arvág rádhaḥ (1. 95) for arvác through arvák. — a. A final media before a nasal may become the nasal of its own class. There seems to be no certain instance of this in the RV.; cakrán ná (x. 9512. 13), however, probably stands for cakrát ná, though the Pp. has cakrán ná. This assimilation is regular in some compounds; e. g. sán-navati- ‘96' for sát-navati-. From here it penetrated into internal Sandhi; e. g. san-nám. b. Assimilation not only in quality, but also largely in the place of articulation occurs in the Sandhi of final m, of the final dentals 8 ns, and of final (under the influence of s). 75. Euphonic combination of final m.-1. Before vowels, final m remains unchanged; e. g. agnim ile (1. 1¹). In a very few instances, however, them is dropped, and the vowels then contract. This Sandhi is mostly indicated by the metre only: it is very rarely written', as in durgáhaitát 1 Cp. OLDENBERG 455, note. 2 Cp. above 71, 1 b. 3 See GARBE, GGA. 1882, 117 f.; WACKER- NAGEL I, 274; OLDENBERG, ZDMG. 60, 755 -758 (Duale auf -ā und -au). 4 Some compounds, however, preserve survivals of an earlier phase of Sandhi; e. g. vis-páti- 'lord of the house'; vispálä- N., not vit-; nabh-raj- (MS.) 'cloud-king', not nab-ráj-. Cp. L. v. SCHROEDER, ed. of MS. 1, p. XVI. 5 Final before vowels becomes in the RV., not d as later; c. g. bál itthá, for bát. 6 Within a word a voiced consonant is not necessary before vowels, semivowels, and nasals. 7 Some scholars think that the 3. sing.impv., e. g. bhávatu represents bhavat u for original bhavad u, the t being retained owing to the influence of the innumerable forms of the 3. sing. with t, -ti, -te, etc. (cp. WACKER- NAGEL I, 276 b); but this is doubtful; DEL- BRÜCK, Altindische Syntax 517 ff., thinks it may originally have been bháva+tú (particle); cp. IF. 18, 71. 8 An example of a final guttural becoming a dental before a dental occurs in TS. I. 2.7¹, where samyát te stands for samyák te. There are a few other examples in B. passages of the TS.; see WACKERNAGEL I, 277 b. 9 See above 70, 3 b. 5* 68 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. (Iv. 18²) for durgáham etát, and it is never analysed by the Padapāṭha in this way. It may perhaps have started from the analogy of the doublet túbhya beside túbhyam 'to thee'¹. 2. Before mutes, final m is regularly assimilated, becoming the corresponding nasal, and before n similarly becoming n. The Mss. and printed texts, however, represent this assimilated m by the Anusvāra sign; e. g. bhadrám karisyási (1.16) for bhadrán karisyási; bhadrám no (x. 20¹) for bhadrán no. This actual change of m to n before dentals led to some errors in the Pada text; e. g. yán ni-pási (IV. 116), analysed as yát instead of yám; ávi-venan tám (Iv.246), analysed as ávi-venan instead of ávi-venam (cp. IV. 25³). 3. Before rsss and h³, final m becomes Anusvāra (m); e. g. hótāram ratnadhátamam (1. 1¹); várdhamānam své (1. 19); mitrám huve (1. 27). From its original use before sibilants and h, Anusvāra came to be employed before the semivowel also 4. A compound like sam-ráj- 'overlord' shows that m originally remained unchanged in Sandhi before r. - ♥ 4. Before y / v, final mn is assimilated as nasalized i. The TPr.º, ĭ y however, allows Anusvāra beside these, while the APr. even requires Anunāsika before y and v; and the printed texts regularly use Anusvāra; e. g. sám yudhí (1. 83); yajñám vastu (1. 30). Forms like yamyámana- 'extended' and ápa- mlukta- 'concealed' show that final m originally remained unchanged in Sandhi before y and 75; and forms like jagamván, from gam- 'go', point to its having at one time become n before v in Sandhi. 76. Euphonic combination of final f. - 1. Before , final 6 becomes fully assimilated as l; e. g. ángal lómnaḥ (x. 1636) for ángät lómnaḥ. 2. Before palatals (including )7 final ¹ becomes palatal8; e. g. tác cákṣuḥ (VII. 66¹6) for tád cákṣuḥ; rohic chyavá (1. 100%) for rohit syavá; and in a compound yatayáj-jana- 'marshalling men', for yatayát-jana-. 77. Euphonic combination of final n. - 1. Before vowels. Final nº, a. if preceded by a short vowel, is doubled"; e. g. áhann áhim (II. 115) for áhan. The final n is here chiefly based on original ns or nt. Though it is always written double, the evidence of metre shows that this rule was only partially applied in the RV.¹² 2 b. If preceded by a long vowel, it becomes within ¹3 a Pada in the RV. m after a ¹4, but mr after iu 7¹5; e. g. sárgam iva, for sárgan; paridhímr áti, for paridhin; abhísumr iva, for abhísun; nŕňr abhi, for nŕn. This Sandhi was caused by then having originally been followed by s¹6; e. g. výkan originally ¹¹ For various explanations of this doubling, see WACKERNAGEL I, 279 a (p. 330). 12 Cp. OLDENBERG 424 f., 429 ff. 13 At the end of a Pāda, -ān -īn -ũn remain unchanged (as being in pausa) before a vowel. For passages in which -ān is un- changed within a Pada, see below and OLDENBERG 428. 5 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 283 c. , 6 Representing th d dh also, if they occur. 7 In the MS. t anomalously becomes instead of c, before s; see L. v. SCHROEDER, ZDMG. 33, 185; ed. of MS. I, p. XXIX. On the aspiration of in this Sandhi, see below 80 a. 14 In the MS. and K., -am is shortened to -am; c. g. asmám ašnotu for asmán. Cp. v. SCHROEDER, ed. of the MS. 1, p. xxIx. 8 Final dentals never come into contact with initial cerebrals in the Samhitas. 15 Fn becomes mr only once (v. 54¹5), remaining unchanged elsewhere because two sounds are avoided in the same syllable (see below 79). 16 For examples of this Sandhi applied to nominatives in -an, see LANMAN 506 A, note (mahán), 512 (-van), 514 (-yan), 517 (-man); for accusatives, 346. ¹ Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 283 a, note. 2 Op. cit. I, 283, b a. 3 Op. cit. 1, 283 d. 4 In the post-Vedic language Anusvāra came to be allowed before mutes and nasals also. 9 This rule applies to final guttural n also; e. g. kidŕnn í- (x. 1083), cp. LANMAN 490; hinn akrnot (1. 16428) for hin a-. IO The compound vysan-asvá- 'having stallions as steeds', forms an exception. II. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. CONSONANTS. 69

vrkans ¹; mahán for*mahánts; á-yan, 3.sing. aor. for *á-yan-st (1. sing. á-yamsam) 2.

Then became Anusvāra (or Anunäsika) before this s, which was treated in exactly the same way as when it followed an unnasalized vowel (as becoming ā, but īs, ūs, is becoming īr, ūr, Ţr). d. The an of the 3. pl. subjunctive (originally ant), however, remains unchanged before vowels within a Pāda, obviously owing to the t which at one time followed. There happen to be only five occurrences of this form under the conditions required: á vahān āšú (I. 8418); ghosan úttarā (III. 338); sphurán rjipyám (VI. 671¹); gácchăn id (VIII. 795); gacchan úttara (x. 1010) 3. 2. Before consonants. Final remains unchanged before all gutturals and labials (including m), as well as before voiced dentals (including n). It is, however, liable to be changed before the following sounds: - a. Before p, final n, when etymologically = ns, sometimes becomes mh; thus nimh pahi (vIII. 84³) 4; nrmh pátram (1. 121¹). b. Before all palatals that occur it becomes palatal ; e. g. urdhváñ caráthāya (1.36¹4) for urdhván; táñ juṣethām (v.516) for tán; vajrin chnathihi (1. 635) for vajrin śnathihis; deváñ chlókaḥ (x. 125) for deván ślókaḥ. Before c, however, the palatal sibilant is sometimes inserted in the RV., the n then becoming Anusvāra. This insertion occurs only when the sibilant is etymologically justified (that is, in the nom. sing. and acc. pl. masc.) almost exclusively (though not invariably) before ca and cid; thus anuyajámś ca (x. 518), amenámś cid (v. 31²). In the other Samhitas the inserted sibilant becomes commoner, occurring even where it is not etymo- logically justified (that is, in the 3. pl. impf., and the voc. and loc. of n- stems) 8. c. Before dental t9, final n usually remains; but the dental sibilant is sometimes inserted in the RV., the n then becoming Anusvāra. This insertion, however, occurs in the RV. only when it is etymologically justified; it is commoner in the other Samhitãs", where it appears even when not etymolog- ically justified. d. Before y r v h, final n as a rule remains unchanged; but -ān, -īn, -un sometimes become -am", -imr, -umr, as before vowels; e. g. -annam rayivý dhaḥ (VII. 91³) for -annan; dadvám va (x. 132³) for dadván; panímr hatam (1. 184²) for panin; dásyumr yónau (1. 63) for dásyun.. 12 e. Before /, final n always becomes nasalized ¹²; e. g. jigīvál lakṣám (11. 1 24). f. Before the dental sibilant, final n remains; but a transitional ¹3 may be inserted; e. g. ahant sáhasā (1. 80") 'he slew with might'; tán sám may also be written tánt sám ¹4. In the former example the t is organic; from such survivals it spread to cases where it was not justified. A similar insertion may take place before s; that is, vajrin śnathihi may become vajrin śnathihi or vajrin chnathihi (through vajriñc śnathihi for vajrint śnathihi) ¹5. ¹ Cp. Cretic ÚKOVS. 2 In all the other Samhitãs the pause forms -an -in -un -n predominate. In the post-Vedic language they became the only allowable forms. 3 Cp. OLDENBERG 428. 4 The MS. (11. 13¹¹) has ným̃ṣ pāhi. 5 For examples of nominatives with this Sandhi, see LANMAN 506A, note, 512 (top), 517. 6 Op. cit., 506 A, note, and 514. 7 Op. cit., 512. 8 There are no examples of the inserted sibilant before ch in the Samhitas. In the post-Vedic language a sibilant is invariably inserted after n before all voiceless palatals, cerebrals, and dentals. 9 Neither th nor t th occur in the Sam- hitās after final n. 10 Cp. LANMAN 516 A, note. II For dadhanvám yáḥ of the RV. (IX. 107¹) aud SV., the VS. (xIx. 2) has dadhanva yah. 12 As does before 7; see above 75, 4- 13 Before s a transitional k similarly may be inserted after a final ; e. g. pratyán sá may also be written pratyánk sá. 14 See LANMAN 506 A, note, and 346. 15 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 282, note. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 78. Euphonic combination of final s. I. Before voiced sounds. a. Finals after all vowels except ă, assumes its voiced form before all vowels and voiced consonants ¹; e. g. sibhir idyo (1. 1²) for ŕşibhis; agnir hótā (1. 15) for agnís; paribhár ási (1. 14) for paribhús; nútanair utá (1. 1²) for nútanais. 70 The s doubtless became through an older transitional voiced cerebral , as is shown by the Avesta, e. g. in dužita- dur-ita-3. b. Finals after à must originally have become before voiced sounds. But äz drops the sibilant before vowels and voiced consonants, while az drops it before vowels except a4, but becomes o5 before voiced con- sonants and a; thus sutá imé (1. 3+) for sutás; víśvā ví (1. 3¹2), for visvas; khya á for khyas (1.4³); no áti (1.4³) for nas; indavo vam (1.2¹) for indavas. 2. Before voiceless consonants. a. Before the palatals c, ch, s final s becomes the palatal sibilant 7; e. g. devas cakrmá (x. 37¹²). b. Before the dental tº, final s following à always remains; e. g. yás te (1. 4¹); médhirūs téṣām (1. 117). After i ¹, it remains as a rule; e. g. ánvībhis tánā (1. 34). But s becomes s, which cerebralizes the following t to t: a. regularly in compounds in all the Samhitãs; e. g. diş-tara- 'insuperable' for dis-tara- (but rajas-túr- 'traversing the air'); f. often in external Sandhi in the RV. This occurs chiefly, and in the independent passages of the other Samhitas ¹ 12 only, before pronouns; e. g. agnis te, krátus tám; otherwise it occurs occasionally only in the RV.; thus nis-tatakṣúr (x. 317); gobhiş țarema (x. 42"); nákiş tanúşu (VIII. 20¹2) ¹3. C. Before k kh p ph, final s as a rule becomes Visarjanīya (its pause = ¹ When final s becomes before 7, it is | a voc. in -tar (from a stem in -tr), which treated like an original , being dropped would become -tā before 7. after lengthening the preceding vowel. 2 This would be the voiced cerebral corresponding to the voiceless s which appears before voiceless consonants (e. g. in duskha). The starting point of this Sandhi was probably the treatment of az before voiced dentals, where the sibilant was dropped and the preceding vowel lengthened to e or u. 3 This would account for the Sandhi of The latter finally carried the day, e surviving some Vedic compounds formed with dus-only in sắre duhitá (1. 345); cp. BARTHOLO- ‘ill’: dù-ḍábha-, dū-ḍás-, dū-ḍhí-, dū-ņáša-, dū- MAE, BB. 15, 1f.; WACKERNAGEL I, p. 338. náśa-, beside dur-niyántu-. It may possibly 7 Só cit does not stand for sah cit, but also account for the forms svádhitīva (V. 87), | for sá u cit. for svádhitiz va (Pp. svádhitir-iva), and urv iva (IX. 9615), where the metre requires uri va (Pp. uri iva); the cerebral being dropped after lengthening the preceding vowel. 8 If initial cerebral mutes had existed in the Samhitãs, finals would doubtless have become the cerebral sibilant ș before them. 4 In the MS. unaccented a for -as is lengthened before an accented vowel; e. g. látā indraḥ. In TS. 11.4.7¹ ar for a in jinvár avýt is merely a bad reading (MS. 11. 47| jinva rāvát); cp. above p. 33, note 13. 5 In the compound ánar-vis- (1. 1217) 'having a wain as his abode', ar instead of o (cp. anas-vant- 'possessed of a wain)' is perhaps due to the influence of vanar-, beside vanas and vana-. On a still more anomalous compound of the same word, anad-váh- drawer of a cart', 'bull', cp. WACKERNAGEL I, p. 339, top. The vowel à appears instead of o in pracetā | ráian (1. 24¹4) ‘O wise king' (praceto rájan in the same verse, TS. 1. 5. 113), probably owing to the voc. pracetaḥ, as it would have been pronounced at the end of a Päda in the original text, having been misunderstood as 9 No example of initial th occurs in the Samhitas; but the internal Sandhi of sthā- 'stand', in ti-şthati (for ti-stha-ti) shows that initial th would have been treated in the same way as t. 10 Final 's never occurs; s, occurring only once in the RV., remains unchanged in mātṛs trin (1. 164¹). ¹¹ The only exception in the RV. is cátus-trimsat "thirty-four', doubtless due to the avoidance of the combination str. 1² The TS. also has niş tap- 'heat'. On the usage of the SV., see BENFEY, SV. p. XLIII; on that of the AV., see WHITNEY, APr. II. 84. 13 Owing to the far more numerous occurrences of as before t, combined with the disinclination to change the following initial, the retention of s after i ž gradually gained ground and finally prevailed in the post-Vedic language, even in compounds.

form), or JihvamulTya {h) before the gutturals and Upadhmanlya (h) before the ^labials; e. g. indrah pdhca (i. 75). But as remains and ts us fs become is us rs': a. regularly in compounds in all the Samhitas; t. g. paras-pd- 'far-protecting'; havis-pa- 'drinking the offering'; ^«f-/5//- 'evil-doing'; dus-pdd- 'evil-footed'. The general rule, however, applies in the following compounds: purdh-prasravana- 'streaming forth'; chdndah-paksa- {KSf) 'borne on the wings of desire'; sreyah-keta- (AV.) 'striving after superiority'; sadyah-kri- (AV.) 'bought on the same day'; bahihparidhi (TS.) 'outside the enclosure'; itdh- pradana- (TS.) 'offering from hence (= this world)'.

The repeated (or amreiita) compounds also follow the general rule, doubtless from a desire to change the repeated word as httle as possible; thus ptirvah-purvo 'each first'; pardhparah 'always without' (AV.); pdrusah- parusas (VS.) 'from every knot'; pilrusah-puruso (TS.) 'every man'; pdrit/i- paruh (TS.) 'joint by joint', but pdrus-parur also in RV. AV. TS.

^. Often in external Sandhi in the RV.^; e.g. divds pdri (x. 45') 'from the sky'; pdtnivatas krdhi (i. 14^) 'make them possessed of wives'; dydus pita (iv. i '°) 'Father Heaven'.

d. Before mutes immediately followed by s or s, final s regularly becomes Visarjaniya; e. g. satdkratith tsdrat (viii. i"); ubhayatah-kmur (TS.) 'two-edged'. Occasionally the sibilant disappears, as in ddka ksdrantlr {wn. ^i^')i.

e. I. Before a simple sibilant final j' is either assimilated or becomes Visarjaniya; e.g. vas sivdtamo or vah Hvdtamo (x. 9'); devis sal or divih sal (x. 1285); nas sapdtna or nah sapdtna (x. 128'). Assimilation is undoubtedly the original Sandhi* and is required by some of the Pratisakhyas^; but the Mss. usually employ Visarjaniya, and European editions regularly follow this practice*

a. The sibilant disappears in the compounds barhi-sdd- 'sitting on the sacrificial litter'; dyau-samsita- (AV.) 'sky-sharpened'; and, after lengthening the preceding a, ayi- saya raja-saya hard-saya (TS. I. 2. 112 = MS. I. 27) for ayai-, rajas-, haras-.

2. Before a sibilant immediately followed by a voiceless mute, a final sibilant is dropped; e. g. mandibhi stomebhir (i. 9 3) for mand'bhis; mitJia- spfdhya (i. 16 69) for mithas-; du-siutl- 'ill praise' for dus-T . The omission is required by the Pratisakhyas of the RV.^ VS., TS., and is the practice of all the Mss. of the MS.

3. Before a sibilant immediately followed by a nasal or semivowel, a final sibilant is optionally dropped; thus kṛta śrávaḥ (vi. 5 8 3), beside which (though the Pp. reads ir/fl) the MS. reads kṛtah srdvah<r8>; ni-svardm (vii. i?) for nis-svardm 'noiseless' (Pp.^ however, ni-svardm).

79. Euphonic combination of final r. — As A is the pause form of both r and s, a certain amount of mutual contamination appears in their Sandhi; r, however, suffers much more in this respect than s. Since both j- and r when preceded hy t u have the same natural Sandhi, it is in a few

1 This treatment of final s before voice- less gutturals and labials, which is parallel to that before t, was doubtless the original from of sentence Sandhi.

2 ado pito (l. 1877) is probably only an apparent exception, as ado = Ada ?/, not adas (Pp. adah); the Paippalada recension of the AV., however, has adas fito, for adas.

3 Though the Pp. reads adha, the PB. in quoting the verse has adhah ; see Olden- BERG 369, note I.

4 Cp. Whitney on APr. 11. 40.

5 Cp. Wackernagel I, p. 342, top.

S u pdrTto sihcata (x. 1071), ito probably = ltd u (Pp. pdri iidh).

7 The omission was doubtless due to the fact that it made no difference to the pro- nunciation. Hence probably the wrong analysis of isastut by the Pp. as isak-stut, instead of isa-stut, as in isd-vant- (cp. BR.).

8 Cp. BOLLENSEN, ZDMG. 45, 24; PiSCHEL,

Vedische Studien I, 13. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. instances uncertain which was the original sound. Thus it is somewhat doubtful whether the -uh of the abl. gen. sing. of y-stems and of the 3. pl. act. of past tenses represents original us or ur. In the verbal form, ther in the corre- sponding middle termination of the perfect, -re, seems to decide in favour of ur¹. 72 I. a. Before vowels and voiced consonants (except r itself) / remains not only when preceded by i ², but by à also³; e. g. gir | iṣá (1. 117¹); púr devatrá (VII. 52'); prātár agniḥ (v. 18¹); púnar naḥ (x. 575); svar druhó (II. 35°) 4. b. Before r, r disappears, after lengthening a preceding vowel; e. g. púnā rūpáni (AV. I. 24). In a few instances, however, o appears instead of a (ar), under the influence of -ah as the pause form of neuters in -as; thus údho romaśám (VIII. 319), for údha; and the compound aho-ratrá- 'day and night', for ahā-. 2. Before voiceless consonants final is as a rule treated like s. a. Before the gutturals k kh and the labials p ph, it becomes h under the influence of the pause form; e. g. púnaḥ kaléḥ (x. 39³); punaḥ pátnīm (x. 85³9); púnaḥ-punar (1. 92¹0). But that the originally remained before these consonants is shown by its survival in the compounds púr-pati-, svàr-pati-, vār-kāryá-, ahár-pati- (VS.). But even here the pause form was gradually introduced; e. g. svàh-pati (SV.); it supplanted the r of antár throughout; e. g. antaḥ-péya- 'drinking up'; antaḥ-kośá- (AV.) 'inside of a store-room'; antaḥ-parśavyá- (VS.) 'flesh between the ribs'; antaḥ-pātrá- (AV.) 'interior of a vessel'; and because the pause form of r and s was identical, the Sandhi of s came to be applied here even in the RV.; thus ántas-patha- 'being on the way' (for ántar-); cátus-kaparda- 'having four braids', cátus-păd- 'four-footed' (for cátur-). b. Before the palatals c ch, final invariably (like s) becomes the palatal sibilant s'; e. g. pús ca (1. 189²) for púr ca. This applies almost always even in compounds; e. g. cátus-catvarimśat (VS.) 'forty-four'. There are only two examples of the being retained even here: svàr-cakşas- 'brilliant as light', svár-canas- 'lovely as light'. c. Before dental t, final is without exception treated like s; e. g. gis tribarhíși (1.1818) for gir; cátus-trimśat 'thirty-four' for cátur-. The retention of before t in āvar támaḥ (1.924) is only apparently an exception, as this really stands for avart támaḥ5. d. Before sibilants, final appears in its pause form as Visarjanīya in sentence Sandhi, e. g. púnaḥ sám (11. 384). In compounds, however, it 1 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 284 note (p. 335). | as the form would originally have been 2 A list of root-stems in -ir and -ur will pronounced at the end of an internal Pāda. be found in GRASSMANN's Wörterbuch 1693 údho for udhar, which appears before u —1694, columns 3–4. and m, is due to the influence of neuters 3 is original in dvår- 'door'; vấr- ‘pro- in as, the pause form of which, -aḥ, would tector'; vár- 'water'; áhar- 'day'; uşár- 'dawn'; be the same as of those in -ar. The form udhar udder'; vádhar- 'weapon'; vanar- avó, for avár 'down', which appears be- 'wood'; và 'light'; antár 'within'; avár fore d (avó diváḥ v. 406, etc.; but before 'down'; púnar ‘again'; prātár 'early'; the m, avár maháḥ, 1. 1336), is due to the voc. ofy-stems, e. g. bhrátar; the 2. 3. sing. of influence of páro diváh and páro divá (for past tenses from roots in -?, e. g. avar, from páras), cp. RPr. 1. 32. avo before a, d, m, ur- 'cover'. explained by BENFEY (SV. XL and 176) as standing for avar is probably from vas- 'shine' (cp. WACKERNAGEL I, P. 335, top). 5 Cp. above 62, 1. 4 áha evá (VI. 487) for áhar evá is due to áhaḥ, the pause form of áhar, being treated like that of a neuter in -as, áhas. In akṣā indur (1x. 983) for akṣār índur (Pp. akṣār), the editors of the Samhita misunderstood akṣāḥ, II. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. COMPOUNDS. frequently remains; thus vanar-sád- and vanar-şád- sitting in the wood'; dhūr-șád- ‘being on the yoke'; svar-șá- 'winning light'; svar-șāti 'acquisition of light'; dhur-säh- (VS.) 'bearing the yoke'. This indicates that it originally remained before sibilants in sentence Sandhi also. 80. Initial aspiration. The palatal sibilant and the breathing h, when initial, may under certain conditions be changed to aspirates. a. After a final , initial may become, and in practice always does become, ch; e. g. yác chaknávama (x. 23) for yád saknávama. The same change occasionally takes place after t; thus vipät chutudri (III. 33¹), for sutudrí; turāṣát chusmí (v. 404) for susmi. b. After a final voiced mute, initial may be and usually is changed to the aspirate of that mute; e. g. tád dhí (1.126²) for tád hí; sídad dhóta (x. 12¹) for stdad (= sidat) hóta; ávad dhavyáni (x. 16¹2) for havyáni. 81. Sandhi of compounds'.-The euphonic combination at the junction of the members of compounds is on the whole subject to the rules prevailing in external Sandhi or between words in a sentence. Thus the evidence of metre shows that contracted vowels are often even in compounds to be read with hiatus, when the initial vowel of the second member is in a heavy syllable; e. g. yuktá-aśva- 'having yoked horses', devá-iddha- 'kindled by the gods', áccha-ukti- 'invitation'. Many archaisms of Sandhi are, however, preserved in compounds which have either disappeared from or are obsolescent in the 73 sentence. I. An earlier stage of Sandhi has been preserved by compounds alone in the following instances: a. Several old phonetic combinations appear in single words: dvi-bárha- jman- 'having a double course' for dvi-bárhaj-jman (*dvi-bárhad- from bárh-as, with -ad for -as before the voiced palatal)²; barhi-şád- 'sitting on the sacrificial litter' (from barhís- for barhiş-şád-); vis-páti- 'lord of the house' and vis-pátni- 'mistress of the house' (with s retained instead of t)³, sam-raj- 'sovereign ruler' (with m preserved before 1)ª. b. In a group of compounds with dus- 'ill' as first member, the combi- nations du-d dus-d and du-n = duz-n appear instead of dur-d and dur-n: dū-dábha- 'hard to deceive', du-ḍhí- ‘malevolent', dū-náša- ‘hard to attain', dū- nása- 'hard to attain' and 'hard to destroy', du-ḍáś- (AV.) ‘not worshipping'. But dur, the form which would be required by external Sandhi, is already commoner in the RV.; e. g. dur-dýsika- 'looking bad', dur-dhár-i-tu- 'hard to restrain', dur-naman- 'having a bad name', dur-náśa- (AV.) 'hard to attain'. c. Final in the first member is preserved in the RV. before voiceless sounds 5; thus vār-kāryá- 'producing water', svàr-caksas- 'brilliant as light', púr-pati- 'lord of the stronghold', svàr-pati- 'lord of heaven', dhur-şád-6 being on the yoke'. d. Radical stems ending in -ir and -ur mostly lengthen their vowel before consonants (as within words), e. g. dhūr-şád- 'being on the yoke', dhūr- şah- (VS.) 'bearing the yoke', púr-pati- 'lord of the stronghold', pur-bhid- 'breaking down forts', pur-bhidya- n. 'destruction of forts', pür-yána-7 'leading to the fort'.

See BENFEY, Göttingische Abhandlungen

15, 105 ff.; WACKERNAGEL 2¹, 125—139. 2 Cp. above 44 a, 3. 3 Later vit pati- (TB. II. 5. 74), and even in the RV. pád-bisa- fetter' from pas bind'. 4 Otherwise Anusvāra, as in sam-rajantam. 5 While in external Sandhi it would be- come Visarjanīya or a sibilant. External Sandhi gradually encroaches here in the later Samhitas, as in svàḥ-pati- (SV.). On punaḥ- for punar- in punaḥ-sará-, antas for ántar- in ántas-patha-, and antah- in antah-péya- see WACKERNAGEL 2¹, 126y, note, and above 79, 2 à. 7 But gir retains the short vowel in gir- vanas fond of praise', gir-vahas- 'praised in I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. e. As first member of a compound dyu- 'heaven' appears as div- before vowels¹ (while yu would in external Sandhi become yu), as div-isti- 'striving for heaven', div-it- 'going to heaven'. 74 2. Compounds in the Samhitas preserve many euphonic archaisms which, while still existing in external Sandhi, disappear from the sentence in later periods of the language though still partially surviving in compounds. a. A final consonant disappears before the same consonant when the latter is the initial of a group: upá(s)-stha- 'lap', ná(k)-kṣatra- ‘star', hr(d)-dyotá- (AV.), an internal disease, hr(d)-dyótana (AV.) 'breaking the heart' 2. b. A final sibilant disappears before a mute followed by a sibilant, as in divá-ksa- 'heavenly' ('ruling over heaven', div-ás, gen.) ³. c. A sibilant as initial of the second member is retained; thus scandra- 'bright' in puru-scandrá- 'much-shining' and many other compounds, but almost invariably candrá- as an independent word 4. d. A finals in the first member or an initial s in the second is cerebralized; e. g. dus-tára- 'invincible', nis-țákvarī- (AV.) ‘running away', duş-şvápnya- 'evil dream'. e. An original n in the second member is cerebralized after a y r ș with the necessary phonetic restrictions (47) a. In derivatives from verbs com- pounded with prepositions containing r, initial, medial, or final of the root is almost invariably cerebralized in the Samhitãs; thus nir-nij- 'bright garment', pari-hṇuta- (AV.) ‘denied' ( √ hnu-), parí-náh-‘enclosure', pary-ā-ṇaddha- (AV.) 'tied up', pra-ni- and pra-neti- ‘leader', prá-ṇīti- ‘guidance', prāṇá- 'breath', práṇana- and prāṇátha- (VS.) 'respiration' (an- breathe'). The cerebralization appears even in suffixes, as pra-yáṇa- ‘advance' 5. p. In other compounds n greatly predominates when the second member is a verbal noun; e. g. grama-ni- 'chief of a village', dur-gáni 'dangers'; nr- pána- 'giving drink to men', pitr-yaṇa- 'trodden by the fathers', pūr-yāṇa- (AV.) 'leading to the fort', rakṣo-háṇ- 'demon-slaying', urtra-hán- 'Vṛtra-slaying'. The cerebralization fluctuates in -yavan: thus prātar-yávaṇ- ‘going out early', vŕşa-pra-yavan- 'going with stallions', but puro-yávan- 'going in front', subhra- yavan- 'going in a radiant chariot'; also in purīșa-váhaṇa- (VS.) and purīșa- váhana- (TS. K.) 'removing rubbish'. Cerebralization never takes place in -ghn-, the weak form of -han- ‘killing'; nor in akṣā-náh- ‘tied to the axle', kravya-váhana-6 conveying corpses', carma-mná- 'tanner', yuşmá-nīta- 'led by you'. 7. The cerebralization takes place somewhat less regularly when the second member is an ordinary (non-verbal) noun; e. g. urū-nasá- 'broad-nosed', tri-navá- (VS.) 'consisting of three times nine parts', tri-naman- (AV.)7 'having three names', dru-ghaná- 'mallet', nr-mánas- 'friendly to men', puru-naman- 'many-named', purvahná- 'forenoon', prá-napat- 'great-grandson'. There is song'. The long vowel in án-āśir-da- 'not as go- 'cow' instead of gav- before vowels, fulfilling expectation', aśīr-dú- and āšīr-daya- e.g. gó-agra- 'headed by cows'; cp. WACKER- 'fulfilment of a benediction' is due to analogy, NAGEL 2¹, p. 129 e. Another kind of inno- as a-sis- is derived from the root sās-. vation in compounds is due to haplology; cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 241 a 8; 21, p. 128 1 dyu- remains before consonants: dyu-kşá-, dyu-gá-t-, dyú-bhakta-. 2 Also in external Sandhi 'tá dyắm (AV. IV. 196) for táď dyắm. 3 Also in external Sandhi ádha kşárantir (VII. 34²), cp. above 78, 2 d. 4 Divergence from external Sandhi is sometimes not archaic but due to innovation; bottom. 5 There are a few exceptions: pari-pána- 'drink', pary-uhyámāna- being led home' (Vvah-), prá-pina- (VS.) 'distended'. 6 Like havya váhana- 'conveying oblations'. 7 The later Samhitas always have n after tri-, while the RV. always has n; as tri- 1 II. EUPHONIC COMBINATION. COMPOUNDS. fluctuation when dus- 'ill' assumes the later Sandhi form of dur-, as dur- ṇắman- ‘having a bad name', dur-hanu- 'having ugly jaws', but dur-niyántu- ‘hard to restrain'; also in vārdhrā-ṇasá- (TS.) 'rhinoceros' and vārdhrī-nasá- (VS.) 'having streaks on the nose'; śri-maṇas- (TS.) and śrí-manas- (VS.) 'well-disposed'. But noften remains in this type of compound: initially in krpá-nila- whose home is splendour', candrá-nirnij- 'having a brilliant garment', varşá- nirnij- 'clothed with rain', tveșá-nrmna- ‘of brilliant power', dirghá-nitha-, N. of a man, púnar-nava- 'again renewed', babhrú-nikaśa- (VS.) 'looking brownish', vŕşa-nābhi- 'having a mighty nave'; medially in ŕşi-manas-² 'inspired', indragni 'Indra and Agni', kṣatra-váni- (AV.) 'addicted to military rule', 'bráhma-vani- (VS.) 'well disposed to the priesthood', cátur-anīka- 'four-faced', try-anīká- 'three- faced', jyótir-anīka-3 'having a shining face', citrá-bhānu- 'having bright lustre', dhruvá-yoni- (VS.) 'having a fixed abode', pra-mánas- (AV.) 'careful', hári- manyu-sāyaka-4 (RV. x) ‘stimulating the mettle of the bays'. f. The final vowel of the first member is often lengthened. This frequently occurs before v-; e. g. anná-vrdh- 'prospering by food', prati-vartá- (AV.) 'returning into itself', prā-výs-5 'rainy season'. It is often due to the rhythmical tendency (which also prevails in the sentence) to lengthen a vowel before a single consonant between two short syllables; e. g. ahi-súva-, N. of a demon (from ahi-), urū-ṇasá- 'broad-nosed', rta-șáh- (VS.) ‘maintaining the sacred law', pavī-nasá- (AV.) ‘'having a nose like a spearhead', naghā-rișá-° (AV.) N. of a planť, rathā-sáh- ‘able to draw the car'. Lengthening of a vowel between other than two short syllables is less common, being probably due to imitation of compounds in which the long vowel is produced by the normal rhythm; e. g. dhanvā-sáh- ‘skilled in archery' and vibhva-sáh-‘overcoming the rich' like rathā-sáh-; sahásrã-magha- 'having a thousand gifts' like šatá- magha- 'having a hundred gifts'. The interchange of short and long is entirely regulated by the rhythmic principle in sană- ‘of old' and almost entirely in tuvi- 'much'; e. g. sana-jur- 'long since aged' and sána-śruta- 'famous of old', tuvi-maghá- 'very rich' and tuvi-bādhá- killing many'. The final vowel of prepositions is particularly often lengthened in the later Samhitas without reference to rhythm, especially before nouns ending in -a with long radical vowel, e. g. nī-vid- (AV.) ‘liturgical invitation', abhi-moda-múd- (AV.) 'excessively joyfuľ, nī-nāhá- (AV.) 'girth', pratī-bodhá- (AV.) ‘vigilance', vī-barhá- (AV.) 'scattering'. Sometimes the final vowel is left unlengthened between two short syllables; e. g. rayi-páti- 'lord of wealth', ghrta-duh-as (voc. pl.) 'yielding ghee ¹8. g. On the other hand, final a and ī of the first member are often shortened before a group of consonants or a long syllable; e. g. amīva- cắtana- (AV.) ‘driving away disease' and amīva-hán- 'destroying disease' (ámīvā-); úrna-mradas- 'soft as wool' (árna-) and *ūrṇa-vabhi- 'spinning wool', 'spider', in the patronymic aurnavabhá-; kaksya-prá- 'filling out the girth' (kaksyà-); nāká 'third heaven', tri-nábhi- 'having three naves'. I The AV. here always has the cerebral, as dur-nihita- ‘badly kept'. 2 But ny-mánas- 'friendly to men' and výsa-maṇas- "manly-spirited'. 3 But purv-anīka- 'having many faces'. 4 But výşa-many- (RV. 1) 'vigorous- minded'. 5 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 42. 6 Beside nagha-mará- (AV.) N. of a plant. 75 7 Cp. also prā-sáh- and pra-sắh- 'victorious'. The long vowel in the former is probably historic, IE. pro. 8 The vowel is originally long, in așță- 'eight', probably also in accha- 'to' and visva all', and may be differently ex- plained in ấ-deva- 'hostile to the gods', á-rupita- (IV. 57) meaning, and a-sat-; see WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 131, note. T 76 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. sena-jít- (VS.) 'vanquishing armies' (sénā-); gáuri-vīti- N. of a seer (from gauri), prthivi-stha- 'standing on the earth'; even before a short syllable in prthivi-sád- (AV.) and prthivi-sád- (VS.) 'sitting on the earth' (prthivi), sárasvati-krta- (VS.) 'made by Sarasvati'. 82. Extension of external to internal Sandhi. -— The rules of sentence Sandhi as applied between members of a compound are often found to affect the internal form of words. a. Nominal (chiefly secondary) suffixes with initial consonants are frequently treated like the second member of a compound; e. g. beside duvas-yú- 'worshipping', appears duvo-yú-². This influence extends even to radical finals before primary suffixes; e. g. án-na- 'food' for ád-na-; șan-nám for sat-nám, from sás- 'six'; námo-bhis, from námas- 'obeisance', with o for ad (as in uşád-bhis from usás- 'dawn') ³; havih-sut for haviş-şu, from havís- 'oblation'; jigi-váms- for jigi-váms- 'having conquered, with radical final lengthened as in sentence Sandhi. b. In the verb the influence of sentence Sandhi is seen in reduplicated forms. Thus parallel with the lengthening of final syllables in the sentence, the final radical vowel is made long before the ending-hi in didîhí beside the more usual dīdihi, from di- 'shine'. The rhythmical lengthening in the reduplicated aorist is probably due to a similar influence. III. ACCENT. ROTH, Nirukta LVII—LXXII: Ueber die Elemente des indischen Accentes nach den Prâtiçâkhja Sūtren. BENFEY, Vollständige Grammatik p. 9–13. WHITNEY, 'On the nature and designation of the accent in Sanskrit', Transactions of the American Philo- logical Association, 1869-70; Oriental and Linguistic Studies 2, 318 ff.; Sanskrit Grammar3, p. 28-33; see also General Index, s. v. 'Accent'. HAUG, Ueber das Wesen und den Werth des wedischen Accents, München 1873 (cp. WEBER, Indische Streifen 3, 335 ff.; WHITNEY, JAOS. 10, IX ff., CIII f.). WACKERNAGEL, Altindische Grammatik 1, 243 ff. Cp. also HIRT, Der indogermanische Akzent, Strassburg 1895, and Akzentstudien in IF. VI-IX; BRUGMANN, Kurze vergleichende Grammatik 1 (Strassburg 1902), p. 52-66. Besides the Prātiśākhyas several other native authorities refer to the accent. Pāṇini and his commentators give an account of it; all the Sutras of Pāņini relating to accentu- ation are collected in a chapter of the Siddhānta-kaumudī called vaidika-svara-prakriyā 'section on the Vedic accent'. The accent is further dealt with in the Bhāşikasūtra, in the Pratijñāsūtra, in the Šikṣās, and as regards the position of the accent in individual words, in the Uņādisutras and especially in the Phitsūtras. - - 83. General character of the Vedic accent. - In Vedic literature sacred texts only, primarily all the Samhitās 5 have been handed down in an accented form. Of all other sacred texts, only those to which a special importance was attached, have preserved the accent. These are the Taittiriya Brāhmaṇa (together with its Aranyaka) and the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa (including the Brhadāraṇyaka Upanişad). There is, however, evidence to show that the Pancavimśa Brāhmaṇa and other Brāhmaṇas were at one time accented7. 6 4 See 57, I. ¹ On the relation of this shortening to the lengthening in the same position, and 5 The Mss. of its probable explanation, see WACKERNAGEL | defective as regards 2¹, p. 135 (56 g). SCHROEDER found it only of his editio with accents. - 2 Hence the Padapātha treats a nominal stem which takes a suffix with initial consonant like the first member of a compound, separating it from the suffix by Avagraha; e. g. duvahsyúḥ for duvoyúh; adrisvah for adrivaḥ, voc., 'armed with a bolt'; utisbhiḥ for utíbhis 'with aids'. 3 See above 44 a, 3. the Kathaka are SO accentuation that L. v. possible to print parts the text (vol. 1, 1900) 6 WEBER, Indische Studien 10, 421; cp. MAX MÜLLER, ASL. 348; BURNELL, Sama- vidhāna Brāhmaṇa p. VI. The Mantra parts of the AitareyaÃraṇyaka are accented (KEITH'S ed. p. 10). 7 The Suparṇādhyāya, an artificially archaic III. Accent. General Character of Vedic Accent.

77

The Sutras, though not themselves accented, occasionally accent the Mantras ivhich they quote.

The Vedic accent, like that of ancient Greece, was of an essentially riusical nature. This is indicated by the fact that the accent exercises no influence on the rhythm of versification. The phoneticians of the Prati- E(akhyas, in describing it, speak only of its pitch, which is also indicated by the name of the chief tone, ud-atta 'raised', 'high' '. But that the Vedic accent was accompanied by some stress ^ is shown by certain phonetic changes which cannot otherwise be explained^.

In the Vedic accent three degrees of pitch may be distinguished : the high, properly represented by the udatta, the middle by the svarita ('sounded'), and the low by the an-udatta ('not raised'). That the Udatta originally- denoted the highest pitch in the oldest form of the Vedic language, is shown by the evidence of Comparative Philology, and especially of Greek which, as far as its peculiar laws of accent will admit, has the acute on the same syllable as in the Vedic language has the Udatta (e. g. A//6f : divas ; smd : sapid; oktm : astdu). This conclusion is also supported by the method of marking the Udatta in the Samaveda, the Maitrayani Sainhita, and the Kathaka. In the Rgveda, however, the Udatta has a middle pitch, lower than that of the Svarita, as is shown both by the way in which it is marked and by the account given of it in the Pratisakhyas. This must be an innovation, though an old one.

The Svarita is a falling accent of a dependent nature, marking the transition from an accented to a toneless syllable. It regularly follows an Udatta, to the rise of which its fall corresponds in pitch. It assumes an independent appearance when the preceding Udatta is lost in consequence of the vowel that bears the Udatta being changed to a semivowel in Sandhi. It is described in Panini i. 2 3't as a combination of Udatta and Anudatta, which means that it falls from the high pitch of the acute to the low pitch of unaccented syllables. According to the RV. Pratisakhya and the TS. Pratisakhya, however, the first part of the Svarita sounds higher than the Udatta. This means that, instead of falling immediately from the high pitch of the preceding Udatta, it first rises somewhat before falling to low pitch ^- It would thus have something of the nature of a circumflex in the RV.; only the rise in pitch above the highest level of the Udatta is but slight (corre- sponding to the initial rise of the Udatta from Anudattatara to Anudatta level), while the fall corresponds to the total rise of the Udatta^. The low tone of the syllables preceding an accented syllable (with Udatta or Svarita) is called an-udatta 'not raised' in the Pratisakhyas ^ When it follows a Svarita it is called the pracaya^ {svara), or 'accumulated pitch' (as several such unaccented syllables often occur in succession) which continues at the low level reached by the preceding Svarita till the syllable immediately

poem composed in the style of the Vedic hymns, is also accented, but with many mistakes; see Grube's edition in Indische Studien, vol. Xiv.

1 Cp. Haug, op. cit. 19.

2 The Vedic accent, like the Greek, was, after the beginning of our era, changed to a stress accent which, however, unlike the modern Greek stress accent, did not remain on the original- syllable, but is regulated by the quantity of the last two or three syllables, much as in Latin; cp. Haug 99, end.

3 See Wackernagel i, 218 and cp. OsT- HOFF, Morphologische Untersuchungen 4, 73.

4 In agreement with VPr. I. 126; APr. 1. 17; cp. Haug 73.

5 See Oldenberg, Prolegomena 483 f.

6 According to Panini's account the Svarita does not rise above Udatta pitch before falling; see Oldenberg, loc. cit.

7 See RPr. Ul. i; cp. Haug 91.

8 Haug 92 f. I. Allgemeines und Sprache. 4. Vedic Grammar.

preceding the next accent'. The latter syllable, called sanna-tara 'lower' or antidatta-tara ^ 'more lowered', sinks somewhat belovv this monotone. '

84. Methods of marking the accent. — The accent is maiked in tie Vedic texts in four different ways.

I. The system of the Rgveda is followed also by the Atharvaveda '^, the Taittirlya Sarnhita (along with its Brahmana) and, with only slight devia- tions in the treatment of the Svarita, by the Vajasaneyi Sarnhita. This system is peculiar in not marking the principal accent at all. The explanation is doubtless to be found in the fact that the pitch of the Udatta is in the RV. intermediate between that of the other two tones. Hence the preceding Anudatta, as having low pitch, is marked by a horizontal stroke below the syllable, while the following Svarita, as rising to a higher pitch, is marked by a vertical stroke above the syllable<r4>; e.g. (language characters) a͏̱gnin(symbol characters) = agnínā. The presence of successive Udattas at the beginning of a hemistich is recognizable by the absence of all marks till the Svarita which follows the last of them, or the Anudatta which follows the last of them and precedes the next accented syllable; thus (TToiT aiffTf tav a yatam = tav a yatam; tavet tat satyam = tdvet tat satyam. On the other hand, all the unaccented syllables at the beginning of a hemistich are marked; e. g. ^^T'lTW = vaisranaram = vaisvanardm. But all the syllables following a Svarita remain unmarked till the one immediately preceding the next Udatta or Svarita; e. g. ?H flf i!^ JJH^ ^Jl^afrl 'Jfifgr imam me gahge yamune sarasvaii suiudri = i??idm me gaiige yamune sarasvati sittudri^.

a. The hemistich being treated as the unit with regard to accentuation*, the marking of the Anudatta and of the Svarita is not limited to the word containing the Udatta which those accents precede and follow respectively'. Hence the final syllable of one word may be marked with an Anudatta as preceding an Udatta of the next initial syllable; or the initial syllable of one word may be marked with the Svarita following the Udatta at the end of the preceding word; e. g. 'ggfvraifisrfiTT purvebhij- rdbhir = ptlrvebhir fsibhir; . aTniraTTT yajfiam ddhvaram ^ yajndm adhvardm. But if an initial syllable after a final Udatta precedes an accented syllable, it loses the enchtic Svarita and must be marked as Anudatta; e. g. Sg^rffcraiT devam rtvijdm = devdm rtvijam.

b. If an independent Svarita^ precedes an Udatta, it is marked with the numeral (i) when its vowel is short, and with a (3) when it is long, the figures receiving both the sign of the Svarita and that of the Anudatta 9 which precedes an Udatta; e.g. ^rm ^ =apsv antdr; XW'^^ = rayo 'vdnih. The phenomenon is described by the phoneticians with the words kampa

1 See Oldenberg, Prolegomena 485, end.

2 Sanna-tara, APr. I. 43; anudatta-tara in Kasika vrtti on Panini 1. 24°.

3 The Mss. of the AV., however, show considerable variations; see Whitney's Translation p. cxxi ff..

4 In the Kashmir ' Ms. of the RV. the Udatta and the independent Svarita only are marked, the former by a vertical stroke above the accented syllable, the latter by a hook (c) above the accented syllable; see ScHEFTELOWiTZ, Die Apokryphen des Rgveda 48 ff.

5 Cp. Haug, op. cit. 92 f.

6 From the point of view of the sentence accent the Pada is the unit; thus a verb or vocative is always accented at its beginning.

7 In the Padapatha, on the other hand, each word receives its natural accent only, so that where the one text has a Svarita, the other may have an Anudatta; e. g. in I. I-' the Sarnhita has rqyim asnavqt, the Pada rqyhn qsnavqi (the latter word being unaccented has the Anudatta marked under each syllable).

8 Examples of independent Svarita are svar for sum-; kva for kua; viryam for vTriam. 'Independent' Svarita in the above rule is intended to include that which results from change to a semivowel [ksaipra), from contraction {praslisla) and from elision of a (abhitiihitd).

9 The long vowel before the ^ receives the Anudatta stroke as well. III. Accent. Method of marking Accent.

79

'qbaver', vikampita, and the verb pra-kamp-. In the TS. it appears only when the second syllable as well as the first has the Svarita, and the figure 2, as wel'; as I and 3, is here used.

' 2. In the system of the Maitrayani Sarnhita' and of the Kathaka% the Udatta is marked by a vertical stroke above (which seems to indicate that this accent was here pronounced with the highest pitch); e. g. ^frinr = agnina. The two Saiiihitas, however, diverge in their method of indicating the Svarita. The MS. marks the independent Svarita by a curve below the accented syllable, e. g. cflw viryam ; but the dependent Svarita by a horizontal stroke in the middle or three vertical strokes above the accented syllable. The Kathaka, on the other hand, marks the independent Svarita by a curve below (if an unaccented syllable follows), e. g. cfljj gyrfk viryam badhnati; or by a hook below (if an accented syllable follows)^ e. g. g?ij ouratS viryam vyacade; but the dependent Svarita by a dot below the accented syllable^. Both these Samhitas mark the Anudattatara in the ordinary way by a stroke below the syllable. In L. v. Schroeder's editions, however, the Udatta and the independent Svarita only are marked. When the text of any of the Sarnhitas is transliterated in Roman characters, it is the regular practice to omit any indication of the dependent Svarita and of the Anudatta as unnecessary. 3. In the system of the Samaveda, the figures i 2 3 are written above the accented syllables to represent three degrees of pitch. Here I always stands for the highest pitch (Udatta), and 3 always for the lowest (Anudatta), and 2 generally for the middle pitch (Svarita); e. g.

3 12 barhisi = RV. barhisi (barhist). But 2 also represents the Udatta when the latter is not followed by a Svarita (that is when the Udatta syllable is final in the hemistich or when an Anudattatara preceding another accented

32 , 323. 23I2_

syllable follows);' e.g. giro. = RV. gira (gird); yajhanaiii hots, visvesam = RV. yajnanam hotq visvesam (yajnanam hots visvesam). If there are two successive Udattas, the second is not marked, but 2 r is written over the

31 2r

following Svarita; e.g. dviso martyasya =RV. dviso martyasya (dviso mdrtyasya). If in such case there is no room for 2 r, the first Udatta has 2 u written over

3 2U 3 I 2

it instead; e. g. esa sya piiaye = RV. esa sya pUaye (esd syd pTtdye). The independent Svarita (as well as the dependent one which follows two successive Udattas) is marked with 2r; and the Anudatta which precedes it, with 3k;

3k 2r

e. g. tanvs. Syllables which follow a Svarita and in which the pitch remains

31 2 312

unchanged, are left unmarked; e. g. dutam vrnimahe hotSram = RV. dutam vrmmahe hotaram {dutdm vrnimahe hStSram) ^[33].

4. Though the Brahmanas do not come within the scope of this work, the system of accentuation in the Satapatha Brahmana cannot be passed over here, as it must be treated in connexion with the other systems of the Vedic period. It is historically important as forming a transition to the post- Vedic period, when the accent assumed a different character 5. The system of the SB. in various respects differs considerably from the three de- scribed above.

r1 See Haug 27—32; L. v. Schroeder,

Introduction to his edition I, p. xxix— XXXlV; ZDMG. 33, l86ff.

r2 Cp. L. y. ScHROEDER, Introduction to his

edition, 2, p. x — XI.

r3 On some peculiarities of the VS. i

marliing the Svarita, see Haug 32 — 35.

r5 Cp. Leumann, KZ. 31, 50 (mid.). I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR.

a. Its chief peculiarity is that it marks only the main accent, che Udatta. This is done by means of a horizontal stroke below the accented syllable; e. g. : puruṣaḥ. If there are two or more successive Udāttas, only the last is marked; e. g. agnir hi vai dhur atha agnir hí vái dhár átha. When, however, an Udatta is thrown back as the result of Sandhi, an immediately preceding Udātta is also marked; e. g. so 'gnim evābhīkṣamāṇaḥ só 'gnim évabhikṣamaṇaḥ, where évabhi stands for evàbhí = evá abhí-. Two successive syllables are also sometimes marked when a compound receives a secondary Udatta; e. g. sprhayad-varnah, for sprhayád-varṇaḥ. b. An independent Svarita is thrown back on the preceding syllable in the form of an Udatta; e. g. manusyesu, that is, manúsyesu for manusyèşu. The Svarita resulting from change to a semivowel (kṣaipra), from contraction (praślista), or elision of a (abhinihita), is similarly treated; e. g. katham nv imam, that is, kathám nv imám for kathám nv ìmám; evaitad, that is, évaitád from evá etád; te 'rcantaḥ, that is, té 'rcantaḥ for té àrcantaḥ. 80 = = When, however, the prepositions á and prá, and final á in the first member of a compound, combine with an unaccented vowel, the contracted syllable retains the Udatta; e. g. éhi (= á ihi); práha (= prá aha); citróti- (-citrá-uti-) bestowing wondrous gifts'. c. Before a pause an accented syllable may lose its Udātta or receive a reduced accent marked with three dots, if the initial syllable after the pause has an Udātta or independent Svarita; e. g. sa bhāgah samsthite, for sá bhagáḥ sámsthite. The penultimate syllable may also be thus reduced; e. g.juhotillatha, for juhóti látha. This may occur even when the following initial syllable is unaccented; e. g. napsulapa, for nápsu || apá. d. Reduplicated forms or long compounds accented on the first syllable or prior member, sometimes receive a secondary accent near the end of the word; e. g. balbalīti, that is bálbaliti for bálbalīti; eka-catvārimśat, that is, éka-catvārimśát for éka-catvārimśat. Sometimes, in such case, the primary accent itself is lost; e. g. eka-saptatih beside éka-saptatih. Somewhat analogous to this double accentuation of compounds is the frequent accentuation of both verbal prefix and verb at the same time; e. g. abhí gopayéd (cp. 109). Finally, the accent occasionally appears on a syllable different from that on which it usually rests. The irregularities mentioned here (d) are much commoner in Books X-XIII than in the earlier Books; they are commonest of all in xıv¹. 85. Normal accentuation of words. As a general rule, every Vedic word is both accented and has one main accent only. The Udatta is the only main accent in the original text of the Rgveda. It is generally found on the syllable which, according to the evidence of Comparative Philology2, bore it in the Indo-European period ³. Sometimes, however, the Udātta is secondary, being a substitute for the independent Svarita (itself the result of an original Udātta). Thus there is already a tendency in the RV. to change a final Svarita into a final Udātta: the vocative dyàus (— diaus) ‘O Heaven', appears as dyáus (VIII. 89²); aryà- (= aría-) ‘kind', occurring only once (1. 123¹), otherwise and very frequently appears as aryá-; thus, too, sván- 'dog', was probably at one time svan- for sian- (Gk. Kúwv), which would explain the For further details, see HAUG, 43-48;| Vedic Udātta shifted, in a few instances, to LEUMANN, Die accentuation des Çatapatha- other syllables in the Brāhmaṇas and in Brāhmaṇa, KZ. 31, 22-51; cp. also WACKER- Pāṇini's system; thus saptá, ŚB., and C. NAGEL I, 252; Bhaşikavrtti, ed. by KIEL-sápla, aștau, C. ástau; AV. VS. ŚB. tilá- HORN IS. 10, 397 ff. 'sesamum', C, tila-; sidati 'sit', C. also sīdáti; AV. gáhvara- 'deep', C. gahvará-. the 2 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 45, 1. 3 Under the influence of analogy III. ACCENT. NORMAL ACCENTUATION OF WORDS. 81 2 abnormal accentuation súnas etc. instead of the regular accentuation *sunás etc. prevailing in monosyllabic stems (93). Or the final Svarita is thrown back as an Udatta on the preceding syllable: thus mitrya- 'friendly', beside mitryà-¹. In some Vedic words, however, the only accent which is written is the 'independent' Svarita, by the native phoneticians called the 'genuine' (jātya) ² or also the 'invariable' (nitya). Always following a y or v. it is, however, just as much due to a preceding Udätta (lost by the change of i and ž to y and v), as the dependent Svarita is; e. g. kvà (= kúà) 'where?"; svar (= súar, TS. sivar) 'light'; rathyàm (= rathiàm, from rathí ‘charioteer'); tanzàm ( (= tanuàm from tanú- body'); ok-yà- (= ok-ià-) 'belonging to home'; vasav-yà- (- vasav-ià-) 'wealthy'. In reading the RV. the original vowel with its Udatta must be restored except in a very few late passages ³. a. Double accent. Contrary to the general rule that a word has a single accent only, a certain class of infinitives and a special type of compounds have a double accent4. The infinitives in -tavai, of which more than a dozen examples occur, accent both the first and the last syllable; e. g. é-tavái 'to go', ápa-bhartavái 'to take away'. The Udatta on the final syllable is probably to be explained as a secondary accent like that of the SB. in intensives and compounds (bálbalíti, éka-catvārimśát, cp. 84, 4 d), where an accent at the beginning of a word is counterbalanced by another at the end. A good many compounds of a syntactical type, in which both members are duals in form or in which the first member is nearly always a genitive in form, accent both members; e. g. mitrá-váruṇā 'Mitra and Varuna', byhas-páti- 'Lord of prayer's. b. Lack of accent. Contrary to the general rule that every word is accented, some words never have an accent, while others lose their accent under special conditions. 1. The following are invariably enclitic: a. pronouns: tva- 'another'; sama- 'some'; ena- 'he', 'she'6; me, D. G., 'of or to me'; mã, A., 'me'; nau, du. A. D. G., 'us two', etc.; nas, A. D. G., 'us', etc.; te, D. G., 'of or to thee'; tva, A., 'thee'; vām, A. D. G., 'ye two', etc.; vas, A. D. G., 'you', etc.; īm, sīm ‘him', 'her', 'it', 'them', etc.; kis 'some one' in ná-kis, má-kis 'no one'; kīm in á-kīm 'from', ná-kim, má-kīm 'never'. ß. particles: ca 'and'; u 'on the other hand'; va 'or'; iva 'like', 'as it were'; kam 'indeed' (after nú, sú, hí); gha, ha 'just' (emphasizing); cid ‘at all'; bhala 'indeed'; sama-ha 'somehow'; sma 'just', 'indeed' (almost invariably with the present tense); svid 'probably'. 2. The following classes of forms or individual words are subject to loss of accent according to their position or function in the sentence: a. vocatives, unless beginning the sentence or Pāda. 6. finite verbs, in principal clauses, unless beginning the sentence or Pada. 7. all oblique cases formed from the demonstrative pronoun a-, when used merely to replace a preceding substantive, and not occurring at the beginning of a sentence or Pāda; e. g. asya jánimāni ‘his (i. e. Agni's) births' (but asyá uşásaḥ ‘of that Dawn'). 1 Cp. the accentuation of the SB., 84, 4 b. In Panini's system of accentuation this tendency went still further; thus V. viryà- (= vīria-), becomes in C. virya-; and the gerundive in -tavyà (= -tavia) appears in C. as -távya also. 2 RPr. III. 4, VPr. I. III f.; cp. HAUG 75. Indo-arische Philologie. I. 4. 3 Cp. BENFEY, Gött. Abhandlungen 27, 31 ff. 4 In the Brāhmaṇas also the particle vává- 5 See below, on the accentuation of compounds, 91. 6 The A. sing. f. occurs once (VIII. 619) accented at the beginning of a Pada as enám. 6 82 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. d. yátha 'as', when used in the sense of iva ‘like', 'as it were', at the end of a Pāda; e. g. tāyávo yathā (1. 50²) ‘like thieves'. e. ná 'not', when followed by hi 'for'¹, the two particles being treated as one word; e. g. nahi tvā invataḥ (1 10³) 'for the two do not restrain thee'; similarly when combined with the particle ni 'now': na-nú 'certainly not'. I. Accentuation of Nominal Stems. 86. A. In primary derivation no general law for the accentuation of nominal suffixes can be stated; but there is a tendency, when -a, -ana, -as, -an, -man are added, to accent the root in action nouns, and the suffix in agent nouns; and in nouns formed with as and -man difference of gender is to some extent accompanied by difference of accent. 1. Root stems when reduplicated or compounded with prepositions as a rule retain the accent on the radical syllable; e. g. juhú- tongue' and 'ladle', yavi-yúdh- 'eager to fight'; pra-neni- 'guiding constantly'. In stems formed with intensive reduplication, however, the reduplicative syllable is sometimes accented; thus jógū- 'singing aloud', vánīvan- 'desiring', dáridra- (VS.) 'roving'. The prefix is accented in áva-sa- 'deliverance', upa-stu-t- 'in- vocation', pári-jri- 'running round'2. 2. When the suffix -a is added, the root is accented in action nouns, but the suffix in agent nouns; e. g. véd-a- ‘knowledge', śiśnáth-a- 'perforation'; but cod-á- 'instigator', cacar-á- 'moveable' 3. When there is a verbal prefix, the final syllable is as a rule accented; e. g. sam-gam-á- m. 'coming together'. In a few of these compounds, however, the root is accented, as ut-pát-a- (AV.) 'portent', a-śrés-a- (AV.) ‘plague'; and in some others (mostly agent nouns) the prefix: á-bhag-a- 'sharing', práti-ves-a- 'neighbour', vy-òș-a- (AV.) 'burning', sám-kāś-a- (AV.) 'appearance'. 3. The suffix -ata is always accented on the final syllable; e. g. darś- atá- ‘visible', pac-atá- ‘cooked', yaj-atá- ‘to be adored'. 4. Of the participial suffixes -at and -ant the former is never accented when the sense is verbal; e. g. dád-at- ‘giving', dás-at- ‘worshipping'. A few old participles, however, which have become substantives, have shifted the accent to the suffix: vah-át- 'stream', vegh-át- (AV. VS.) ‘barren cow', vägh-át- 'sacrificer', srav-át- 'stream', saśc-át- 'pursuer'. The suffix -ant is accented in the present participle of the second (450) and sixth (429) classes and of the denominative (562), e. g. ad-ánt-, tud-ánt-, aghãy-ánt-; in the future (537), e. g. dasy-ánt- (AV.); in the root aorist, e. g. bhid-ánt- and sometimes in the a-aorist, e. g. urdh-ánt-; also in the old present participles which have become adjectives, rh-ánt- ‘weak', bṛh-ánt- 'great', and (with lengthened vowel) mah- ánt- 'great'. 5. The suffix -an is generally accented; e. g. ukṣ-án- m. ‘bull', ud-án- n. 'water'. The radical syllable is, however, not infrequently accented; e. g. ráj-an- m. 'king', údh-an- n. 'udder'. 6. Stems formed with -ana predominantly accent the root; e. g. kár-ana- n. 'act', cód-ana- (AV.) 'impelling'. The final syllable is, however, accented fairly often; e. g. kar-aṇá- ‘active', kroś-aná- ‘yelling', kṣay-aṇá- (VS.) 'habitable', tvar-and- (AV.) 'hastening', roc-aná- 'shining' (AV.), n. 'light', svap-aná- (VS.) 'sleepy'. The penultimate is also accented in several words: the substantives 1 The ŚB., however, accents both particles; cp. LEUMANN, KZ. 31, 22. 2 Cp. WHITNEY 1147 g. 3 Cp. WHITNEY 1148; LINDNER p. 34. III. Accent. Accentuation of Nominal Stems. 83

kir-dna- m. 'dust', krp-dna- n. 'misery' (but krp-and- 'miserable' AV.), dams- dna- n. 'great deed', vrj-dna- n. 'enclosure', ves-dna- n. 'service'; and the adjectives tur-dij.a- -hastening', doh-dna- 'milking', bhand-dna- (VS. TS.) 'rejoicing', man-dna- 'considerate', mand-dna- 'joyful', saks-dna- 'overcoming'. When the stem is compounded with a verbal prefix, the root is nearly always accented; e.g. sam-gdmana- 'gathering together'; but the final syllable is accented in vi-caksand- 'conspicuous', upari-sayand- (AV.) 'couch'.

7. The suffix -ana^ whether forming the feminine of adjectives in -ana or f action nouns, is always accented either on the penultimate or the final syllable; e. g. tur-dm- 'speeding', spand^ana- (AV.) 'kicking'; arh-dna- 'merit',

jar-and- 'old age'. The word pft-ana- 'fight' is irregularly accented on the radical syllable.

8. The suffix -an/ is always accented, either on the final or the pen- ultimate syllable; e. g. dyot-ani- 'brilliance'; as-dni- 'missile'.

g. The suffix -am being the feminine form of action and agent nouns in -ana, is similarly accented; e. g. pis-ani- (AV.) 'beautiful' {pe's-ana-). The accent is, however, sometimes shifted to the final syllable; e. g. tap-ani- 'heat' {idp-ana-).

10. Stems formed with the suffix -as accent the root if they are action nouns, but the suffix if they are agent nouns; e. g. dp-as- n. 'work', but ap-ds- 'active'. There are also some masc. substantives with the accent on the suffix; e. g. raks-ds- m. beside rdks-as- n. 'demon'.

11. The suffix -a, forming action nouns from roots and secondary con- jugation stems, is invariably' accented; e. g. nind-a- (AV.) 'blame'; jigis-d- 'desire to win'; gamay-d- (AV.) 'causing to go'; asvay-A- 'desire for horses'.

12. The suffix -ana^ forming middle participles, is normally accented on the final syllable; e. g. ad-and- 'eating'. Reduplicated stems, however, regularly accent the first syllable; e. g. dad-ana- 'giving', johuv-ana- 'invoking'. A few others accent the root; e. g. cit-ana- (AV.) 'shining', dyut-ana- (RV'.) 'beaming' (beside the usual dyut-and-Y. There are also a few adjectives and substantives ending in -ana in which the primary character of the suffix or the derivation of the word is doubtful. These also accent the first syllable; e. g. vdsav-ana- 'possessing wealth', pdrs-ana- m. 'abyss' J.

13. No general rule can be stated regarding the suffix -i, either the suffix or the root being accented with about equal frequency; e. g. aj-i- 'race', grah-i- 'seizure'. Action nouns used as infinitives, however, regularly accent the suffix; e. g. drs-dye 'to see'. Reduplicated derivatives tend to accent the initial syllable; e.g. cdkr-i- 'active'; while stems compounded with a preposition usually accent the final syllable; e. g. para-dad-i- 'delivering over'.

14. Stems formed with the superlative suffix -istha regularly accent the root; e. g. ydj-istha- 'sacrificing best'. The only exceptions are jyesthd- when meaning 'eldest' (but jyistha- 'greatest') and kan-isthd- 'youngest' (but kdn- istha- 'smallest', TS. B). When the stem is compounded with a preposition tiie latter is accented; e. g. a-gam-istha- 'coming best'.

15. The suffix -is is nearly always accented; e. g. arc-is- 'flame'. The exceptions are am-is- 'raw flesh', j-j^V-w- 'light', and vydth-is- 'course' (?).

16. The few action and agent nouns formed with the suffix -r, are accented either on the root or the suffix; e. g. deh-i- 'rampart', idc-i- 'power'.

1 If jahgha- 'leg' is formed with this suffix, it is the only exception.

2 See Lindner p. 54, top.

3 See below, Nominal stem formation, under -ana- (130). 84 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 17. Stems formed with the comparative suffix -īyāms invariably accent the root; e. g. jáv-iyams- 'swifter'. When the stem is compounded with a preposition the latter is accented; e. g. práti-cyav-īyāms- ‘pressing closer against'. 18. The suffix -u is usually accented; e. g. ur-ú- ‘wide', pād-ú- m. 'foot'. The radical syllable is, however, not infrequently accented; e.g. ták-u-'speeding', ás-u- m. 'life'. The suffix is regularly accented in adjectives formed from desiderative, causative, and denominative stems; e. g. dips-ú- 'wishing to harm', bhavay-ú- 'cherishing', aghay-ú- ‘malignant'. 19. Substantives formed with the suffix -us regularly accent the root (excepting jan-ús- 'birth'); e. g. dhán-us- 'bow'. But a few adjectives which are never used as substantives accent the suffix; e. g. jay-ús- 'victorious', but táp-us- both 'hot' and 'heat'. 20. The suffix - forming independent feminine substantives is regularly accented; as cam-u- 'dish', vadh-i- 'bride'. 21. When the suffix -ta forms past passive participles it is invariably accented; e. g. ja-tá- 'born', rakṣ-i-tá- 'protected'. But a few ordinary nouns formed with this suffix accent the radical syllable: é-ta- 'variegated'; m.: gár-ta- 'car-seat', már-ta- 'mortal', vá-ta- 'wind', hás-ta- 'hand'; n.: ás-ta- 'home', nák-ta-'night'. 22. Stems formed with the suffix -tar generally accent the root when the meaning is participial, but the suffix when it is purely nominal; e. g. dá-tar- 'giving' (with acc.), but da-tár- "giver'. 23. Stems formed with the suffix -ti accent the root more frequently than the suffix; e. g. is-ți-'offering', kṣi-ti- (AV.) ‘destruction', dhú-ti- m. ‘shaker', but is-ti- 'desire', ksi-tí- 'abode', jñā-ti- m. ‘relative', ră-ti- ‘gift'. Reduplicated derivatives seem to have accented either the first syllable or the suffix; e. g. didhi-ti- 'devotion' and carkr-ti- 'fame'. When these stems are compounded with prepositions, the latter are nearly always accented; e. g. á-hu-ti- 'offering'; the only exceptions are a-sak-ti- 'pursuit', ã-su-ti- 'brew' and 'enlivening', and abhi-s-ti- m. 'helper' beside abhi-s-ti- f. 'help'. 24. Derivatives formed with the suffix -tu, with some half dozen exceptions, accent the root (invariably when they are used as infinitives); e. g. tán-tu- 'thread', but ak-tú- 'ray'. 25. The suffix -tnu is always accented; e. g. ha-tnú- 'deadly', jigha-tnú- 'harming'. 26. Derivatives formed with the suffix -tra generally accent the root; e. g. mán-tra- 'prayer', but ksa-trá- 'dominion'. 27. Gerundives formed with the suffix -tva regularly accent the root; e. g. kár-tva- 'to be made', vák-tva- 'to be said', bháv-i-tva- 'future'. 28. Derivatives formed with the suffix -tha generally accent the latter; e. g. uk-thá- n. 'saying'. Sometimes, however, the root is accented; e. g. ár-tha- 'goal'. When the suffix is added with the connecting vowel -a-, the latter is generally accented; e. g. uc-á-tha- n. 'praise'. 29. The suffix -na when forming past passive participles is invariably accented; e. g. bhin-ná- 'split'. When forming ordinary nouns, whether adjectives or masc. substantives, it is usually accented; e. g. r-ná- 'guilty', ghr-nd- m. 'heat'; but a few masculines accent the root, as kár-na- 'ear', vár-na- 'colour', sváp-na- 'sleep'. Neuters (except su-ná- 'welfare') and feminines (-na) accent the root; e. g. án-na-¹ 'food', tý-na- 'grass', tis-na- 'thirst'. ¹ Originally a past participle of ad- 'eat'. III. ACCENT. ACCENTUATION OF NOMINAL STEMS. 85 30. Derivatives formed with -ni accent either the root or the suffix; e. g. yó-ni- m. 'receptacle', but ag-ni- m. 'fire'. 31. The suffix -nu is almost invariably accented; e. g. vag-nú- 'sound'. An exception is vis-nu-¹, N. of god. 32. Derivatives formed with the suffix -ma accent the suffix more than twice as often as the root; e. g. tig-má- 'sharp', ghar-má- 'heat', dhu-má- 'smoke', but i-ma- 'friend', só-ma- 'Soma'. 33. Derivatives formed with -man regularly accent the root in neuter substantives; e. g. kár-man- 'action', ján-man- 'birth', ná-man- 'name'. There are, however, several masculine agent nouns which accent the suffix; e. g. dar-mán- 'breaker'. In several instances the accent varies in the same word according to the gender and meaning; e. g. bráh-man- n. 'prayer', brah-mán- m. 'one who prays'; sád-man- n. 'seat', sad-mán- m. 'sitter'. These stems when compounded with prepositions nearly always accent the latter; e.g. prá-bharman- n. 'presentation'. = 34. The participial suffix -māna is never accented except in the anomalous perfect participle sasṛ-māṇá- (RV¹.) sasr-aná- 'speeding'. The accent of these derivatives is regularly on the same syllable as in the tense- stem to which the suffix is added; e. g. yája-mana- 'sacrificing', icchá-mana- 'desiring', idhyá-mana- 'being kindled', yaksyá-mana- 'about to sacrifice'. 35. Gerundives formed with the suffix -ya invariably accent the root; e. g. háv-ya- 'to be invoked'. 36. The suffix -ra is usually accented; e. g. ak-rá- m. ‘banner', rud-rá-, m. N. of a god, abh-rá- n. 'cloud'. The root is, however, accented in a good many words; e. g. gŕdh-ra- 'greedy', áj-ra- m. 'field', ind-ra-, N. of a god, ág-ra- n. 'point'. 37. Derivatives formed with the suffix -ri accent the root oftener than the suffix; e. g. bhi-ri- ‘abundant', but also sū-ri- m. 'patron'. 38. Derivatives formed with the suffix -va accent the suffix rather oftener than the root; e. g. rk-vá- 'praising', but also fbh-va- 'skilful'. 39. The root is regularly accented in derivatives formed with the suffix -van; e. g. ký-t-van- 'active', pát-van- 'flying', yáj-van- 'sacrificing'. This is the case even when the stem is compounded with a preposition; e. g. vi-mŕg-van- (AV.) 'cleansing'. 40. The suffixes -vana, -vanu, -vani are always accented, the first two on the final,' the last on the initial syllable; e. g. vag-vaná- ‘talkative', vag-vanú- m. '‘noise', bhur-váni- 'restless'. 41. Derivatives formed with the suffix -vara chiefly accent the final syllable when they are masc. nouns, but the root when they are neuter substantives; e. g. i-t-vará- 'going', is-vará- (AV.) ‘able', but kár-vara- n. 'deed', gáh-vara- (AV.) n. thicket'. n. 'thicket'. The suffix appears with instead of in the adjective vid-valá- 'cunning'. 42. The suffix -väms of the perfect participle is always accented, even in the reduced form -us appearing in the weak cases; e. g. cakr-váms- and cakr-ús- ‘having made'. 43. Derivatives formed with the suffix -vi from the simple root accent the radical syllable, but the first syllable of the reduplicated root; thus ghrs-vi- 'lively', but jágr-vi- watchful'. This word may, however, be differently altindischen Sprache, Amsterdam 1898; cp. derived; possibly vi-snu- der in die Weite BLOOMFIELD, AJPh. 17, 427 f., 'crossing the strebende', according to UHLENBECK, Kurz-back (of the world). gefasstes etymologisches Wörterbuch der 86 I. Allgemeines UND Sprache . 4. Vedic Grammar.

44. Derivatives formed with the suffix -sa sometimes accent the root, sometimes the suffix; e. g. grt-sa- 'adroit', ut-sa- m. 'fountain', but prk-sd- 'dappled', ghram-sd- m. 'sun's heat'.

45. The suffix -snu is always accented; e. g. ji-sim- Victorious', vrdh-a- snu- 'joyful', car-i-snu- 'wandering', ni-sat-snu- 'sitting down', tapay-i-snu- 'tormenting', abhi-socay-i-snu- (AV.) 'causing torments'.

B. In secondary derivation five groups of stems may be distinguished with regard to accentuation : a. those which accent the suffix, being formed with -ayand, -dyf, -dyya, -in, -iya, -ma, -iya, -mi, -inya, -td, -tav-ya, -tvd, -tvd-ta, -tvand, -md, -mdya, -min, -mnd, -yin, -vd, -vat, -vald, -vin; b. those in which the suffix is not accented, being formed with -taya, -tara, -ta, -tat, -tati, -tya, -vya; c. those in which only the first syllable is accented, being formed with -i and -ni; d. those in which either the first or the last syllable is accented, being formed by means of Vrddhi with the suffixes -eya, -a or -na (the last two also without Vrddhi); e. those in which the accent is sometimes on the suffix, and sometimes on one or other syllable of the primitive stem, being formed with the suffixes -a, -ani, -ima, -z, -ka, -tana or -tna, -tama, -tha, -bha, -mant, -ya, -ra, -la, -van, -vant, -vaya, -sa. The following is a detailed account of the accent in derivatives formed with the above secondary suffixes in their alphabetical order.

1. Stems formed with the suffix -a and Vrddhi of the first syllable from primitive stems ending in -a are predominantly accented on the final syllable. This is, however, mostly the case when the primitive is accented on any syllable other than the last; e. g. amitrd- 'hostile' from amitra- 'foe', narasamsd- 'belonging to Nara-samsa', saucadrathd-, patronymic from sucdd-ratha- 'having a shining car', pavamand- 'relating to the clear-flowing (pdvamana-) Soma'. In several instances, however, the primitive stem is also oxytone, e. g. kauHkd- 'belonging to Kusika'. On the other hand, stems formed with Vrddhi sometimes accent the first syllable, when the primitive is otherwise accented; e. g. mdd/iyamdina- 'belonging to midday' {madhydin-dina-), sdubhaga- n. 'luck' from su-bhdga- 'lucky', vAdhryasva- 'descendant of Vadhryasva'. The derivative ddivodasa- 'belonging to Divodasa' is, however, formed from a stem similarly accented (divo-dasa-).

A similar rule prevails in the accentuation of stems derived from other primitives by means of the suffix -a and Vrddhi of the first syllable; e. g. ayas-d- 'made of metal' (dyas-), saumanas-d- 'benevolence' from su-mdnas- ' well-disposed'; also sometimes from stems similarly accented, as paidv-d- 'belonging to Pedu'. On the other hand, the first syllable is accented in derivatives from primitives mostly accented on the last; e. g. parthiva- 'earthly' from prthivi- 'earth', maghona- 'belonging to the bountiful one' {maghdvan-); but sometimes also from stems similarly accented, as nahus-a- 'neighbouring' from ndhus- 'neighbour'. The accentuation is similar when the secondary -a is added without Vrddhi; e. g. parus-d- 'knotty' from pdrus- 'knot', but hdrit-a- 'fallow' from harit-.

2. The suffix -a forming feminines to masculines in -a retains the accent on the same syllable as in the masculine; e. g. priyd- beside priyd- 'dear'.

3. Stems formed with the somewhat rare suffix -arii accent one of the last three syllables; t. g. indrani- 'wife oflndra', mudgalam- 'viiit oi yiAAgaXaJ , purukutsarii- 'wife of Purukiitsa', usTndratn- 'queen of the UsTnaras'.

4. The only example of the patronymic suffix -a/ana in the RV. kanv-ayana- 'descendant of Kanva' is unaccented (occurring in the voc. only); the final syllable seems to have been accented iAgm%yj daks-ayandIII. Accent. Accentuation of Nominal Stems. 87

(VS. AV.) 'son of Daksa', and the fem. ramayani- (AV.) 'daughter of the Black one'. The derivative uksanyayana-, N. of a man, is unique both in accentuation and absence of Vrddhi.

5. The suffix -ayi occurs accented on the first syllable only in agn-Ayi- 'wife of Agni'; vrsakap-ayi- (RV.) 'wife of Vrsakapi', occurring in the voc. only, is unaccented.

6. The suffix -ayya- forming gerundival adjectives is always accented on its first syllable; e. g. pan-Ayya- 'to be admired'.

7. Derivatives formed with the suffix -/ and Vrddhi, being almost exclusively patronymics, always accent the first syllable; thus sgnives-i- 'son of Agnivesa', pdurukuts-i- 'descendant of Purukutsa', prdtardan-i- 'descendant of Pratardana', prahrad-i- (AV.) 'son of Prahrada', sdmvaran-i- 'descendant of Samvarana'. Similarly formed and accented is sarath-i- 'charioteer' (from sa-rdtha-m 'on the same chariot'). Two other words, formed without Vrddhi, take the secondary -i: tdpus-i- 'burning' {tdptis- 'heat') and, accented on the final syllable, sucant-i-, N. of a man.

8. The very frequent suffix -in forming possessive adjectives is always accented; e. g. asv-in- 'possessing horses', dhan-in- 'wealthy'; manis-in- 'wise'; abhimat-in- 'insidious'. The adjective sak-in- 'powerful' occurs once accented on the first syllable: sAk-T (i. 51*); the accentuation of this form and of the two nominatives (each occurring once) ir-i 'violent' and sdr-i 'speeding' is perhaps due to error.

9. The accentuation of the suffix -ima^ which is attached to three stems in -tra- and to one in -ra, varies: khanitr-ima- 'made by digging', krtr-ima- 'artificial', putr-ima- (AV.) 'purified'; agr-imd- 'foremost'.

10. The suffix -iya is regularly accented either on its first or its second syllable; e. g. abhr-iya- and abhr-iyd- 'derived from the clouds' {abhrd-), ksatr-iya- 'having authority' {ksatrd-), amitr-iya- 'inimical' iamitra- 'foe'); agr- iyd- 'foremost', indr-iyd- 'belonging to Indra'. The only exceptions are ftv-iya- (AV.) 'being in season' {rtu-), beside rtv-iya-, and srotr-iya- (AV.) 'learned' (Jrotra- 'learning').

11. Derivatives with the feminine suffix -T commonly accent the same syllable as the corresponding masculines (except oxytones); e. g. bhdvant-i- 'being', m. bhdvant-. But the feminine in -i from masculines in -a that are not accented on the final syllable usually accents the -T (and follows the radical t- declension) ; e. g. rath-i- 'charioteer' (m. f.) from rdtha- 'chariot'. The -f is also accented when it forms the fem. of masc. oxytones in -u, e. g. p_rtAv-i- 'hxoa.d' {prih-u-) ' .-ant, e.g. usat-i- 'desiring' (us-dnt-); in -tdr, e.g. avitr-i- 'protectress' {avi-tdr-}; in -anc taking Samprasarana, e. g. pratic-i- 'facing' (praty-dnc-). The fem. in -T from masc. oxytones in -a sometimes retains the accent on the suffix, e. g. devi- 'goddess' {devd- 'god'), but more usually throws it back on the first syllable, e. g. drus-i- 'ruddy' (arum-).

12. The suffix -ina is generally accented on its first syllable, rarely on its last; e. g. apac-ina- 'western', samvatsar-ina- 'annual'; pratic-ind- 'turned towards'. The suffix is unaccented only in mAk-Tna- (RV.) 'mine'.

13. The suffix -Tya is always accented on its first syllable; e. g. arjTk- lya- a kind of Soma vessel, ahavan-iya- (AV.) 'sacrificial fire', grhamedh-iya- 'relating to the domestic sacrifice', parvat-iya- (AV.) 'mountainous'. Similarly in the ordinals dvit-iya- 'second', trt-iya- 'third', tur-iya- 'fourth'.

14. The suffix -ena is accented on the final in its only occurrence in the feminine form satnidh-eni- 'relating to fuel' {samidh-).

15. The suffix -e/J/a, nearly always forming gerundives, regularly accents I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. its first syllable; e. g. drś-énya- 'worthy to be seen'. The only exception is vár-enya- 'desirable'. Similarly accented are the ordinary adjectives vīr-énya- 'manly' (vīrá-) and kīrt-énya- ‘famous' (kīrtí- 'fame'). 16. Derivatives formed with the suffix -eya and Vṛddhi accent the final syllable when they have a patronymic sense, but otherwise the first; e. g. ārş-eyá- 'descendant of a seer' (şi-), but páurus-eya- 'relating to man' (puruşa-). The analogy of the gerundive from roots ending in -a, which is formed with -eya (e. g. déya- 'to be given'), is followed by didrks-éya- 'worth seeing' (didyksá-) and sabh-éya- 'fit for an assembly' (sabhá-). 17. Derivatives formed with -ka are variously accented. Those which have a diminutive sense regularly accent the suffix; e. g. arbha-ká- ‘small', kanīna-ká-¹ 'youth', kumāra-ká- 'little boy'. Otherwise the accent sometimes remains on the same syllable as in the primitive; e. g. ánta-ka- 'making an end (ánta-), yuşmá-ka- ‘your' (yuşmá-); or it shifts to the suffix, e. g. anya-ká- 'other' (anyá-), sana-ká- ‘olď (sána-); or to the first syllable, e. g. rúpa-ka- (AV.) 'having an assumed form' (rūpá- ‘form'). 18. The rare suffix -ta is regularly accented: eka-tá- (VS.) 'First', dvi-tá- 'Second', tri-tá- "Third as Proper Names, ava-tá- 'well', muhur-tá- 'moment'. 19. Derivatives formed with the suffix -tana or its syncopated form -tna are variously accented: ni-tana- and nú-tna- 'present', sanā-tána- (AV.) and saná-tna- (AV.) 'lasting', pra-tná- 'ancient'. 88 20. The suffix -tama when forming superlatives is hardly ever accented ², the primitive nearly always retaining its original accent; e. g. tavás-tama-3 'very strong'. But when it forms ordinals the final syllable is accented; e. g. sata-tamá- 'hundredth'. 21. A few adjectives formed with -taya from numerals meaning 'consisting of so many parts', accent the primitive: cátus-ṭaya- (AV.) 'fourfold', dása-taya- 'tenfold'. 22. The suffix -tara forming comparatives is hardly ever accented, the primitive retaining its original accent; e. g. rathi-tara- ‘better car-fighter'. An exception is vrtra-tára- 'a worse Vṛtra'. 23. Derivatives formed with -tà regularly accentuate the syllable preceding the suffix; e. g. a-gó-tā- ‘want of cows', devá-tā- ‘divinity', puruṣá-tā- ‘human nature'. The only exception is a-vira-ta- 'want of sons'. 24. Derivatives formed with -tāti and -tāt have the same accentuation as those formed with -tā; e. g. a-riṣṭá-tāti- ‘security', devá-tāti- ‘divinity', sám- tāti- 'good fortune'. The accent is exceptional in ásta-tāti- 'home' and dáksa- tāti- (AV.) 'cleverness'. 25. The suffix -tya, forming nouns from particles, is never accented: ápa-tya- n. ‘offspring', amá-tya- 'companion', ávis-tya- 'manifest', ni-tya- ‘own', nis-tya- 'foreign', sánu-tya- 'secret'. When attached to the substantive ap- 'water' it is, however, accented: ap-tyá- and ap-tyá- 'watery'. 26. The suffix -tva is invariably accented; e. g. amṛta-tvá- 'immortality', pati-tvá- 'matrimony'. 27. The very rare suffix -tva-tā is accented on its first syllable: işita- tvátā- 'excitement, puruşa-tvátā- 'human nature'. 28. The suffix -tvana is always accented on its final syllable; e. g. kavi- tvaná 'wisdom', pati-tvaná- 'matrimony', sakhi-tvaná- 'friendship'. 1 Accented kaninaka- in the VS. The fem. tamá- 'highest', sasvat-tamá- 'most frequent' in the RV. is kaninaka- but in the AVI. | (with the ordinal accent). kanínikā-. 3 It is shifted in mṛḍayát-tama- 'showing great compassion' (mrdáyat-). Cp. below 89. 2 Except puru-táma- ‘very many' and utIII. Accent. Accentuation of Nominal Stems. 89

29. The suffix -iha, forming ordinals from a few numerals and adjectives of a cognate sense from pronominal stems, is nearly always accented: thus cattir-thd-^ (AV.) 'fourth', sas-tM- (AV. VS.) -'sixth', kati-ihi- 'the how-maniest' ; but saptd-tha- 'seventh'.

30. The rare derivatives formed with the suffix -na are accented either on the first or the last syllable: strdi-na- 'feminine' {stri- 'woman'), visu-na- 'various'j hwt pur a-nd-^ 'ancient', sama-nd- 'like'.

31. With the suffix -bha^ are formed the names of a few 'animals with one exception accented on the final syllable: rsa-bhd- and vrsa-bhd- 'bull', garda-bhd- 'ass', sara-bhd- {KS[ . VS.) 'fabulous eight-legged animal'^ rasa-bha- 'ass'. This suffix also occurs once in the adjective sthula-bhd- (AV.) 'big'.

32. The suffix -ma is regularly accented, whether forming superlatives; t.g. adka-md- 'lowest', madhya-md- 'middle-most', or ordinals; e.g. asta-md- 'eighth'. An exception is dnta-ma-^ 'next'.

33. Derivatives formed with the suffix -mant retain the accent of the primitive, unless the latter is oxytone, when the accent in the great majority of instances (about three-fourths) is thrown forward on the suffix; e. g. osadhi- mant- (AV.) 'rich in herbs', asdni-mant- 'bearing the thunderbolt'; but agni- mdnt- 'having fire' iagni-).

34. The suffix -maya is always accented on the first syllable; e. g. ayas- mdya- 'made of metal', go-mdya- 'consisting of cows', saka-mdya- 'arising from excrement'.

35. The suffix -min is accented (like -in) in the only two derivatives formed with it: is-min- 'impetuous', and rg-min- 'jubilant with praise' {rc^.

36. The rare suffix -mna is always accented: dyu-mnd- 'brightness', nr-mnd- 'manliness', ni-mnd- 'depth', su-mnd- 'welfare'.

37. Derivatives formed with the suffix -ya and Vrddhi accent the initial or the final syllable with the same shift as appears in those formed with -a: the initial, when the primitive is accented on the final (or some- times a medial) syllable, but the final, when the primitive is accented on the initial (or sometimes a medial syllable); e. g. ddiv-ya- 'divine' {devd- 'god'), artvij-ya- 'office of priest' {rtvtj-), garhapat-ya- 'position of a householder' {grhd-pati-); but adit-yd- 'son of Aditi', prajapat-yd- (AV.) 'relating to Prajapati'. In a very few instances the accent remains unchanged, as adhipat-ya- 'lord- ship' {adhi-pati- 'lord'), pdums-ya- 'manhness' {pt'ims- 'maif), vdis-ya- 'man of the third caste' {vis- 'settler'), srdisth-ya- (AV.) 'superiority' {sristha- 'best'); while in several instances it shifts from the final syllable to the suffix (instead of to the initial syllable); e. g. kav-yd- 'descendant of Kavi' (but kiv-ya- 'endowed with the qualities of a sage', kavi-).

a. In derivatives formed without Vrddhi the accentuation is to some extent similar; thus a final accent shifts to the first syllable; e. g. in pitr-ya- 'belonging to the fathers' {pitf-), prdtijan-ya- 'adverse' {prati-jand- 'adversary' AV.); or from the first to the last; e. g. gram-yi- 'belonging to the village' {grima-) ; or it remains on the first syllable ; e. g. dv-ya- 'belonging to sheep' (dvi-), gdv-ya- 'derived from cows' {go-); or it shifts from the final syllable to the suffix (instead of the first syllable); e. g. kav-yd- 'wise' {kavi-). But here the accent may also remain on or be shifted to a medial syllable; e. g. svaraj-ya- 'autocracy' {svarij- 'sovereign'), visvddev-ya- 'belonging to all gods' {visvd-deva-) hiranyd-ya- 'golden' {hiranya- 'gold'), avyd-ya- 'derived from sheep' (beside avya-ya-), gavyd-ya- 'derived from cows' (beside gdvya-).

I Cp. BB. 28, 318, bottom. ' Cp. Preli.witz, BB. 22, 74—114, on animal names in -bha.

3 But antamehhik (I. 165S). 90 I. Allgemeines und Sprache. 4. Vedic Grammar.

But a peculiarity of the derivatives formed without Vrddhi is that the majority of them have the Svarita accent on the suffix; e. g. rajan-ya- 'belonging to the royal class' (ryan-); dosan-ya- 'relating to the arm' {dosdn-); vayav-ya- 'belonging to Wind' {vayu-); -dicndubh-ya- (VS.) 'relating to a drum' (dundubhl) ; budhn-ya- 'belonging to the bottom' {bud/ind-). The suffix thus accented also appears in the gerundive in -iav-ya- (twice found in the AV.) formed from an infinitive stem in -tu (585,4).

38. The rare suffix -yin is (like -in) always accented: atata-yin- (VS.) 'having one's bow drawn', dhanva-yln- (VS.) 'bearing a bow', mara-yin-, N. of a man, srka-yi?i- (VS.) 'having a spear', svadha-yin- (VS.) 'owning the Svadha'.

39. Derivatives formed with -ra having a comparative sense (chiefly from prepositions) accent the initial syllable: ddha-ra-'o^tx d^a-ra- ^a.ter', dva-ra- 'lower'j vpa-ra- 'lower', dnta-ra-^ 'near' (anta- 'end'). Other nouns formed with the suffix are chiefly accented on the final syllable; e. g. a-srl-rd- 'ugly', dhum-rd- (VS.) 'dusky' {dhumd- 'smoke'), pamsu-rd- 'dusty, rath-i-rd- 'riding in a chariot' ; but sometimes otherwise ; thus dgnidh-ra- 'belonging to the fire- kindler' {agnidh-), midh-i-ra- 'wise', karma-ra- 'smith'.

40. Derivatives formed with -la nearly always accent the suffix; e. g. a-sli-ld- (AV.) 'ugly', jlva-ld- (AV.) 'lively', bahu-ld- 'abundant', madhu-ld- 'sweet'; but tilvi-la- 'fertile', seva-la- (AV.) 'slimy', sihi-la- 'little child'.

41. The suffix -va is regularly accented: arna-vd- 'billowy', kesa-vd- (AV.) 'hairy', anji-vd- (AV.) 'slippery', santi-vd- (AV.) 'friendly', sraddhi-vd- 'credible'.

42. The fern, substantives formed from adverbs or prepositions with the suffix -vol always accent the final syllable: arva-vdt- 'proximity', a-vdt- (AV.) 'proximity', ud-vdt- 'height', ni-vdt- 'depth', para-vdt- 'distance', pra-vdt- 'height', sam-vdt- 'region'.

43. Derivatives formed with the suffix -van may have the accent on any syllable; e.g. dthar-van, 'fire-priest', zW/5a«-z'a«- 'possessed of fuel', fgha- van- 'violent'; rta-van- 'regular', maghd-van- 'bountiful'; aratX-vdn- 'hostile', srustT-vdn- 'obedient'.

44. Derivatives formed with -vant generally retain the original accent except in oxytone stems (if not ending in a or a), which as a rule throw it on the suffix; e. g. kesa-vant- 'hairy', putrd-vant- (VS.) 'having a son', prajd- vant- 'having offspring', dydvaprthivt-vant- 'connected with heaven and earth'; but agni-vdnt' 'having fire' {agni-), asan-vdnt {KSl^ 'having a mouth'. The accent is anomalously shifted in krsaiia-vant- 'decorated with pearls' (krsana-) and visu-vdnt- 'central' {vim-) 'in both directions'.

45. The very rare derivatives formed with the suffix -vaya accent either the suffix or the primitive: dru-vaya- (AV.) 'wooden dish' and cdtur- ■vaya- 'fourfold'.

46. Derivatives formed with the rare suffix -vala accent their final syllable: krsT-vald- 'peasant', nad-vald- (VS.) 'reed bed'.

47. The suffix -vin is always accented; e. g. namas-vin- 'reverential', yasas-vin- (AV.) 'beautiful', medha-vin- (AV.) 'wise', dArsad-vIn- 'bold'.

48. The very rare names of relationship formed with the suffix -vya accent the first syllable: bhrdtr-vya- (AV.) 'nephew'.

49. A few adjectives and substantives formed with the suffix -sa accent either the final or, less often, the first or second syllable: arva-sd- or

I This word may, however, be derived from antar- 'within', with BR. and WHITNEY 1209 i. in. Accent. Accentuation of Compounds.

91

drva-sa- 'hasting', eta-sd- ox ita-sa- 'variegated', babhlu-id- (VS. MS.) 'brownish', roma-sd- '■vwcf,yuva-sd- 'youthful', anku-sd- 'hook', turvd-s'a-, N. of a man. Perhaps also kdsma-sa- (AV.) 'stupefaction' (?), and kald-sa- 'jar'.

2. Accentuation of Compounds.

AuFRECHT, De accentu compositorum Sanscriticorum, Bonn 1847. — Garbe, KZ. 23i 47° f- — Reuter, Die altindischen nominalcomposita, ihrer betonung nach unter- sucht, KZ. 31, 157 — 232; 485 — 612. — Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik 21, P- 40—43, etc.

87. The rule as to the accentuation of compounds, stated in the most general way, is that iteratives, possessives, and governing compounds place the accent on the first member; determinatives and regularly formed copula- tives (with one accent) on the last member and to a large extent on its final syllable. Speaking generally the accent of a compound is that of one of its members. But some words always change their accent when compounded; thus visva- 'all' regularly becomes vihd-, and in the later Sanihitas sdrva- 'all' sometimes becomes sarvd-. Other words when compounded change their accent in certain combinations only; thus some paroxy tones become oxytone, as pfirva- 'prior' in purvd-citti- 'foreboding', pUrvd-pTti- 'precedence in drinking', purvd-huti- 'first invocation'; nima- 'one' in nemd-dhiti- 'separation'; medha- 'sacrifice' in medhd-pati- 'lord of sacrifice', and medhd-sati- 'receiving the oblation'; vfsan- in vrsd-kapi-, N. of a monkey; on the other hand some oxytones throw back the accent, as khadi- 'bracelet' in khsdi-fiasta- 'having hands adorned with bracelets'; gnvA- 'neck' in tuvi-griva- 'powerful-necked'; vird- 'hero' in />««i:-z'zV'«- 'possessed of many men' and su-vira- 'heroic'; dhumd- 'smoke' in saka-dhuma- (AV.) 'smoke of cowdung'.

An adjective compound may shift the accent from one member to the other if it becomes a substantive or a Proper Name; thus a-ksdra- 'im- perishable', d-ksara- 'speech'; su-krta- 'well done', su-krtd- n. 'good deed'; d-raya- 'niggardly', a-raya-, N. of a demon.

88. In iteratives, which may consist of repeated nouns, pronouns, adverbs, prepositions, or particles, the first member alone is accented, the two words being separated by Avagraha in the Pada text, like the members of other compounds. Examples are: dhar-ahar jayate tnasi-masi {:s..S2i) 'day after day he is born, month after month'; ydd-yad ydmi tdd d bhara (viii. 61^) 'bring to me whatever I ^.^C; yatha-yatha matdyah sdnti nrndm (x. in') 'as are the desi?es of men in each case'; adyddya svdh-iva indra trdsva pari ca nah (viii. 6i'0 '011 each to-day, on each to-morrow protect us, Indra, and in the future'. The prepositions which appear as iteratives are upa, para, prd, sdm; e. g. prd-pra pusnds tuvijatdsya sasyate mahitvdm (i. 138') 'forth and again the greatness of the mighty Pusan is praised'<r1>. The only verbal iterative occurring is piba-piba (II. 11¹¹)<r2> 'drink again and again'.

89. Governing compounds always accent the first member when it is a verbal noun 3, as trasd-dasyu- 'terrifying the foe', N. of a man. When the first member is a present or aorist participle, its final syllable is invariably accented, whatever the original accentuation may have been, e. g. viddd-vasu- 'winning wealth', tardd-dvesas- 'overcoming {tdrat-) foes'.

I In a few instances the repeated words are not treated as a compound and are both accenteid, as nu nu 'now, now', ihcha (AV.) 'here, here', sam sdm (AV.).

2 Otherwise a repeated verbal form is not treated as an iterative, e. g. stuhi siuhi (vni. 13°).

3 Except sik^a-nara- 'helping men'. 92

I. Allgemeines und Sprache. 4. Vedic Grammar.

a. When the first member is a preposition, the accentuation is much the same as in possessives: either the first member is accented on its proper syllable, as abhi-dyii- 'directed to heaven'; or the last member on the final syllable, but only when it ends in the compositional suffix -a, or when as a simple word it is not accented on the final syllable; e.g. adhas-fad-d-%€ag under the feet', anu-kamd- 'according to wish' {kSma-). The accentuation of api-prana- (f. -f-) 'accompanying the breath' is quite exceptional.

90. A. Possessive compounds (Bahuvrlhis) normally accent the first member on the same syllable as the simple word, e. g. rdja-putra- 'having kings as sons' (but raja-putrd- 'son of a king'). Other examples are: dn-abhimlata-varna- 'whose colour is not dimmed', iddhdgni- 'whose fire is kindled', ind7'a-jyestha- 'having Indra as chief, indra-sakhi- 'having Indra as a friend', ghrtd-prstha- 'butter-backed', rid ad-vats a- 'having a bright calf, sahdsra-pad' 'thousand-footed" Similarly when the first member is a pre- position, an ordinary adverb, or sahd- and (chiefly in the later Vedas) sa- in the sense of 'accompanied by'; e.g. nir-hasta- (AV.) 'handless', prd-mahas- 'having pre-eminent might', vi-grTva- 'wrynecked', visvdto-mukha- 'facing in all directions', sahd-vatsa- 'accompanied by her calf, sd-kama- ('accompanied by' =) 'fulfilling desires' (VS.), sd-cetas- 'inteUigent' ^.

a. The original accent of the first member is sometimes changed, i. The adjective vuva- 'air always, and (owing to its influence) saiva- 'all' sometimes in the later Sam- hitas, shift their accent to the final syllable; e. g. visvd-pesas- 'having all adornment', sarvd-Janman-^ (AV.), sm-va-suddha-vala- (VS.) 'having a completely white tail', sarvayus- (VS.) 'having all life"*. — 2. Present participles in several instances shift the accent to their final syllable; e. g. krandad-isti- 'having roaring [irdndai-) speed'^ dravad-aiva- 'having swift {lirdvat-'f steeds'. Other participles with this shift of accent are ai-cdt- and bhaiiddl- 'shining', rapsdt- 'swelling', svandt- 'resounding'. — 3. There are also a few miscellaneous examples of shift of accent in the first member : abhisfi-dyumna- 'abounding in aid', jyott-ratha- 'whose car is light' (jyo/is-), dadrsand-pavi- 'whose felly is visible' [dddrsana-], avdkolba- (AV.) 'surrounded with Avaka plants' {dvakd-) cdiur-ahga- 'four- membered' [caii'ir-], khddi-hasta- 'having hands adorned with bracelets' [khadi-].

B. About one eighth of the total number of Bahuvrlhis accent the second member, and in the majority of instances on the final syllable.

a. This accentuation is common when the first member is a dissyllabic adjective ending in / or u. It is invariable in the RV. after the very frequent puru- 'much' and the less frequent krdhi'i- 'shortened', bahu- 'much', siti- 'white'; e. g. puru-putrd- 'having many sons', puru-vdra- 'having many treasures', krdhu-kdrna- 'having short ears', bahv-annd-^ 'having much food' {anna-), siti-pdd- 'white-footed'. Examples of this accentuation after other adjectives ending in i and u are: asu-hesas- 'having swift steeds', teru-ksdya- 'having a wide abode', rju-krdtu- 'whose works are right', tuvi-dyumnd- 'having great glory', trsu-cydvas- 'moving greedily', prthu-pdksas- 'broad-flanked', vibhu- krdtu- 'having great strength', vilu-pdni- 'strong-hoofed', hiri-siprd- 'golden- cheeked' ?. In the later Samhitas there is an increasing tendency to follow

1 When another adjective or an adverb precedes the first member, it has the accent ; e. g. eka-sUi-pad- (VS. TS.) 'having one foot white'; cp. Wackernagel 2', p. 291.

2 There are, however, a few exceptions in which the final member is accented, as vi-Hkhd- 'hairless' (but vi-Hkha- AV.), puro- rathd- 'whose car is foremost', sa-prdthas- 'ex- tensive', sdngd- (AV.) 'together with the limbs'.

3 This is the only example (occurring beside vihjd-janman-) of this shift of accent in

sdrva- in the AV., where sdrva- as first member is common.

4 sdrva- shows this shift of accent in the RV. in the adverb sarvd-ias 'from all sides' and in the derivative sarvd-tati- 'totality'.

5 Here the accent may be affected by that of the adverb dravdt 'swiftly'.

6 After iahu- the final syllable is always accented, even in the later Sainhitas.

' Both accentuations occur in prthti- iudhnd- and p^thit-budhna- 'broad-based'. III. ACCENT. ACCENTUATION OF COMPOUNDS. 93 the general rule; e. g. purú-naman- (AV.) 'many-named', siti-kakud- 'having a white hump', and siti-bhasad- 'having white buttocks' (TS. v. 6. 14¹). b. Bahuvrīhis beginning with dvi- and tri- generally accent the second member; e. g. dvi-pád- 'two-footed', dvi-dhára- 'forming two streams', tri-tántu- 'having three webs', tri-nábhi- 'having three naves', tri-vandhurá- 'three-seated' ¹. The only exceptions to this rule in the RV. are dví-savas- 'having twofold might', try-àmbaka- 'having three mothers' and try-àśir- ‘having three products of milk'. The later Samhitas accent dví- and tri- in new Bahuvrihis as often as not. In a few possessives beginning with other numerals the second member is accented on the last syllable, e. g. catur-aksá- 'four-eyed¹². c. Possessives beginning with the negative prefix a- an- almost invariably accent the final syllable irrespectively of the original accent of the second member (doubtless in order to distinguish them clearly from deter- minatives); e. g. a-dánt- 'toothless', a-phalá- 'unfruitful' (phála-), a-balá- ‘not possessing strength' (bála-). A very few accent the penultimate; a-bhrátr-3 (AV.) 'brotherless', a-víra- ‘childless', a-śésas- 'without offspring'. On the other hand a good many (though only a small proportion of the whole) accent the prefix (like determinatives), especially when the second member is a noun formed with the suffix -ti; e. g.+ å-gu- 'kineless', á-jñās- ‘kinless', á-dyu- 'not burning', án-api- 'kinless', á-prajas- (AV.) 'childless', d-mrtyu- 'deathless', á-hri- 'bold', á-kşiti- 'imperishable's. d. Possessives beginning with dus-6 ill' or su- 'well' regularly accent the second member, usually on the original syllable; e. g. dur-mánman- 'ill disposed', su-bhága- 'well endowed'. There is, however, a tendency to throw the accent forward on the final syllable; e. g. sv-anguri- 'fair-fingered' (angúri-), su-phalá- (AV.) 'fruitful', su-bandhú- (AV.) 'closely related'. On the other hand, the accent is in a few instances shifted from the final to the penultimate syllable, as su-víra- 'rich in heroes' (vīrá-), and su-gándhi- 'sweet-smelling' beside su- gandhi (from gandhá- 'smell') ⁹. 91. Determinatives as a rule accent the last member, and pre- vailingly on the final syllable. A. I. In the descriptive type, that is, those in which a substantive is described by an adjective or an appositional substantive (Karmadhāraya) and those in which a verbal noun is described by an adverbial word, the accent is on the final syllable; e. g. krsna-sakuná- (AV.) 'black bird', maha-dhaná- 'great spoil', ajñata-yakṣmá- unknown disease', yavayat-sakhá- 'a protecting friend', raja-yakṣmá- ('king') 'royal disease' ¹0, surya-svít- 'sun-bright'; pura-et- 'going before', prathama-já- ‘first-born', prātar-yúj-" early yoked', svayam-bhú- 'self-existent', dus-krt- 'acting wickedly', su-pra-túr-¹2 'victorious', a-gharin- (AV.) 'not anointing', a-cit- 'senseless', a-jarayú-¹3 'not aging', a-júr- 'unaging'. 10 1 But aştá-vandhura- 'having eight car- seats'. 2 Cp. WHITNEY 1300 C. 3 But in the RV. with the usual accen- tuation a-bhratý-. 4 For many other examples see WACKER- NAGEL 2¹, 114 note (p. 293). 5 The only possessive of this kind in which the second member ends in -ti and accents the final syllable seems to be a-gavyuti- 'pastureless'. 6 The only exception in the case of dus- is dur-ašir- 'ill-mixed'. 7 The RV. retains the original accent, su-phála-, su-bándhu-. For other examples see WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 294, bottom. 9 Op. cit. 2¹, p. 295 7, note. 10 Exceptions, when the first member is a noun, are all compounds formed with visva- ‘all', as visvá-mānuşa- every man', also madhyám-dina- 'midday', vrsá-kapi- 'male ape', in all of which the original accent of the first member is shifted. ¹¹ ádhri-gu- “irresistible' and sadhá-stha- 'standing together', are exceptions. 12 sv-a-vrj easy to acquire' is an ception. 13 But á-mavişnu- ‘immoveable'. ex94

I. Allgemeines und Sprache. 4. Vedic Grammar.

a-yoddhf- 'not fighting', a-rajin- 'not shining', a-pra-mrs-ya-'^ 'indestructible', a-budh-ya- 'not to be wakened', an-aty-ud-yd- (AV.) 'unspeakable', an-adhrs-ya- 'unassailable', an-amayi-tnu- 'not making ill'.

a. When, however, the second member ends in -van, -man or -i, or has the form of a gerundive used as a neuter substantive, the penultimate (radical) syllable is accented; e. g. raghu-pdtvan- 'swift-flying', puro-ydvan-'^ 'going in front'; su-tdrman- 'crossing well', vilu-pdtman- 'flying mightily', raghu- ydman- 'going swiftly', su-vd/iman- 'driving well', dur-grbhi- 'hard to hold', rju-vdni 'striving forward', tuvi-svdni- 'roaring rm^t^f , purva-pdyya- 2xA pUrva- peya- n. 'precedence in drinking', saha-seyya- n. 'act of lying together', amutra- bhaya-'^ (VS.) n. 'state of being in the other world'.

2. The first member is, however, accented under certain conditions. a. It is generally accented if it is an adverbial word and the last member is a past participle in -ta or -««+ or a verbal noun in -ti; e. g. ddmsu-juta- 'speeding wondrously', dur-hita- 'faring ill', sdna-sruta-^ 'famed from of old'; puro-hiti- 'priestly ministration', sadhd-stuti- 'joint praise'. — b. The privative particle a- or an- when compounded with a participle ^ adjective, or substantive is nearly always accented; e. g. dn-adant-^ 'not eating', d-ditsant- 'not wishing to give', d-manyamana- 'not thinking', d-kimsana- 'not injuring', d-vidvams- 'not knowing', d-krta-^ 'not done'; d-kr-a-'^ 'inactive', d-susv-i- 'not pressing Soma', d-tandra- 'unwearied', d-kumara-'^° 'not a child'; d-citii- 'thought' lessness'. The particle is regularly accented when it negatives a compound; e. g. d-dus-krt- 'not doing ill', dn-aiva-da- 'not giving a horse', d-paicad-daghvan- 'not remaining behind'; d-punar-diyamana-^^ (AV.) 'not being given back', dn-agni-dagdha- 'not burnt with fire', dn-abhi-sasta- '^ 'blameless'.

B. I. Dependent determinatives as a rule accent the second member and that mostly on the last syllable, even if the simple word is not an oxytone.

a. When the second member is a root 'J, a verbal noun in -a, an ordinary substantive (without verbal sense), or an adjective ending in -z«'+, the final

1 This is the regular accent of the gerundive with the negative prefix, which is, however, accented in some half dozen in- stances : d-gohya-^ d-jesya-, d-dabhya-, d-nedya-^ d-yahhya- (AV.) and a ghnya- beside a-ghnyd-. Two of these compounds in the AV. retain the Svarita of the simple gerundive: an- ativyddhya- and an-adharsya-.

2 saiyd-viadvan- 'truly rejoicing' is an ex- ception.

3 sadhd-sliUya- n. 'joint praise', is an ex- ception.

4 Here the adverb is treated like a pre- position compounded with a past participle.

5 There are a good many exceptions in which the original accent of the past parti- ciple remains on the final syllable; e. g. tuvi-jdtd- 'mightily born', dus-krtd- 'ill done'^ su-jatd- (beside su-jdta-). This is the regular accentuation when the first member spuru-; e. g. puru-sluld- 'much praised'.

6 Not, however, when the second member is a gerundive, a root, or a noun with verbal meaning ending in -yu, -tnu, -snu, -in, -ir-; see examples above (A l).

7 But a-sascdnt- iDeside dsascant- 'not ceasing', a-coddnt- (v. 442) and as substan-

tives a-rundhai-i- (AV.) a name, and a-jdrant-T- (VS.) 'unaging'.

8 Exceptions are a citta-, a-dfsfa-, a-mfta-, a-yida- n. 'myriad' but (AV.) d-ynta- 'undisturb- ed', a-turta- (beside d-turta-'), a-bhinnd- (AV.) beside d-bhinna-.

9 There are also some verbal derivatives in -a which accent the second member; e. g. a-ksdr-a- 'imperishable', a-jdr-a 'un- aging', a-ddbh-a- 'not-deceiving', a-trp-d- 'dissatisfied'j a-vadhd- 'inviolable', a-vrdh-d- 'not furthering', an-avrask-d (AV.) 'not falling off'; cp. Whitney 1283 — 88.

'o There are also several ordinary nouns which are accented as second member; e. g. a-citrd- 'colourless', a-mitra- 'enemy', -a-vTra- 'unmanly'.

I' But a ni-pddyamdna- (AV.) 'not going to rest' where RV. has d-ni-padyatndna.

12 But an-d-iastd- (KV'.) 'not praised', a-pra-sastd- beside d-pra-sasta- 'not praised',

^3 There are a few exceptions when deri- vation from a. root is not clear, as in 6sa- dhi- 'plant'; otherwise -dhi from dhd- 'put' is regularly accented; c. g. isu-dhi 'quiver'.

'4 This suffix being invariably accented in the simple word (_86 B. 8). III. Accent. Accentuation of Compounds.

95

syllable is regularly accented; e. g. gotra-bhid- 'opening the cowpens', ghrta-

of water'j go-saphd- (VS.) 'cow's hoof, jiva-lokd- 'wo'rld"of the living', indra- sena- 'Indra's missile' {sSna-), krmajind- {KSl. TS.) 'hide {ajina-) of the black antelope', deva-kom-'- (AV.) 'cask {kosa-) of the gods', deua-mand-i 'abode {mana-) of the gods'; uktha-sams-in- 'uttering praise', bhadra-vad-in- 'uttering auspicious cries'.

a. The word pati- 'lord' follows this rule in only a few compounds occurring in the later Samhitas; thus in the AV. : apsard-pati- 'lord of the Apsarases', vraja-pati- 'lord of a troop' {vraja-pati-,^ RV.); in the VS.: amhasas-pati- 'lord of perplexity', upa-pati- 'paramour', edidhisuh-paii- 'husband of a younger sister', nadl-pati- 'lord of rivers' ; in the MS.: ahar-pati- 'lord of day', cit-pati- 'lord of thought', vdk-pati- 'lord of speech'. In a few determinatives pdti- retains its own accent as second member, as nr-pdti- 'lord of men', rayi-pati- 'lord of wealth', ms-pdti- 'lord of the tribe', also the f. in vasu-patnT- 'mistress of wealth', vis-pdtm-i, 'mistress of the tribe'; in the VS. ahar-pdli-, cit-pdti-, vak-pdti-; in the AV. rtupdti- 'lord of proper seasons', pasu-pdti- 'lord of animals' (VS.), pustirpdti- 'lord of welfare', bhuta-pdti- 'lord of beings', slha-pdti-i 'governor'. In compounds with pdti-, however, the first member is usually accented, there being 22 cases in the RV., besides 10 with/a/m-; c. g. grhd-pati- 'lord of the house', go-pati- 'lord of kine', pdsu-pati- 'lord of ^ creatures', medhd-pati-^ 'lord of animal sacrifice' iniedha-), vdsu-pati- 'lord of wealth', vaja-pati- 'lord of booty', svdr-pati- 7 'lord of light' ; grhd-patrii- 'mistress of the house', devd-patnl- 'wife of a god', vaja-patm- 'queen of booty'. In the AV., of 15 new masculines ending in -pati- more than half accent the first member as do all the 8 new ones ending in patnT-; e. g. dtithi-pati- 'entertainer of a. guest'. In the other Samhitas also occur: ksatrd-pati- (VS.) 'lord of dominions', bhuva-pati- (VS.) 'lord of the atmosphere', bhuvana-pati- (VS. TS.) 'lord of beings', bhu-pati- (TS.) 'lord of the world', samvesd-pati- (VS.) 'lord of rest', visnu-paini- (VS. TS.) 'Visnu's wife' 8.

b. Determinatives which have as their second member verbal nouns in -ana'^, adjectives in -i and -van, as well as action nouns in -ya, regularly accent the radical syllable of the second member; e. g. deva-mdd-ana- 'exhilarating the gods', kesa-vdrdh-ana-'^° 'causing the hair to grow'; pathi-rdks-i- 'protecting the road'; soma-pa-van- 'somadrinking', talpa-si-van- 'lying on the couch', pratar-i-t-van-^^ 'coming early'; ahi-hdt-ya- 'slaughter of the dragon', deva- hu-ya- 'invocation of the gods', mantra-sru-t-ya- n. 'listening to counsel', vrtra- tar-ya-^^ 'conquest of Vrtra'.

2. Dependent determinatives, however, which have as their second member past passive participles in -ta and -na or action nouns in -ti accent

1 dugha- retains its original accent, as madhu-dugha- 'yielding mead', kama-diigha- (AV. VS.) 'yielding desires'. A few others have the original accent of the first member: marud-vrdha- 'delighting in the Maruts', divi-caror (AV.) 'moving in the sky', suti-kara- 'active at the Soma offering'. Cp. Whitney 1278.

2 A few accent the penultimate syllable of the final member with shift of the original accent, as godhuma-^ (VS.) 'wheat', iaka- dhuma- (AV.), yama-rajya- (AV. VS.) 'Yama's sway' {rdjyd-); cp. WaCKERNAGEL 2', p. 268, top, note.

3 But deva-yana- 'going to the gods'.

4 Also the Karmadharaya sa-pdtm- 'cowife' and the Bahuvrlhi su-pdtm- 'having a good husband'.

3 Cp. Bloomfield, SBE. 42, 319. 6 In K. medha-paii-.

7 svd-pati- 'one's own lord' is a Karma- dharaya ; as a Bahuvrlhi it is accented sva- pati- (AV.) 'having an own consort'.

8 On doubly accented compounds with ■pati- see below (3).

9 Just as when such nouns are compounded with prepositions.

1° The very few apparent exceptions to this rule are due to these words losing their verbal character ; e. g. yama-sadand- (AV.) 'Yama's realm'.

11 In nidtari-svan- and mdtaribhvan- the suffix is probably -an; here the original accent of the first member (if it is the loc. 7ndidri) has shifted, perhaps owing to the influence of words like prdiar'-i-tvan-.

12 An exception is sadhd-stu-t-ya- 'joint praise'. A few feminines in -ya, which are closely allied to these neuters in -ya, retain their accent on the final syllable, as deva96 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. the first member (like a preposition); e. g. indra-prasuta- incited by Indra', devá-hita- 'ordained by the gods', hásta-yata- 'guided by the hand'<r1>; devá- hūti-<r2> 'invocation of the gods', dhána-sati-3 'winning of wealth'. 2 3. Double accentuation. A certain number of determinative compounds, syntactical in origin, which have a genitive case-form in the first member, and nearly always -páti- in the second, are doubly accented. Such are bŕhas- páti- and brahmanas-páti-4 'lord of prayer', gnás-páti- 'husband of a divine woman' (with the anomalous fem. gnás pátní- 'divine wife'), jás-páti-5 'head of a family'. The compound sádas-páti- lord of the seat' (sádas-) probably stands by haplology for *sádasas-páti-, but vána-s-páti-6 lord of the wood' perhaps, and rátha-s-páti- 'lord of the car' (rátha-) probably, owe their sto the analogy of bŕhas-páti-7. Though without case-ending in the first member, śácī-páti- 'lord of might' follows the analogy of the above compounds. Other doubly accented compounds with case-form in the first member but not ending in -pati- are súnaḥ-sépa- 'Dog's tail', N. of a man; dásyave-výka- 'Wolf to the Dasyu', N. of a man; apám-nápat- 'son of waters', the analogy of which is followed by tánu-nápat- 'son of himself' (tanú-) though it is without case- ending in the first member; nára-śámsa-8 Praise of men' (for *nárām-śámsa-), the analogy of which is followed by ný-sámsa-. The name nábhā-nédiṣṭha- seems to contain an old locative in the first member, while the uninflected stem appears in ás-pátra- (TS. II. 5. 93) 'vessel for the mouth'. 92. 1. The regular class of copulatives, which have only one accent, places the acute on the final syllable irrespective of the accent of the uncompounded word. In the plural occur: ajaváyaḥ m. 'goats and sheep', ukthärká n. 'praises and songs', ahoratráni 'days and nights'; in the dual: rk-samé n. 'song and chant', satyanṛté n. 'truth and untruth', sāśanānaśané n. 'what eats and does not eat'; in the singular: nīlalohitám n. ‘blue and red' ¹º, iṣṭā-purtám n. 'what is sacrificed and presented', keśa-śmaśrú- (AV.) n. 'hair and beard', añjanabhyañjanám (AV.) n. 'salve and ointment', kasipu-barhanám (AV.) n. ‘mat and pillow', krtākṛtám (AV.) n. 'what is done and undone', cittakūtám (AV.) n. 'thought and desire', bhadra-papám (AV.) 'good and evil', bhūta-bhavyám (AV.) n. 'past and future', n. pl. priyapriyáni (AV.) 'things II yaj-ya- 'worship of the gods', beside deva- by s. The only other instance in the RV. yáj-ya-, jāta-vid-ya- knowledge of things', of a Tatpuruşa with case-ending in the first muşti-hat yắ- hand to hand fight'. member and yet singly accented is divo- dāsa-, N. of a king. Elsewhere occur apsu- yogá- (AV.) 'connecting power in water', amhasas-pati- (VS.), perhaps mätúr-bhrātrá- (MS. 1. 6¹2) 'mother's brother' (the Mss. read mātur-bhrātrá-). There are, however, a good many ex- ceptions in which the final syllable is accented (as in prepositional determinatives), e. g. agni-taptá- glowing with fire', agni-dagdhá- 'burnt by fire'. 2 The original accent of the first member is shifted in nemá-dhiti- putting opposite' 'fight', vaná-dhiti 'layer of wood', medhá- sāti- 'receiving of the oblation'. In vánas-páti- the first member may be the gen. sing. of van 'wood' (gen. pl. van- âm); but in rátha-s-páti- thes must be in- organic; cp. GARBE, KZ. 23, 490; RICHTER, IF. 19, 17; BARTHOLOMAE, BB. 15, 15 note¹; WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 247. When the verbal sense is lost in the second member, the general rule of final accentuation applies; e. g. deva-sumali- 'favour of the gods', deva-heti- (AV.) 'weapon of the gods'. This analogy is followed by sarva- jyäni- (AV.) loss of one's all'. 7 The only new instance of double accen- tuation of a compound with páti- after the RV. seems to be nýms-páti- (MS.); cp. WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 248 d. 8 Cp. FOY, JAOS. 16, CLXXII-IV. 4 Though brahmanas-páti- is not treated as a compound in the Pada text, it is so treated 9 The two or three exceptions which occur in the Dvandva indra-brahmaṇaspatī (11. 24¹2). | in the AV. and VS. are doubtless due to 5 Thus accented in Book VII, but jás-pati, wrong readings. in Book I. The latter is the only Tatpuruṣa 10 The adjectives being used as substan- in the RV. in which double accentuation tives. does not take place when -páti- is preceded 11 In the VS. used in the dual also. III. Accent. Accent in Declension.

97

agreeable and disagreeable'; and as adjectives tMnra-dhumrd- (AV.) 'tawny and dark', daksina-savyd- (AV.) 'right and left', saptamastamd- (AV.) 'seventh and eighth'.

a. The very few adverbial copulatives which occur accent the first member: dhar-divi 'day by day', saydm-pratar (AV.) 'at even and at mom'.

2. The class of D svata-dvandvas, each member of which is dual in form, and which in the RV. is about thrice as frequent as the regular class, retains the accent of simple words in each member of the compound': thus agna-^imu {hSl^^ agni-soma, indra-pusdna, indra-brkaspdti', indra-vdruna, indra-visnu, indra-sSma, usasa-ndkta 'Dawn and Night', dyJvd-ksama 'heaven and earth'j dydva-prthivf, dyAvS-bhimT, ndktosdsd, pdrJanyd-vAtS, prtkivi-dydva, mitrd-vdrwia, siirya-mAsa. A few others are formed in the same way from substantives which are not the names of deities: krdtu-ddksau (VS.) 'under- standing and will', turvdsa-ydda (iv. 30'?) 'Turvasa and Yadu', dhuni-cumurl 'Dhuni and Cumuri', m%tdra-pitdra (iv. 6 7) 'mother and father'.

a. A certain number of these compounds have been assimilated to the regular class of copulatives by giving up the accent of the first member: indragnt, indra-pusdna, soma-pUsdnd, vatd-parjanyd, surya-candramdsa, bhava- rudrdti (AV.), bhava-sarvdu (AV.)^; one has been completely assimilated by giving up also the dual form in the first member: indra-vayii.

a. There occurs once a secondary adjective copulative accented on both members, being formed from an adverbial Dvandva: ahar-divd- i^?,^ '&3SS.f {ahar-divi 'day by day').

3. Accent in Declension.

93. The vocative, when accented at all (85, 2) invariably has the acute on the first syllable; e. g. pitar, N. pitā͏́ 'father'; déva, N. devá-s 'god'. The regularly accented vocative of dyu- {dydv-) 'heaven' is dyáus, that is dlaus, but the nominative form dydus is also used in its stead.

a. Otherwise, in the ^z-declension (f. -a) the accent always remains on the same syllable; e. g. N. devd-s, G. devd-sya, pi. devd-nam. This rule is also followed by monosyllabic pronominal stems in -a; e. g. from ma-: I. mdy-a 'by me', D. md-hyam, L. mdy-i; from td- 'that', G. sing, ta-sya, pi. G. ie-sam, I. td-bkis^.

a. An exception to this rule is formed by the plural cardinal stems ending in -a. They regularly accent that vowel before endings with initial consonant, and throw the acute on the ending of the genitive; c. %. panca 'five': 1. pancd-bhis, G. pancd.7tdm% astd 'eight', however," shifts the accent to the endings generally, thus I. asta-bhis, D. asta- bhyds (TS.).

94. When the final syllable of the stem is accented, the acute (except in the a -declension) is liable to shift to the endings in the weak cases.

I. This is the rule in monosyllabic stems; e. g. ndu- 'ship': A. n&v-am, but I. ndv-A, pi. I. nau-bhis, L. nau-si'i; ddnt-va.. 'tooth': I. dat-&, pi. A. dat-ds^, I. dad-bhis.

1 The double accent is retained even in the derivatives mitra-vdruna-vant- 'accom- panied by Mitra and Varuna', and dyava- prtkivi-vant- (AV.) 'accompanied by heaven

and earth'.

2 Retaining the double accent of the second member.

3 In the AV. the number of Devata- dvandvas is only about half that in the RV. (though the total number of Dvandvas is more than double); about one-half of these,

Indo-arische Philologie. I. 4.

again, have only one accent, which as in the regular class is on the final syllable.

4 Retaining the nom. -s, instead of *dimt (Gk. Z«S).

5 An exception is the pronoun a- 'this', which is treated like a monosyllabic stem, e. g. G. a-syd, pi. m. e-sam, f. d-sam; a few times, however, the accentuation d-smai, d-sya, a-hhis occurs; cp. Whitney 502 b.

- The accusative plural is treated as a weak case and accented on the ending in

7 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. a. Exceptions to this rule are the rare monosyllabic stems in -a, which retain the accent on the stem; e. g. gná- 'woman': pl. I. gná-bhis, L. gná-su. Individual exceptions are gó- 'cow', dyo- 'sky'; e. g. I. gáv-ā, pl. G. gáv-ām, I. gó-bhis; L. dyáv-i, pl. I. dyú- bhis. Similarly - 'man': D. nár-e, pl. I. nr-bhis, L. n-su, but G. nar-ám and nr-nám; kşám- 'earth'; L. kşám-i; tán- ‘succession: I. tán-a (and tan-á), D. tán-e; rán- ‘joy': rán-e, pl. L. rám-su; ván- 'wood': pl. L. vám-su (but G. van-ám); vip- 'rod': G. vip-as; stý- 'star': pl. I. sty-bhis; svàr- 'light': G. súr-as (but D. sur-é); also the infinitives badh-e 'to press', váh-e 'to convey'. In some words the irregular accentuation is due to their having originally been dissyllables; such are dri- 'wood', snú- 'summit', fván- 'dog', yun- weak stem of yúvan 'young'; e. g. I. drú-nā; pl. L. snú-şu; I. śún-ā, pl. vá-bhis; I. yun-ā ¹. 98 2. When the accented vowel of the final syllable in polysyllabic stems disappears either by syncope or by changing to a semivowel, the acute is thrown on endings with initial vowel in the weak cases; thus from mahimán- 'greatness', I. mahimn-á; from mūrdhán- 'head', D. mūrdhn-é; from agní- 'fire', G. du. agny-ós; from dheni 'cow', I. sing. dhenv-á; from vadhú- 'bride', D. vadhv-ái (AV.); from pit'- 'father', 1. pitr-á. a. Polysyllabic stems in -í, -, -, and in the RV. usually those in -ī, throw the acute on the ending of the G. pl. also, even though the vowel retains its syllabic character in this case; e. g. agni-nám, dhenū-nám, dātṛ-nám; bahvi-nám ² 2 3. Present participles in -át and -ánt throw the acute on the endings with initial vowel in the weak cases; e. g. from tud-ánt- 'striking': I. sing. tud-at-á (buť tud-ád-bhis). This rule is also followed by the old participles mah-át- 'great' and brh-át ‘large', e. g. mahat-á (but mahád-this) ³. 4. In the RV. derivatives formed with accented -añc throw the acute on endings with initial vowel in the weak cases when contraction to ī and ū appears in the final syllable; thus from praty-ánc- 'turned towards', I. sing. pratic-á (but L. pl. pratyák-su); from anv-ánc- 'following'; G. anuc-ás (but from pránc- L. sing. prác-i). The other Samhitãs, however, generally retain the accent on the stem¹. 4. Verbal Accent. 95. As regards personal endings, those of the singular active in all tenses and moods are always unaccented except the 2. imperative -dhi or -hí. Others may be accented; if dissyllabic, they have the acute on the first syllable, as -ánti, -máhi. When the tense stem ends in -a in the present, in the future, in the unaugmented imperfect and aorist, and throughout the subjunctive, the accent is never on the ending, as it remains on the same syllable of the stem throughout. 96. All tenses formed with the augment invariably accent the latter, if the verb is accented at all (85, 2); e. g. impf. á-bhara-t, plupf. á-jagan, aor. á-bhu-t, conditional á-bharisya-t. If the augment is dropped, the accen- tuation is as follows. In the imperfect the acute is on the same syllable as in the present; e. g. bhára-t, pres. bhára-ti. The pluperfect, if regularly hardly more than one third of the stems | the plural cardinals in -a: as páñca 'five', occurring; see WHITNEY 390 a; cp. LANMAN | pañca-núm, dáśa 'ten', daśā-nám. 494, 499, 504 top, 505. When a monosyllable becomes the final member of a compound, it loses its mono- syllabic accent; e. g. su-dhi- 'wise', G. pl. su-dhinam. On the other hand prés- pressing on' though a compound (pra-is-) is accented like monosyllables in the I. sing. preș-á. 2 This regularly takes place in the G. of 3 The accent is, however, not shifted in the old participle vāghát- m. 'worshipper'; nor in the two forms a-codát-e 'not urging' (from cód-ant-) and rathirayát-ām 'speeding'; cp. LANMAN p. 505-6 (top). 4 Thus the f. stem pratic-i- (AV.), but RV. pratici (cnce in the A. praticim). formed, accents the root, as 3. sing, cakan (Ykan-), 3. sing, rardn (Yran-), 1. sing, ciketam {Ycit-); when formed with thematic -a, it accents that vowel, as 3. pi. cakrpa-nta. The aorist if formed with -sa, accents that syllable, e. g. 3. pi. dhuk-sa-n, dhuk-sd-nta (from dnh- 'milk'); if formed with -s, it accents the root, as may be inferred from i. sing, vdm-s-i (from van- 'win'), the only accented example occurring; if formed with -is-, it accents the root, e. g. I. sing, sdms-is-am'^ . If formed from the root, it accents the radical vowel in the singular active, but the endings elsewhere, as 3. sing, vark ( ]/'vrj-), but 2. sing. mid. nut-thas ( Ynud-). If formed from the root with thematic -a, it usually follows the analogy of the present «-class, e. g. ruhd-m, bhujd-t, vidd-t, budhd-nta; in several instances, however, it accents the root, as dra-nta (r- 'go'); sdra-t {sr- 'flow'); sdda-tam {sad- 'sit'); sdna-t {san- 'gain') but opt. sane'ma; vdca-f {vac- 'speak') but opt. voceyam. The reduplicated aorist usually accents the reduplicative syllable, as 2. sing, didharas, ninas'as, Ty.svxg. piparat, sisvap, jijanat, -^X. jijaiian; but sometimes the root, as 2. sing. Usrdthas, 3. sing. pipdrat, sihidthat. Passive aorists accent the root, e. g. dhd-y-i, srdv-i, vM-i, jdn-i, pdd-i, sdd-i.

97. Present system. — -i. Throughout the present system of the a-conjugation the accent remains on the same syllable of the stem in all moods; on the radical syllable in verbs of the first and fourth classes; e. g. bhdva-ti from bhu- 'be', ndh-ya-ti from nah- 'bind'; on the thematic -a in the sixth class ; e. g. tudd-ti from tud- 'strike'.

2. In the second or graded conjugation, the singular indicative active, the whole of the subjunctive, and the 3. sing, imperative active' accent the stem, while all other forms accent the endings^. In the strong forms the radical syllable is accented in the second class; generally the reduplicative syllable, but sometimes the root, in the third class; the suffix in the fifth, eighth, seventh, and ninth; e. g. 3. sing. ind. ds-ti, subj. ds-a-t, impv. ds-tu, from as- 'be', 2nd cl.; 3. sing. ind. bi-bhar-ti from bhr- 'bear', 3rd cl.; 3. sing. ind. kr-nc-ti, subj. kr-ndv-a-t, 2. pi. impv. kr-m-ta, and kr-no-tana from /It- 'make', 5'h cl.; 3. sing. subj. man-dv-a-te ixom. man- 'think', Stl^cL; i. %v!g.'mA.yu-nd-j-miy 3. sing. subj. jyu-nd-j-a-t ixova yuj- 'join', 7th cl.; 3. sing. ind. grb/i-nd-ti, 2. sing. subj. grbh-nd-s from grabh- 'seize', 9'hcl.; but 2. sing. impv. ad-dhi, 3. pi. opt. ad-yi'ir from ad- 'eat', 2nd cl.; i. pi. ind. bi-bhr-mdsi; 1. sing. ind. xsaA.kr-nv-S, 2. sing. impv. kr-nu-kl; i. pL opt. van-u-ydma, 3. pi. impv. van-v-dntu from van- 'win', 8'h cl.; 3. sing. TmA. yunk-te, 2. sing. impv. mid. yunk-svd; i. pi. ind. gr-ni-mdsi,

2. sing. impv. gr-ni-hl from gr- 'praise', g'li cl.

a. Irregularities. In the second or root class, several verbs accent the radical syllable throughout<r4>: si- 'lie' does so besides taking Guna; e.g. I. sing, say-e, 2, sing. ie-se etc. 5 Occasional accentuation of the root in weak forms appears in 2. sing. impv. Jan-i-svad (yjizn.-), mat-sva^mad-), yak-sva[/yaj-), sak-sva 3.Tii sak-sva {/sak-), fdh-a-t, subj. [rdh- 'thrive'), 3. pi. impv. svdp-antu (AV.) and kias-anlu (AV.)7. A few roots of the third class accent the root instead of the reduplicative syllable in the strong forms. These are ci- 'note', mad- 'exhilarate', yic- 'separate', ha- 'sacrifice'; e. g. 2. sing, ci-ke-si (AV.)j

3. sing. subj. ma-mad-a-t, $. sing. impv. ma-mdi-iu; $. sing. snhj. yu-ydv-a-i, 2. pi. impv. yii-ya- iatia; 3. sing. /«<-/i(J-6'. Occasional forms thus accented are 2. sing. «>-a>-« (RV'.) froni

1 Of the «>-aorist no accented forms occur.

2 The 2. pi. impv. active often accents the stem, which is then strong, as e-ta, e-tana from i- 'go'; this is sometimes also the case with the 2. du. in -tarn.

3 The final syllable of the ending of the 3. pi. middle is regularly accented in several verbs, as ri-hati, duh-ate; see WHITNEY 61 3, 685, 699; Delbruck, Verbiim 73.

4 These are as- 'sit', Id- 'praise', Tr- 'set in motion'^ is- 'rule', caks- 'see', taks- 'fashion', tra- 'protect', nims- 'kiss', vas- 'clothe', su- 'bring forth'.

5 See Whitney 628 and 629.

6 Op. cit. 631 a.

7 Op. cit. 630. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. - 'go', 2. sing. mid. dhát-se from dha- 'put', and bi-bhár-ti (RV¹. AV².) beside the usual bi-bhar-ti. Both types, when the ending begins with a vowel, throw the accent back on the reduplicative syllable; e. g. 3. pl. júhv-ati and bibhr-ati, but 2. pl. juhu-thá and bibhr- thá. The subjunctive here, as usual, follows the accentuation of the strong indicative; its stem from the same two roots would be juháv-a- and bibhar-a-. In the optative middle the accent is thrown back on the reduplicative syllable because the modal affix begins with a vowel; e. g. I. sing. dádh-iya etc. beside 1. sing. act. dadh-yám etc. ¹ The RV., however, once has dadhi-tá beside dádhi-ta (3 times). In the imperative, endings with initial consonant are accented in the weak forms, otherwise the reduplicative syllable; e. g. 2. sing. de-hi, 2. du. dat-tám, but 3. mid. pl. jihatām. The strong 3. sing. impv. act. follows the strong ind., e. g. dádhātu, pipartu; the 2. pl. is often strong; e. g. juhóta, dádhata. The participle regularly accents the reduplicative syllable; e. g. júhv-at, júhv- ana, except only pipāná- (pa- 'drink'). In the seventh class the root hims- 'injure' (originally perhaps a desiderative of han- 'strike') accents the radical syllable in weak forms, as 3. sing. hims-te, pl. hims-anti, part. hims-āna-. In the fifth and eighth classes RV. has several instances of irregular accentuation of the final syllable in the 3. pl. mid.: ky-nv-até, vr-nv-até, spr-nv-até; tan-v-até, man-v-até. - In the ninth class the irregular accentuation of the 3. pl. mid. occurs in pu-n-a-té and ri-n-até (ri- 'flow'). The ending -āna, which is here added in the 2. sing. impv. act. to a few roots with final consonant, is accented on the last syllable: grh-āṇá, badh-āná (AV.), stabh-āná (AV.). IOO 98. The perfect. The singular indicative active and the whole sub- junctive² accent the radical syllable; all other forms of the indicative, as well as the whole imperative and optative accent the endings; e. g. ind. 3. sing. cakár-a, pl. cakr-úr, 1. pl. mid. cakr-máhe; subj. sing. 2. papráth-a-s, pipráy-a-s; 3. jabhár-a-t, pipráy-a-t, mumóc-a-t; dadhárs-a-ti, vavárt-a-ti; pl. 1. cākán-āma, suśáv-ama, 3. papráth-a-n; opt. sing. 1. vavṛt-yám, 2. śuśru-yás, 3. tutuj-yắtz du. 2. suśru-yatam; pl. 3. vavrj-yur; mid. sing. 2. vavṛdh-i-thắs, 3. šiśrī-tá (śri- 'resort'); impv. sing. 2. piprī-hí, mumug-dhi (√ muc-), du. 2. jajas-tám; mid. sing. 2. dadhi-svá ³. The participle, both active and middle, accents the suffix; e. g. cakr-váms-; cakrāṇá-. — 99. The aorist. -The accentuation of the unaugmented forms of the indicative has already been stated (96). With regard to that of the moods, the following notes may be added. 1. The root aorist accents the radical syllable in the subjunctive; e. g. sing. 2. kár-a-s, 3. kár-a-t, du. 3. śráv-a-tas, pl. 3. gám-a-nti, mid. sing. 3. bħój- a-te; in the injunctive, the radical syllable in the singular, but the ending elsewhere; e. g. sing. 1. nám-s-i, pl. 3. dabh-úr, mid. sing. 2. mr-thás; in the optative, the endings throughout; e. g. act. sing. 1. as-yám, 2. bhū-yás, mid. pl. 1. as-imáhi; in the imperative, the root in the 3. sing. act., but the ending elsewhere; e. g. sing. 3. śró-tu, but 2. kr-dhi, du. 2. ga-tám, pl. 2. bhu-tá4, mid. sing. 2. kr-svá; in the participle, the suffix is accented in the active, e. g. bhid-ant-, and generally in the middle, e. g. budh-and-, but in several instances the root; e. g. dyút-āna-. 2. In the a-aorist the accentuation follows that of the unaugmented indicative; thus the subjunctive sing. 3. vidát; the injunctive sing. 1. dárśa-m ruhá-m, 3. rúha-t, vidá-t, sána-t, pl. 3. vidá-nta; optative, sing. 1. vidéyam, sanéyam, pl. 1. šakéma, sanéma and sánema; the imperative, sing. 2. sảna, sára, du. 2. ruhá-tam, sáda-tam, pl. 2. khyá-ta. The participle usually accents the thematic -a, but sometimes the root; e. g. trpd-nt-, but sáda-nt-; guhá- mana-, but dása-mana-. ¹ Cp. WHITNEY 645 a, 668 a, 669. 2 When the primary endings are added, the reduplicative syllable is almost always accented; e. g. jújosasi; some others, which take secondary endings, but do not strengthen the root, also accent the reduplicative syllable, as dádhrsanta; see below 490. 3 A few forms accent and strengthen the radical syllable, du. 2. mumóc-n-tam, pl. 2. mu- móc-a-ta, mid. sing. 2. pipráy-a-sva. 4 But the root is strong and accented in several forms, kár-ta etc., of the 2. pl. im- perative. III. Accent. Verbal Accent.

3. In the reduplicated aorist the only accented form in the subjunctive seems to be vocati;- in the injunctive, either the redupHcative syllable or the root is accented; e. g. sing. 2. ninas-as, sisrdikas, 3. piparat and pTpdrat; in the optative, the thematic vowel or the ending; e. g. pi. i. vocema, cucyuv-t- nidhi; in the imperative, the thematic vowel or the ending; e. g. du. 2.jigr-tdm, ■pl.jtgr-id, susudd-ta (AV.).

4. The s-aorist accents the root in the subjunctive; e. g. ddr-s-a-t {dr- 'split'), ydk-s-a-t {yaj- 'sacrifice'), du. 2. pdr-s-a-thas (pr- 'take across'); the root in the injunctive as far as can be judged from the extremely few accented forms, as mid. sing. i. vdm-s-i {van- 'win'); the ending' in the optative, as mid. bing. i. bhak-s-i-yd ( ybhaj-), pi. dkuk-s-T-mdhi {duh- 'milk'); in the imperative no accented forms occur; the participle accents the root in the active, as ddk-s-ant- {dak- 'burn'), but in the irregularly formed middle^ nearly always the suffix, as arc-a-s-and-, but oh-a-s-ana- (527).

5. The AS-aorist accents the root in the subjunctive; e. g. sing. 3. bodh- is-a-t; the root in the injunctive, e. g. sing. 2. mdt/i-is, but once the ending in pi. 3. tar-is-i'ir (AV.); the ending in the optative; e. g. sing. i. edh-is-'iyd (AV.); the ending in the imperative; e. g. sing. 2. av-id-dhi, du. 2. av-is-tdm.

6. In the s/s-aorist no accented forms occur except one in the imperative, where the ending has the acute, du. 2. ya-sis-tdm.

7. The sa-aorist accents that syllable in the injunctive, as pi. 3. dhuk-sd-nta (but once sing. 3. dhuk-sa-td), and in the imperative, as sing. .2. dhuk-sd-sva ( Yduh-'). No subjunctive or optative forms occur.

100. The future. — The accent in all forms of this tense remains on the suffix -syd- or -i-syd; e. g. sing. 3. e-syd-ti (AV.) 'he will go' {Yi-)', sing. i. stav-i-sydmi 'I shall praise' ( Ystu-), 3. kar-i-sydti 'he will do' {Ykr-^; participle kar-i-sydtit- 'about to do'.

loi. Secondary conjugations. — All these, except the active form of the intensive, accent the same syllable of the stem throughout. They are the causative, the denominative, the passive, the secondary form of the intensive, and the desiderative, the stem of all of which ends in -a. The causative accents the penultimate syllable of the stem; e. g. krodh-dya- 'enrage'.— The passive, the secondary form of the intensive, and the denominative, accent the suffix -yd; e. g. pan-yd-te 'is admired'; rerih-yd-te ■"licks repeatedly'; gopa-ydnti 'they protect'. A certain number of unmistakable denominatives, however, have the causative accent; e. g. inantrd-ya-te 'takes counsel'. — The desiderative accents the reduplicative syllable; e. g. pipri- sa-ti. — The primary form of the intensive agrees in accentuation with the third or reduphcating class of verbs, that is, it accents the reduplicative syllable in the strong forms, but the endings with initial consonant in the weak forms of the indicative active; e. g. sing. 2>- Johav-T-ti, Ay.i.jar-bhr-tds, pi. 3. vdr-vrt-ati. In the middle indicative, however, the reduplicative syllable is more often accented than not; e. g. te-tik-te and nenik-te. In the subjunctive the reduplicative syllable is regularly accented; e. g. sing. :^. Jdngkan-a-t, but once the root in sing. 1. jangMn-ani; mid. pi. t,. jdnghan-anta, but once the ending in du. 3. tantas-dite. No accented form of the optative occurs. In the imperative the ending is accented; e. g. sing. 2. jagr-hi, car-kr-tat. In the participle, both active and middle, the reduplicative syllable is regularly accented; e. g. cekit-at-, cekit-ana-; there are, however, two exceptions in the middle: badbadJi-atid- and marmrj-and- {^afi^).

1 Once the root is accented in the irregular form du. 2. tra-s-i-tham.

2 The root is accented in two middle

participles irregularly formed with -viana. ha-s-a-7nana- and dht-s-a-mana-. I02 I. AlLGEMEINES UND SpRACHE. VedIC GRAMMAR.

5. Accent of nominal verb forms.

102. The accentuation of participles formed from tense and conjugation stems has already been stated. When these are compounded with pre- positions, they retain their accents; thus the present and perfect participles of apa-gdm- 'go away' would be apa-gdcchant-, apa-gdcchamana-; apa-jaganv&ms-, apa-jagmand-. The preposition is, however, not infrequently found separated from the participle by another word or is placed after it, when it is treated as independent and accented, e. g. prd smdsru dodhuvat {yi. 23') 'shaking his beard'; dpa drlhs.nl ddrdrat (yi. 175) 'bursting strongholds asunder'; a ca pdra ca pathlbhis cdrantam (i. 164J') 'wandering hither and thither on (his) paths', niddhu bibhrata -iipa (i. 166^) 'bringing sweetness near'; tanvdnta A rdjah (n^ 45') 'extending through the air'. The preposition is occasionally found independently accented immediately before the participle, as abhi ddksat (11. 4?) 'burning around'; vi vidvan (i. 189') 'distinguishing' (probably in distinction from vividvan, perfect participle of vid- 'find').

a. When there are two prepositions, either both are compounded and unaccented, as vi-pra-ydntah (ix. 2 2 5) 'advancing', pary-a-vivrtsan (vii. 63^) 'turning round'; or one is compounded and the other independent and accented, as abhi a-cdrantih (viii. 96'^) 'approaching'; ava-srjdnn upa tmdna (j. 142") 'bestowing indeed'; prd vaykm uj-jihanah (v. i^) 'flying up to a branch'.

b. Participles in -iar generally accent the root, as kdr-tar 'making', but when compounded the suffix. But ni-cetar- 'observing' occurs beside ni-cetdr- 'observer'.

103. The past passive participle regularly accents the suffix; e. g. ga-td- 'gone', pat-i-td- (AV.) 'fallen', chin-nd- 'cut off' {Y^hid-). But when this participle is compounded with prepositions, the latter are as a rule accented. In several instances, however, the accent of the simple participle is retained, as apa-kri-td- (AV.) 'bought', ni-ci-td- 'seen', nis-kr-td- 'prepared', ni-sat-td- 'seated', ni-va-td- (AV.) 'uninjured', pra-jak-i-td-. 'given up' (from Jah-, a secondary form of ha- 'leave'), pra-sas-td- 'celebrated', sam-skr-td- 'prepared' (beside sdm-skr-ta-), sam-hi-td- (VS.) 'variegated' '. The preposition may be separated from the participle by another word, as pari soma siktdh (ix. 97 '5) 'poured, O Soma, around'. When there are two prepositions, the first remains unaccented, as api-vrktah (viii. 80^) 'removed' {apa-d- sam-d-kr-tavi (x. 84O 'accumulated'; or it may be separated and independently accented, as prd ydt samudrd d-hitah (ix. 64^9) 'when despatched forth to the ocean'; iidri gobhir d-vrtam (ix. 86^') 'encompassed round by streams of milk'.

104. Of the gerundives, those in -ya (or -t-yd) and -tva accent the root; e. g. cdks-ya- 'to be seen', sru-t-ya- 'to be heard', car-kf-t-ya- 'to be praised', vdk-tva- 'to be said'; those in -ayya, -enya, -aniya (AV.) accent the penultimate; e. g. pan-dyya- 'to be admired', iks-cnya- 'worthy to be seen', while those in -tavya accent the final syllable, as jan-i-tavya- (AV.) 'to be born'^ When compounded with prepositions^, gerundives nearly always leave the accent unchanged; e. g. pari-cdks-ya- 'to be despised'; with Svarita on the final syllable in the RV. only a-kay-ya- 'desirable' and upa-vdk-ya-

^ Such compounds are also thus accent- ed when turned into substantives, as nis- kr-td- n. 'rendezvous', upa-slutd-, N. of a man.

2 The gerundives in -aiiTya and -tavya ,

only begin to appear in the AV., where two examples of each occur (581 a, b).

3 The preposition is here always inse- parable. III. Accent. Accent of Nominal Verb Forms. 103

'to be addressed'; abhy-a-yams-^nya- 'allowing oneself to be drawn near'; a-mantr-aniya- (AV.) 'to be addressed'.

105. Infinitives are as a rule accented like ordinary nominal cases formed from the same stems.

a. The dative infinitive from root stems accents the ending; e. g. drs-e 'to see', but when compounded, the root; e. g. sam-idh-e 'to kindle', abhi-pra- Cilks-e (i. 113⁶) 'to see'. Those formed from stems in -as generally accent that suffix, but sometimes the radical syllable; e. g. car-ás-e 'to fare', but cákś-as-e 'to see'. Those formed from stems in -i and -ti accent the suffix; e. g. drs-dy-e 'to see', p-tdy-e 'to drink'. Those from stems in -tu accent the root, as bhdr4av-e; also those from stems in -tava, but with a secondary accent on the final syllable, as gdn-tavdi. When these two forms are com- pounded with prepositions, the latter are accented; e. g. prd-vantave'<r1> to win', dpa-bhartavdi 'to be taken away', the latter retaining its final accent as well. When there are two prepositions, the first may be independent and accented as well; e. g. vi prd-sartave (vm. 67") 'to spread'. Infinitives formed with -dhyai generally accent the preceding a of the verbal stem, but sometimes the root; e. g. iyd-dhyai 'to go', but gdma-dhyai 'to go'. Those formed from stems in -man accent the root; e. g. dd-man-e 'to give', except vid-mdn-e 'to know* ; from stems in -van there are da-vdn-e 'to give', tur-vdn-e 'to excel', but dhUr-vati-e 'to injure' ( Y'^^W') '■

b. The accusative infinitive if formed from a radical stem accents the root even when compounded with a preposition; e. g. h'tbh-am 'to shine', a-sdd-am 'to sit down'; if formed from a stem in -tu, it accents the root in a simple stem, but the preposition in a compounded stem; e. g. di-tum 'to give', prd-bkar-tum 'to present', dnu prd-volhum 'to advance' 3.

c. The ablative-genitive infinitive, if formed from radical stems, which here occur only in combination with prepositions, accents the root; e. g. ava- pdd-as '(from) falling down'; if formed from a stem in -tu, the root in a simple stem, but the preposition in a compound stem; e. g. gan-tos 'going', ni-dha-tos 'putting down'.

d. The locative infinitive if formed from radical stems accents the ending in the simple form, but the root in the compounded form; e. g. budh-i 'at the waking', but sam-dfs-i 'on seeing'. The one locative infinitive formed from a stem in -tar, and those from stems in -san accent the suffix; e. g. dhar-tdr-i 'to bestow', ne-sdn-i 'to lead'.

106. Uncompounded gerunds formed with -tvT, -tva, tvaya accent the suffix, while the compounded gerunds'- formed with -yd or -tya accent the root; e, g. ga-tvi 'having gone', bhu-tvd 'having become', ga-tvdya 'having gone'; sam-gfbh-ya 'gathering', upa-sru-tya (AV.) 'having overheard'.

107. Case-forms used as adverbs frequently show a shift of accent. This appears oftenest in the accusative neuter. Thus drav-dt 'quickly', but drdv-ant- 'running', probably also drah-ydt^ 'stoutly'; apardm 'later', but dparam as neuter adjective; d-vyus-dm (AV.) 'till dawn'^; and the adverbs in -vat, as angiras-vdt 'like Angiras', vianus-vdt 'as Manus did', purana-vdt,

I The infinitive from stems in -tu in all its cases accents the preposition ; e. g. sam- hartum 'to collect', dpi-dhaiave 'to cover up', ava-gantos 'of descending'.

^ A preposition is occasionally uncom- pounded with or separated from the infinitive, when both are accented, as pra daiidne (IV. 32^; v.653)j p'A dasiise datave (iv. 20").

3 When there are two prepositions, the

first is independent and therefore also accented.

4 The preposition is here always in- separable.

5 Which seems to be formed from an irregular present participle of drk- 'be firm'.

6 The ordinary A. of vj-us- 'dawn' would be vyus-am. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. pūrva-vát, pratna-vát ‘as of old', which are accusative neuters of the adjective suffix -vant (unaccented); and some adverbs from the comparative in tara, ut-tarám (AV.) ‘higher', but it-tara- as adjective; similarly ava-tarám, paras- tarám and parā-tarám ‘farther away', vi-tarám ‘more widely'² sam-tarám (AV.) 'still farther'. Similarly the instrumental dívà 'by day', but divá 'through heaven'; and the dative aparaya 'for the future', but áparaya 'to the later'; and the ablatives apakat 'from afar' (ápāka- ‘far'), amắt ‘from near' (áma- AV. 'this'), sanát 'from of old' (sána- 'old')³. 104 6. Accent in Sandhi. 108. 1. When two vowels combine so as to form a long vowel or diphthong, the latter has the Udatta if either or both of the original vowels had it; e. g. nudasvátha for nudasva átha; távét for táva it; kvét for kvà íts; ágat for á agat; pitéva for pitá iva, śató for satá u; nántaras (VI. 63²) for ná ántaras. The contraction of i+ i is, however, accented 7,6 the (dependent) Svarita having here (in í ) ousted the preceding Udatta; e. g. diviva (RV. AV.) for divi va. This is the praślista, 'contracted', Svarita of the Prātiśākhyas 8. 2. When i and with Udatta are changend to y and 7, a following unaccented vowel receives the Svarita; e. g. vy ànat for vi araṭ. The uncontracted form with Udatta must, however, almost invariably be read in the RV. This is the kṣaipra Svarita of the Prātiśākhyas. Here the enclitic Svarita assumes the appearance of an independent accent. 3. When á is elided, it throws back its Udatta on unaccented e or o; e. g. sūnávé 'gne for sūnáve ágne; vó vasaḥ for vo ávasaḥ. But when un- accented a is elided, it changes a preceding Udātta to Svarita; e. g. sò 'dhamáḥ for só adhamáh. This is the abhinihita Svarita of the Prātiśākhyas. Here also the enclitic Svarita (in ó à) has ousted the preceding Udātta (as in diviva) ¹º. 7. The Sentence Accent. HASKELL, Vocative-Accent in the Veda, JAOS. 11, 57. BÖHTLINGK, ein erster Versuch über den Accent im Sanskrit (Mémoires de l'Académie imp. de St. Péters- bourg 1843) p. 38 ff. - WHITNEY, JAOS. 5, 193 ff., 387 ff. AUREL MAYR, Beiträge aus dem Rigveda zur Accentuirung des verbum finitum (Sitzungsberichte der phil.-hist. Classe der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien 1871, p. 219 ff.). WEBER, IS. 13, 70ff. --- BÖHTLINGK, Sanskrit-Chrestomathie² p. 356. — WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 591 ff. DELBRÜCK, Altindische Syntax (Halle 1888) 21-29. OLDENBERG, Die Verbalenklisis im Rgveda, ZDMG. 60, 707-740. - ¹ Cp. WHITNEY 1107 a. 2 See op. cit. 1119. 3 Cp. op. cit. 1114 a. 4 Cp. BENFEY, Vollständige Grammatik 64. 5 But when a Svarita is followed by an unaccented syllable, it of course remains; e. g. kvèyatha for kvà iyatha (VIII. 17). 6 Except in the Taittiriya texts which follow the general rule (diviva). 7 This also takes place in sudgātá (TS.) for sú-udgātá a good Udgatr' (TS. VII. 1. 81: B.). 8 Cp. HAUG 75. — 109. The vocative.-a. The vocative, which whether it consist of a single word or a compound expression, is invariably accented on the first syllable, retains its accent only at the beginning of a sentence or Pada ¹¹; | 9 So called because 'uttered with a quick' (ksipra-) pronunciation, the semivowel replacing the vowel. 10 Cp. WACKERNAGEL I, 251, ba; BRUG- MANN, KG. 45, 2. 1¹ This applies to the second as well as the first Pâda of a hemistich (as some of the above examples show), thus indicating the independent character of these Pâdas, which is obscured by the way in which the re- dactors of the Samhitas apply the rules of Sandhi and mark the dependent Svarita. III. Accent. Accent in Sandhi. Sentence Accent. 105

that is to say, when, having the full force of the case, it occupies the most emphatic position; e. g. dgne supayani bhava (i. 1^9b) 'O Agni, be easy of access'; lirjo napat sahasavan (x. iis^""} 'O mighty son of strength'; hStar yavistha sukrato (1V.4"đ to doubly accented dual compounds, as mitravaruna (i. 15^6b) '0 Mitra and Varuna' (N. mitrd-vdruna).

a. Two or more vocatives at the beginning of a Pada are all accented; e. g. ddiU, m'Ura, varuna (II. 27^4^); iirjo napad, bhadrasoce (vill. 71"') 'O son of strength, O propitiously bright one' i.

b. The vocative, when it does not begin the sentence, loses its accent, being unemphatic as referring only incidentally to a person already invoked; e. g. rtena mitravarunav rtavrdhav rtaspria (i. 2') 'through Law, O Mitra and Varuna, lovers and cherishers of Law'; vpa tvajxgne dive-dive, dosa-vastar dhiya vaydin | . . . Smasi (i. i^ 'to thee, O Agni, day by day, O illuminer of darkness, with prayer we come'; a rajana^ maha rtasya gopa (vii. 64^) 'hither (come), O ye two sovereign guardians of great order'; ydd, indra brahmanas-pate, abhidrohdm cdramasi (x. i64'*)3 'if, O Indra, Brahmanas- pati, we commit an offence'*.

a. The vocative, whether at the beginning of or within a, sentence, not being regarded as part of it, does not interfere with the normal accentuation of the sentence. Hence a verb |at the beginning of a sentence, following a vocative, is accented as the first word of the sentence; while a verb within a sentence, following a vocative, remains unaccented; e. g. deva, jivaia (AV. XIX. 70') 'O gods, live'; astni it su, vrsana, madayetham (i. 1842) 'beside us, ye two heroes, enjoy yourselves'.

no. The verb. — A. The finite verb in a principal sentence is unaccented except when it is the first word; e. g. agnim tie purohitam (i. i^) 'I praise Agni, the domestic priest'; but ile agnim vipasdtam (in. 27^) 'I praise Agni the wise'. This rule and its exception must, however, be understood with the following restrictions:

1. A sentence is regarded as capable of having only one verb. Hence all other verbs syntactically connected with the subject of the first, are accented as beginning new sentences (a subject or object coming between two such verbs being generally counted to the first); e. g. tesam pahi, srudhi hdvatn (i. 2') 'drink of them, hear our call'; asmdbhyam jesi yStsi ca (i. i32t) 'conquer and fight for us'; tardnir ij jayati,ksM, pusyati (vii. 32?) 'the energetic man conquers, rules, thrives'; jahi prajAm ndyasva ca (KSf. i. 83) 'slay the progeny and bring (it) hither'.

2. The verb, though not beginning a sentence, receives the accent if it coincides with the beginning of a Pada (which is treated as the beginning of a new sentence); e. g. dtha te dntamanam vidy&ma sumatinam (i. 43J.

3. Since a vocative (or vocatives) at the beginning of a sentence is treated as extraneous to it, the verb which immediately follows it becomes the first word of the sentence and is accordingly accented; e.g. dgne,jusdsva

1 Here bhadrasoce is treated as an in- dependent vocative; it would lose its accent if intended to form a compound expression with urjo napat = 'O propitously bright son of strength', as is the case m hotar yavisiha sukrato.

2 When the first word of u compound vocative is an adjective (not a genitive), it retains its accent within a Pada; thus vUve devasah 'O All-gods', would appear within a Pada as well as at the beginning.

3 This is an example of two distinct

vocatives. The preceding example may contain two also, as the accent of two as well as of one vocative would be lost within a Pada; but i raj ana stood at the beginning of a Pada, the accentuation would be rajana inaha rtasya gopa, supposing two vocatives were intended.

4 The very rare exceptions to the rules given above (a, b) are doubtless due to errors on the part of the editors or of tra- dition. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. no haviḥ (III. 28¹) 'O Agni, enjoy our sacrifice'. Thus the following sentence of six words contains three accented verbs as well as three accented vocatives: indra, jíva, súrya, jíva, dėvā, jívata (AV. xIx. 70¹) ‘O Indra, live; O Sūrya, live; O gods, live'. 4. There are some instances in the RV. of the verb when emphatic, even though not placed at the beginning of the sentence, being accented before the particle id, and even before caná¹; e. g. ádha smā no maghavañ carkrtád id (1. 1045) 'then be mindful of us, bounteous one'; ná, devā, bhasáthas caná (vI. 594) '(him) O gods, ye two never consume' ². B. The accent always rests on the verb of a subordinate clause (which is almost invariably introduced by the relative ya- and its derivatives, or contains the particles ca and céd 'if', néd 'lest', hi 'for', kuvid 'whether'); e. g. yám yajñám paribhúr ási (1. 14) ‘what offering thou protectest'; grhắn gaccha grhapátní yáthā ásaḥ (x. 8525) go to the house, that thou be lady of the house'; indras ca mrláyāti no, ná naḥ paścád aghám naśat (II. 41¹¹) 'if Indra be gracious to us, no hurt will thereafter reach us'; ví céd ucchánty, aśvina, uşásaḥ, prá väm bráhmani karávo bharante (VII. 72+) 'when the dawns shine forth, O Aśvins, the singers offer their prayers to you'; má cirám tantha ápal, nét tuã .. túpāti siro arcisā (v. 79) ‘do not lỏng delay thy work, lest the sun burn thee with his beam'; tuám hí baladá ási (III. 53¹8) 'for thou art a giver of strength'; tám, indra, mádam á gahi, kuvin³ nv àsya trpnávaḥ (III. 422) 'come to this gladdening drink, O Indra, (to see) whether thou mayst enjoy it'. 106 I. When the first of two clauses, though in form a principal one, is virtually subordinate in sense (being equivalent to one introduced by 'if' or 'when'), its verb is occassionally accented; e. g. sám ásvaparṇāś cáranti no náro, 'smákam, indra, rathino jayantu (vI. 473¹) 'when our men winged with steeds come together, may the car-fighters of our side, O Indra, win the victory'. 2. Similarly, but much more frequently, the verb of the first of two clauses which are antithetical in sense, is accented4. The occurrence of correlative words like anyá-anyá, éka-éka, vā-vă, ca-ca, often makes the antithesis obvious; e. g. prá pra anyé yánti, páry anyá āsate (III. 9³) '(while) some go on and on, others sit about'; sám ca idhásva agne, prá ca bodhaya enam (VS. XXVII. 2) 'both be kindled, O Agni, and waken this man's knowledge': úd va sincádhvam úpa va prnadhvam (VII. 16¹) 'either pour out or fill up'. If the verb of both clauses is the same, it usually appears (as is natural in the circumstances) in the first only; e. g. dvipắc ca sárvam no ráksa, cátuspad yác ca naḥ svám (AV. vi. 107¹) ‘protect both every biped of ours and whatever quadruped is our own'. 3. The second clause, on the other hand, accents the verb if it contains an imperative (with a final sense), and follows a clause with an imperative of i-, gam- or yā- ‘go'; e. g. éta, dhiyam kṛṇávāma (v. 45°) 'come, let us that we may) make prayer'; tuyam á gahi, kánvesu sácā píba (VIII. 4³) 'come quickly, beside the Kanvas drink thy fill'. - III. Verbal prepositions.-A. The preposition, which generally precedes, but sometimes follows the verb, being often separated from it by other words, ¹ Cp. DELBRÜCK 23, 3, 4; 26, 2; WHITNEY | the verb; cp. GRASSMANN, sub verbo; DEL- 598 a. In the SB. hánta regularly accents BRÜCK 550, end. the verb. 4 This accentuation is more strictly applied in B. than in V., and among the Samhitās least strictly in the RV.; cp. WHITNEY 597 a. 2 Cp. GRASSMANN, Wb. under id and caná. 3 There are only two passages in the RV. (v. 310, 36³) in which kuvid does not accent IV. NOMINAL STEM FORMATION. 107 is regularly accented in principal sentences; e. g. á gamat (1. 15) ‘may he come'; jáyema sám yudhi spŕdhaḥ (1. 83) 'may we conquer our foes in fight'; gávām ápa vrajám vrdhi (1. 107) unclose the stable of the kine'; gámad vájebhir á sá naḥ (1. 5³) 'may he come to us with booty'. a. When there are two prepositions, both are accented in the RV., being treated as separate words; e. g. úpa prá yāhi (1. 826) ‘come forth'; pári spáśo ní sedire (1. 25¹3) 'the spies have sat down around'; úpa práyobhir á gatam (1. 24) 'come hither with refreshments'; ágne, ví paśya brhatá abhí räyá (III. 232) 'O Agni, look forth towards (us) with ample wealth'. a. When à immediately follows another preposition (unless it ends in i), it alone is accented, both being compounded with the verb; e. g. upagahi (1. 9110) 'come hither'; samá krnoși jīváse (X. 256) 'thou fittest (them) for living'. The general rule, however, is followed if the preposition preceding à ends in i; e. g. práty a tanusva (v. 44) 'draw (thy bow) against (them) 2. In the only passage in which it has been noted in com- bination with another preposition preceding it, áva is treated like ā: upávasrja (X. 1101⁰) 'pour out' 3. B. The preposition in subordinate clauses is generally compounded with the verb, when it is regularly unaccented; e. g. yád.. nisidathaḥ4 (VIII. 9²¹) ‘when ye two sit down'. It is, however, often separated from the verb, and is then accented as well as the verb. In this case it is commonly the first word of a Pāda, but occasionally comes after the verb; e. g. vi yó mamé rájasi (1. 1604) 'who measured out the two regions'; yás tastámbha sáhasa ví jmó ántan (IV.50') 'who with might propped earth's ends asunder'. Occasionally the preposition is separate and accented even when immediately preceding the verb; e. g. yá áhutim pári véda námobhiḥ (vI. 19) 'who fully knows the offering with devotion'. a. When there are two prepositions, either both are unaccented and compounded with the verb, or the first only is separate and accented; e. g. yüyám hí, devīr, ṛtayúgbhir ášvaiḥ pariprayathé (Iv. 515) 'for ye, O goddesses, proceed around with steeds yoked by eternal order'; sám yám ayánti dhenávaḥ (v. 6²) 'to whom the cows come together", yátra abhí samnávāmahe (VIII. 695) 'where we to (him) together shout'. A very rare example of two independent prepositions in a dependent sentence is prá yát stota ... úpa girbhir itte (III. 525) 'when the praiser pours forth laudation to (him) with songs'. IV. NOMINAL STEM FORMATION. GRASSMANN, Wörterbuch zum Rig-veda 1687-1738 (list of nominal stems according to alphabetical order of the final letter). - LINDNER, Altindische Nominalbildung. Nach den Samhitās dargestellt. Jena 1878. — WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 1136—1245; Roots, Verb-forms, and Primary Derivatives, 1885. 112. The bare root, both verbal and pronominal, is often used as a declinable stem. But much more generally the stem in declension is formed by means of suffixes. These are of two kinds: primary, or 1 There seems to be an exception in goes much further, apparently making accen- átaš cid, indra, na úpā yāhi (VIII. 9210) thence, tuation of the second preposition the rule; O Indra, come to us', but úpa here coming cp. DELBRÜck p. 48. at the end of a Pada, is used adnominally with nah. 2 The treatment of two prepositions is on the whole the same in the AV. (cp. WHITNEY, APr. 185 ff.) and the TS. (cp. WEBER, IS. 13, 62 ff.); but the TS. treats some other prepositions like ā, and the MS. 3 Cp. DELBRÜCK p. 47, end. 4 It is not clear why the Pada text analyses forms like ny ásidat (1. 143¹), ny ástaḥ (VII. 1811), vy ásthāt (11. 47) as ní ásidat, ni ástaḥ, ví ásthat. There are about thirty instances of this; cp. WHITNEY 1084 a. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. those that are added directly to roots; secondary, or those that are added to stems already derivative (pronominal stems being also accounted as such). The distinction between these two kinds is, however, not absolute. Suffixes containing a secondary element sometimes have the appearance and appli- cation of primary suffixes (as -aniya = -an-iya). Less frequently primary suffixes come to be used as secondary ones; thus the participial suffixes are added not only to the root, but also to primary and secondary conjugation stems as well as to tense stems. These nominal suffixes are sometimes added by means of what looks like and may conveniently be called a connecting vowel, though it may not be so in origin. Primary suffixes are also added to roots compounded with verbal prefixes ¹. 108 I. Primary Nominal Derivation. 113. As regards form, the root when used without suffix usually remains unchanged in respect to its vowel²; it is then, however, liable to modification in two ways: always adding the determinative - if it ends in -i, u, or -?, and occasionally appearing in a reduplicated form. But before primary suffixes the root usually appears in a strong form: either with Guna of medial or final vowels, as véd-a- 'knowledge' from Vvid-, sár-ana- 'running' from Vsr-; or with Vrddhi of final -i, -u, -r and lengthening of medial a, as kār-á- ‘making’ from V kr, grābh-á- 'seizer', from Vgrabh-. a. As regards meaning, there are two classes of primary derivatives: the one expressing abstract action nouns (with an infinitival character), the other concrete agent nouns (with a participial character) used as adjectives or substantives. Other senses are only modifications of these two; as that of the passive participle, which expresses an agent who becomes the recipient of an action. The primary suffixes forming action nouns can also nearly all be used to form agent nouns; and many of those properly forming agent nouns may also form action nouns. Those which properly form action nouns are: -a, -an, -ana, -anã, -ani, -anī, -as, -ã, -i, -is, -ī, -īka, -us, -tas, -ti, -tu, -tna, -tha, -thu, -nas, -ni, -nu, -pa, -ma, -man, -mi, -yu, -van, -sas. Those which properly form agent nouns are: -aka, -at or -ant, -ata, -anīya, -asi, -āku, -āna, -in, -iṣṭha, -īyāṇs, -u, -uka, -ū, -ūka, -ka, -ta, -tar, -tnu, -tra, -tri, -tva, -thi, -na, -māna, -min, -ya, -ra, -ri, -ru, -la, -li, -lu, -va, -vana, -vani, -vanu, -vara, -vas, -vāms, -vi, -sa, -sani, -saru, -sna, -snu. Root stems. 114. These stems are used both as action nouns (often in the function of infinitives) and as agent nouns, either substantives or adjectives. 1. Examples of the simple root form are: dyút- f. 'splendour', nŕt- (AV.) f. 'gesticulation', búdh- f. 'awaking'; dá- 'giver', bhid- f. 'destroyer', yúj- m. 'companion', spás- m. 'spy'; máh- great', výdh- 'strengthening'.-2. With root determinativet: mi-t- f. 'pillar', stú-t- f. 'praise'.-3. With reduplicated root: cikit- 'wise' (cit- 'observe'), juhú- f. 'sacrificial spoon' (hu- 'offer'), juhú- 'tongue' (hu- 'call'), dadyh-3 'hearty' (drh- 'be firm'), didyú- m. 'missile', didyú-t- f. 'missile', 'lightning', sasyád- f. 'running stream' (syand- 'run')+ and with intensive 1 Those chiefly thus used are approxima- tely in the order of their frequency: -a, -ana, -ti, -tar and -tra, -in, -ya, van and -man, -i, -u, -as; cp. WHITNEY 1141 c. 2 That is, the root appears in the weak form, in which it is usually stated. 3 In dadhik adv. 'heartily'. 4 Perhaps also gánga- f. 'Ganges' if IV. Nominal Stem Formation. Primary Nominal Derivation. 109

reduplication; jogu- 'singing aloud' (gu- 'sound'), pra-neni- 'guiding constandy' ■{ni- 'lead'), yaviyudh- 'warlike' {yudh- 'fight'), vdmvan- 'desiring', a-susil- (AV.) 'barren' ('not bringing forth'), ddridra- (VS.) 'roving' {dra- 'run') is a transfer to the radical a-stems".

-a : action and agent. 115. A vast number of derivatives is formed with this suffix, before which the root is generally strengthened, but sometimes remains unchanged or is reduplicated. Those formed with Guna are more than twice as numerous as all the rest taken together. Medial a generally remains unchanged.

1. Examples of derivatives with Guna are the following action nouns: dy-a- m. 'course' (z- 'go') hdv-a- m. 'invocation' {hu- 'call'), tdr-a- m. 'crossing' {tr- 'cross'); ved-a- 'knowledge' {vid- 'know'), /Jj-a- 'enjoyment' {jus- 'enjoy'), sdrg-a- 'emission' {srj- 'send forth'); agent nouns : //az'-«'- m. 'boat' [plu- 'float'), megh-d- m. 'cloud' {mih- 'discharge water'), cod-d- 'instigator' {cud- 'incite'). With medial a grdbh-a- m. 'seizure' {grabh- 'seize'), srdm-a- m. 'weariness' {sram- 'be weary').

a. In several words thus formed the meaning varies according as the root is accented or the suffix, the word in the former case being nearly always an abstract substantive, m the latter regularly an adjective or an agent noun; thus ardh-a-ra.. 'side', ardh-a- 'half; is-a- m. 'speed', es-d- 'speeding'; c6d-a- m. 'goad', cod-d- m. 'instigator'; var-a- m. 'choice', var-d- m. ('chooser') 'suitor', sds-a- m. 'command', sas-d- m. 'commander', sok-a- m. 'glow', sok-d- (AV.) 'glowing'.

2. Vrddhi of final vowels and lengthening of a': action nouns are dav-d- (AV.) 'fire' {du- 'burn'), tar-d- (VS.) 'crossing' {if- 'cross'), bhag-d- 'share' {bhaj- 'divide'); agent nouns are nay-d- 'leader' {m- 'lead'), jar-d- 'lover', grabh-d- 'seizer'.

3. Several derivatives are formed from the weak form of the root, the suffix being accented^; thus priy-d- 'dear' {pri- 'please'), sruv-d- m. 'spoon' {sru- 'flow'), vr-d-^ m. 'troop' {vr- 'surround'), tur-d- 'rapid' {tf- 'cross'); yug-d-n. 'yoke', suc-d- 'bright', krs-d- 'lean' 5.

a. Several derivatives of this type, which occur almost exclusively at the end of compounds, are made from, various tense stems; e. g. -a-saj-a- 'stopping', -iud-d- (AV.) 'impelling', -pas-ya- 'seeing', -inv^d- 'urging', -fr-nd- 'bestowing', -indh-d- 'kindling', -bntv-d- (AV.) 'saying', -pib-a- (AV.) 'drinking', -^'-ayi- 'exciting' 6; y^-j-o- m. 'attainment' (aor. stem oi ji- 'conquer'), nesd- m. 'guidance' (aor. stem of ni- 'lead').

4. A considerable number of derivates are formed from the reduphcated root; thus cacar-d- 'movable', dadhrs-d- 'bold', vavr-a- m. 'hiding' {vr- 'cover), sisay-d- 'strengthening' (//- 'sharpen'), Hindth-a- 'perforation' {snath- 'pierce'). sasr-d- 'flowing' {Ysr-). They are more usually formed directly from the intensive stem or from stems analogously reduplicated; e. g. caksm-d- 'gracious' {ksam- 'forbear'), rerih-d- (AV.) 'continually licking' {rih- 'lick), -rorud-d- (AV.) 'shedding tears' {rud- 'weep'), vevij-d 'quick' {vij- 'dart'); cara-car-d 'far- extending', cala-cal-d- 'unsteady', fani-spad-d- (AV.) 'palpitating' {Yspand-), mari-mri-d- (AV.) 'groping' {mrs- 'feel'), mali-mluc-d- (AV.) 'moving about in

from gd- 'go'; sisu- m. 'child', if from su- 'grow'.

1 jdgat- 'going', living', is an old parti- ciple present of the reduplicated stem of gd- 'go'; Whitney, however, thinks (i 147 e) that it is made from the reduplicated form jaga- {= ja-gam-) with the root determina- tive -i.

2 In these words the suffix is almost in- variably accented ; kdm-a- 'desire' is accented

on the root as differentiated from kam-d- 'des- iring'; similarly sak-a- 'help' and sdk-d- 'help- ful'.

3 See Lindner p. 33.

4 According to Grassmann, f. vra-,

5 Some of the derivatives of this type are transitions from the root stems to the a-de- clension, especially at the end of compounds.

6 See below. Determinative Compounds, 272. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. the dark', a kind of demon (mluc- 'set', of the sun), varī-vṛt-á- (AV.) ‘rolling' (vrt- 'turn'), sani-syad-á- (AV.) 'running' (Vsyand-), sani-sras-á- (AV.) 'decrepit' (srams- 'fall'), sari-srp-ó- 'crawling' (V srp-). IIO a. The suffix -a is by far the most frequent one used in forming derivatives from the root with a verbal prefix, being nearly always accented whether the noun ex- presses an action or an agent; e. g. anu-kar-á- (AV.) ‘assistance', abhi-droh-á- ‘eumity', ud-ān-á- (VS.) m. breathing upwards', ni-meș-á- (VS.) 'wink', praty-ā-śrāv-á- response', sam-gam-á-'assembly'; ati-yajá- 'sacrificing excessively', 'over-pious'. adhi-cankram-a- (AV.) 'climbing over', à-dardir-á- 'crushing', ut-tud-á- (AV.) 'rousing', pari-car-á- (AV. VS.) 'wan- dering', vi-bodh-á- 'wakeful', sam-gir-á- (AV.) 'swallowing', sam-jay-á- 'victorious' ¹. b. There are many words which have the appearance of ending in this suffix, though the root canuot be found elsewhere. They include several nouns of plants and animals. Examples are ukhá-2 (AV.) 'caldron', krodá- (VS. AV.) 'breast', khilá- (AV.) 'waste land', nakhá- ‘nail', pakṣá- ‘wing', vamsa- 'reed' 3. -a-ka : agent. 116. This suffix, which consists of the primary -a with the secondary -ka added, is in a few words used as a primary suffix forming agent nouns only: abhi-króś-aka- (VS.) 'reviler', piy-aka- (AV.) 'abuser', a class of demon, vádh- aka- (AV.), a kind of reed ('destructive'), sáy-aka- n. 'missile' (Vsi-); also pāv-aká- 'purifying', 'bright', which though always written thus is invariably to be pronounced pavāká-4. -ata : agent. 117. In a few adjectives the primary suffix -a with -tú added is attached to the strong form of the root, chiefly with the sense of the gerundive: dars- atá- 'visible', pac-atá- 'cooked', bhar-atá- 'to be tended', yaj-atá- 'to be adored', raj-atá-5 'silvery', hary-atá-6 'desirable'. -at and -ant: agent. 118. The suffixes -at and -ant are almost restricted to the formation of active participles. The former appears chiefly in the formation of present. participles of the reduplicating class, as dád-at- 'giving'; also in dás-at- 'wor- shipping', sás-at- 'instructing', and the aorist participle dáks-at- and dháks-at- from dah 'burn'. There are besides a few substantives originally participles, which have shifted their accent, formed with -at: vah-át- f. 'stream', vegh-át- (AV. VS.) f. ‘barren cow', vagh-át- m. 'sacrificer', srav-át- f. 'stream', saśc-át- m. 'pursuer'7. The suffix -ant is used to form the active participle of present stems (excepting those of the reduplicating class), of future stems, and aorist stems. Some of these have become independent adjectives: rh-ánt- 'weak',. pis-ant- 'spotted', brh-ánt- 'great', mah-ánt-8 'great', rús-ant- brilliant'; also the substantive d-ánt- m. 'tooth'9. dvay-ant- in á-dvay-ant- (RV¹.) 'not double- tongued' has the appearance of a participle of a denominative stem from dvi- 'two'. With the same suffix are formed the two pronominal stems i-y-ant- 'so great' ('making this', i-) and ki-y-ant- 'how great?' ('making what?' ki-). an- : action and agent. 119. Few words are formed with this suffix, and in some of them the root is doubtful. 1 Cp. LINDNER p. 35. 2 Also in ukha-cchid- (RV¹.) fragile as a of hári- bright'. pot', f. ukhá-. 6 Formed from the denominative stem 3 Cp. LINDNER p. 33, bottom. 4 -āka- also appears in the Proper Name nabh-āka-. 5 Probably from the root raj- 'colour'. 7 See below, Participial stems in at, 311 A. 8 With lengthened vowel in the stroug: cases. 9 See below, Participles in -ant, 313. IV. Nominal Stem Formation. Primary Nominal Derivation.

The only action nouns are the following neuters: /«a/«-a'^- ' 'greatness', raj-dn- (RV.) 'guidance', gdmbh-an- (VS'.) 'depth'. The infinitives in -s-dn-i (588c) are, however, probably locatives of action nouns formed with -an from aorist stems.

Agent nouns are: uks-dn- m. 'ox', cdks-an- (AV.) n. 'eye', tdks-an- m. ^carpenter', pus-dn- la.., N. of a god, flih-dn- (VS. AV.) m. 'spleen', tnajj-dn- m. 'marrow', murdh-dn- m. 'head', raj-an- m. 'king', ifs-an- adj. 'virile', m. 'bull', sdgh-an- (TS. in. 2. i^) 'vulture'.

a. There are also several words formed with -an the root and original meaning of which are mostly doubtful: 1. yu-v-an- m. 'youth', yds- an- f. 'maiden', sz/-dn- m. 'dog'; 2. defective neuternouns; ah-an- 'eye', as-an- 'blood', asth-dn- 'bone', dh-an- 'day', ds-an- 'face', tid-dn-^ 'water', udh-an- udder', dadh-dn- 'sour milk', dos-dn- (AV.) 'arm', yak-dn- 'liver', idk-an- (AV. VS.) 'dung', sakih-dn- 'thigh' ; 3. stems occurring at the end ot compounds only: -gm-an- and -jm-dn- (also used independently) 'course', -div-an-^ 'playing'; ■bhv-an-', 'being', -hi-an-S 'growing' (?) 6.

-ana : action and agent.

120. With the suffix -ana are formed a large number of derivatives with both types of meaning. The root generally shows Guna, sometimes Vrddhi, occasionally no change, rarely a weakened vowel. These derivatives very often appear with a preposition, such verbal compounds coming next in frequency to those formed with the suffix -a.

1. With Guna are formed neuter action nouns; e. g. kdr-ana- 'deed", cdy-ana-{hN .) 'piling', dh-ana- 'play', bhoj-ana- 'enjoyment', vdrdh-ana- 'increase', ved-ana- 'possession', hdv-ana- 'invocation', adhi-vi-kdrt-ana- 'cutting off'; also agent nouns; e. g. the adjectives kar-and- 'active', cet-ana- 'visible', cod-ana- (AV.)' 'impelling', vi-mSc-ana- 'releasing'; from a dupHcated (intensive) stem: mgar-and- (VS.) 'waking' ( Yi^')-

2. With Vrddhi^ or lengthened medial a are formed neuter action nouns, sometimes with a concrete sense; e. g. ut-pAr-ana- (AV.) 'transporting', upa-vds- ana- {AY.) 'clothing', '6j:q5s' , pra-vac-ana- 'proclamation', sad-ana- 'stsX'; also agent nouns; e.g. sain-srav-ana- (AV.) 'flowing together'; -iriz-a/za- 'driving away', msd-ana- 'gladdening', -vah-ana- 'conveying', -spas-ana-'^ (AV.) 'spying'; svdd-ana- m. 'sweetener'.

3. With unchanged vowel (final -a and medial a) are formed neuter action nouns; e. g. ddna- 'giving', ud-ydna- (AV.) 'going out', ni-dhdna- 'receptacle', rdks-ana- 'protection', sad-ana- 'seat', ava-pra-bhrdms-ana- ^° (AV. XIX. 39^) 'slipping down', prSn- ana- 'breathing' {Yan-); anomalously formed directly from a preposition, sdm-ana- 'meeting'; also agent nouns; &. g. tdp- a?ia- 'burning', a-krdm-ana- (VS.) 'stepping upon', sam-gdm-ana- 'assembling'.

4. With weak vowel are formed very few derivatives: either neuter action nouns partly with concrete meaning: krp-dna- 'misery', pfs-ana- 'tenderness', bhi'tv-ana- 'being', vrj-dna- and (once) vfj-ana- 'enclosure', -si'iv- a«ia:- (A V.) 'procreation'; or agent nouns: krp-and- {ASf .) 'miserable', tur-dna-

1 Used in the instrumental only.

2 From ud- 'be wet'.

3 From dlv- 'play' in pratl-dlv-an- 'adver- sary at play'.

+ From bhu- 'be' in vi-bhvan- and vi-b/ivdn- 'far-reaching'.

5 In the Proper Names matari-sv-an- and rji-iv-an-, cp. Wackernagel 21, p. 125, bottom, and above, p. 95, u. ".

o -kaman- in ni-kaman- 'desirous' is a transition form for the «-stem ni-kdma-.

7 In the RV. only as final member of compounds, rsi-codana- etc.

8 In this type the only vowel appearing in the radical syllable is a.

9

prati-spasana- (AV. viu. J")-

10 See Whitney's note on navaprabhrdiu- iana- in his translation of AV. XIX.398 and Weber's erroneous interpretation of this as- 'descent of the ship'. 112 I. Allgemeines und Sprache. 4. Vedic Grammar.

'speeding'; m. I'lr-ana- 'ram' {vr- 'cover'), kir-dna- m. 'dust' ('scattering'), vfs-ana- (VS.) 'testicle'.

-ana : action and agent.

121. With this suffix (accented on the first or the last syllable) are formed some feminine action nouns (like the neuters in -and) which sometimes have a concrete meaning: as-and- 'missile', jar-and- 'old age', dyot-and- 'brilliance', ma7i-and- 'devotion', rodh-and- ('obstruction') 'dam', svet-and- 'daybreak', has-ana- ^laughter'. kap-and- 'caterpillar' and ras-and- 'rein' have the appearance of being formed with this suffix, though the radical parts are not found in independent use. Accented on the penultimate syllable: arh-dna- 'merit', jar-ana- 'dry wood'(?), bark-ana- 'might', bhand-dna- 'brilliance', mamh-dna- ^readiness', meh-dna- 'abundance', vaks-dna- 'belly', vadh-dna- 'slaughter', van- ana- 'desire'. The formation of yos-dnd- (RV'.), usually yos-ana-, 'woman' is obscure '. With the suffix -ana- is also formed (though irregularly accented on the radical syllable) /.r/-a«3- ' 'fight' from a root not found in independent use^. The suffix -ana also forms feminine agent nouns (adjectives) corresponding to masculines in accented -ana-; thus tur-dna-'- 'speeding', tvar-ana- (AV.) ■"hasting', spand-and- (AV.) 'kicking'.

a. Derivatives in -ana with verbal prefixes, if compounded with other -v^ordsj^ form their f. in -ana- ; thus an-apa-vac-ana- (AV.) 'not to be ordered away', siifa-vanc-ana- and siipa-sM-f-ana- 5 [K^J .) 'easy of approach', sad-vi-dhaiia- 'forming an ox&^x {vi-dhana-^ of six'.

-a/7/ : action and agent.

122. This suffix, accented either on the first or the last syllable, is added to either the strong or the weak form of the root.

1. It forms feminine action nouns, sometimes with concrete sense; thus as-dni- 'missile', is-dni- 'impulse', ksip-ani- 'blow', dyot-ani- 'brilliance', dham-dni- 'piping', vart-ani- 'tra.cY , sar-dni- 'va]vLxy' ; also /izra«z'- 'noise' (?) in the compound jarani-prd- 'moving with noise' (?).

2. It forms agent nouns, both m. f. substantives and adjectives; thus ar-diii- f. 'fire-stick', caks-dni- m. 'enlightener', car-dni- 'movable', 'active', tar-dni- 'swift', dhvas-dni- 'sprinkling', vaks-dni- m. 'strengthener'; also in the compounds dn-ars-ani-, N. of a demon, dj-ani- (AV.) f. 'stick for driving' {a-aj-) and tidani-mdt- 'abounding in waves' (ud-ani- 'undulating' from ud- %e wet').

a. From the reduplicated root: papt-ani- {pat- 'fly') in su-papt-ani- f. 'swift flight'. From aorist stems: cars-ant- 'active' {car- 'move'), f. pi. 'men', /fln--a'«2- 'crossing' (//--'cross'), j'iZ/5j-(z';z2- 'overcoming' ( "iAj^/^-). From desiderative stems: ruruks-dni- 'willing to destroy' {ruj- 'break'), sisas-dni- 'eager to win' ( Ysa-), a-suhiks-dni- 'gleaming forth' {sue- 'shine').

-am : action and agent.

123. This suffix is the feminine form corresponding to the action and agent nouns formed with -ana firom the strengthened or unreduced root<r6>, with or without verbal prefix; thus -cód-ani-<r7> 'urging' (cód-ana-), pés-anī- (AV.) 'well-formed' {pes-ana-), proks-ani- (VS. AV.) f. 'sprinkling water', pra-jndni-

1 Other stems with the same meaning are : yos-an-, ySs-a-,yds4i-. The rootis probably yu- 'unite'.

2 The suffix -and never otherwise occurs ■when the root is accented.

3 Only as a nominal stem prt- 'fight'.

4 This is the only example of such accentuation.

5 That is, su--upa-vahc-ana- and su-ufa- sarp-and'.

6 See -ana, 12.0, I — 3.

7 In brahma-codani- 'stimulating devotion'. IV. Nominal Stem Formation. Primary Nominal Derivation. 113

(AV.) 'easily known', spar-ani- (AV.) 'preserving'; abhi-sav-anJ- (AV.) 'pressing implement', vi-dhdr-ani- (AV.) 'preserving'.

a. In some (partly obscure) words the accent here shifts from the radical vowel to the^ final of the suffix : ars-ant- (AV.) 'piercing pain', cet-ard- (AV.) 'visible' {ck-ana-), tap-ant- 'heat' {tap-ana- 'burning'), ted-ani- (AV. VS.) 'blood', pri-ani- 'tender' pfi-ana- 'tenderness'), vrj-ani- 'enclosure' {vrj-dna- and vfj'-ana-).

-an-7ya : gerundive.

124. This is a new compositive suffix beginning to be attached directly to the root in the formation of the gerundive. It is based on the primary suffix -ana of neuter action nouns extended with the secondary adjective suffix -Tya. There are two examples in the AV.: upa-jTv-aniya- 'to be subsisted on', and a-mantr-aniya- 'to be addressed'.

-ar : agent.

125. This suffix is found in a very few words: us-dr- f. 'dawn', dev-ar- m. 'husband's brother', nd-nand-ar- I. 'husband's sister' '-

-as : action and agent.

126. This suffix forms a large class of neuter action nouns (which some- times acquire a concrete sense) accented on the root, and a small class of agent nouns (mostly adjectives) accented on the suffix. Some words belong to one class or the other according to the accent. The root generally takes Guna, and medial a is sometimes lengthened, while the vowel is reduced in a few instances.

I. Examples of action nouns are: with Guna, /roy-aj- 'pleasure' ( l//rr-), srdv-as- 'fame' (lAjra-), kdr-as- 'deed' ( '/'i^r-), cet-as- 'brilliance' (!/'«■/-), tij-as- 'splendour' {Ytij-^, doh-as- 'milking' {Yduh-Y. With medial a unchanged: dv-as- 'aid', tdf-as- 'heat', prdth-as- 'breadth', vdc-as- 'speech'; and with partially or wholly concrete meaning, cdks-as- 'lustre', 'eye', mdn-as- 'thought', 'mind', sdr-as- 'lake'. "With lengthened a: -vac-as-^, vss-as- 'covering', 'garment', vAh-as- 'offering', -svad-as- 'flavour' in prd-svadas- 'agreeable'; and from roots not in independent use: paj-as- 'briUiance' zxiA path-as-'^ 'path'. 'With reduced vowel: ur-as- 'breast', juv-as- 'speed' (beside j'dv-as-), mfdh-as- 'contempt', sir-as- 'head'; also vip-as- 'inspiration' in the compounds vipas-cit- 'inspired' and vipo-dha- 'bestowing inspiration'; iras- 'anger' in the denominative iras-yd- 'be angry'; hur-as- 'deceit' in huras-dt- 'plotting mischief. Perhaps also the adverbs (with shift of accent) tir-ds 'across' and mith-ds 'mutually'.

a. To roots ending in -a the suffix is added direct in bhas-S n. 'light' {bha- 'shine') and -dds-S 'giving' 6 (ydd-). jiias- 'kinsman' and mas- 'moon' are probably also formed with the suffix -as, but being masculines were most likely agent nouns in origin: ma-ds- = 'measurer' (?«a- 'measure'). The suffix seems to be added with an intervening y in -hay-as 'agility' 7 if it is derived from ka- 'leave' 8, while in dhay-as- n. 'enjoyment' and -gdy-as- 'song' 9 the y probably belongs to the root'o.

1 svasar- 'sister' in probably an old com- pound in which -sar represents a root; cp. Brugmann, Grundriss 2, 8, note.

2 The word hes-as- 'missile' is perhaps formed from the aorist stem of hi- 'impel'.

3 In vi-vdcas- (AV.) 'speaking variously' and sa-vdcas- (AV.) 'speaking similarly'.

4 According to Oldenberg, ZDMG. S4. 6°? this word means 'home' and is perhaps formed with a suffix -thas horn pa- 'protect'; accord- ing to SlEG, Gurupujakaumudl 97, it means 'food', and is derived from /a- 'drink'.

Indo-arische Philologie. I. 4.

5 Often to be read as dissyllables, bhaas- and daas:

6 In -das- 'giving' and -dhas- 'placing' an -as has been formed probably by a mis- understanding of the N. sing, -dd-s and -dhd-s.

7 In vi-hdyas- 'vigorous' and sdrva-kdyas- (AV.) 'having all strength'.

8 But it may be a derivative of hi- 'impel'.

9 From dhe- 'suck' and gai- 'sing'; cp. above 27 a.

10 In pT-v-as- n. 'fat' {pi- 'swell') the w m ay

114

I. Allgemeines und Sprache. 4. Vedic Grammar.

2. Agent nouns in -as, mostly adjectives, correspond in several instances to action nouns accented on the root. These are ap-ds- 'active' {dp-as- 'work'), tar-ds- (VS^) 'quick' (tdr-as- 'quickness'), tyaj-ds- m. 'descendant' {tydj-as- 'abandonment'), duv-ds- 'stirring' {duv-as- 'worship'), mah-ds- 'great' {md/i-as- 'greatness'). The derivative tav-ds- occurs both as an adjective 'strong' and without change of accent' as a m. substantive 'strength'. A few others have no corresponding action noun: tos-ds- 'bestowing', dhvar-ds- 'deceiving', yaj-ds- 'offering', vedh-ds- 'worshipper', ves-ds- (AV.) 'neighbour'; and from a denomi- native stem mrgay-ds- (AV.) 'wild animal'^.

a. There are a few substantives accented on the suffix and seemingly never neuter, which are allied to the neuter action nouns in meaning, some being abstract, others concrete in sense. The change of accent may be due to change of gender<r3>. Thus raks-ds- m. occurs beside rdks-as- n. both meaning 'demon'. There also occur jar-ds- m. 'old age', bhiy-ds- m. 'fear', tveṣ-ás-<r4> 'impulse', hav-ás- 'invocation'; uṣ-ás- f. 'dawn' may have been an agent noun originally; dos-ds- (AV.) f. (?) beside dos-d- 'night' may be due to parallelism with us-ds-. The stem upds- 'lap' (the gender of which is uncertain, as it occurs only in the locative singular) may have been formed under the influence of upd-stha-^ m. 'lap'.

a. A few Proper Names are formed with the suffix -as; thus nodh-as-; arcananas- is a compound of anas- 'wain', possibly also bhaldnds-. ap-saras-(> f. 'nymph' is perhaps a compound ('moving in the waters'), angiras-, a name of Agni, has the appearance of being formed with this suffix, but the -s is perhaps secondary?.

-asi : action and agent.

127. This suffix, which is an extension of -as with -/, forms a couple of action nouns with concrete sense, and a few agent nouns: dhasi- m. 'drink' {dhe- 'suck') and dhasi- f. 'abode'; at-as'i- m. 'beggar', dharn-asi- 'strong', san-asl- 'victorious'.

-a : action.

128. By far the greatest proportion of words in -a consists of secondary feminine adjectives corresponding to masculines and neuters in -a.

There is, however, also a considerable number of feminine action nouns of an independent character, formed by adding -a sometimes to the root, but usually to secondary conjugation stems (desiderative, causative, denominative). Thus is-d- (AV.) 'dominion', nind-d- (AV.) 'blame'; jigis-S- 'desire to win', bhiks-d- (AV.) 'begging', virts-d-^ 'desire to frustrate'; gamay-d-^ (AV'.) 'causing to go'; asvay-d- 'desire for horses', apasy-d- 'activity', urusy-a- 'readiness to help', jtvanasy-d- (TS. 11. 3. io^-3) 'desire of life', sukratuy-d- 'skill'.

a. This suffix has the appearance of being added to a reduplicated stem xajangh-a- 1" 'leg' and jihv-a- 'tongue'; it may also be contained in the very obscure word snsd-^'^ (AV'.).

have been inserted owing to the influence oi pi-van- adj. 'fat'.

1 Whitney 1152, 2 e, erroneously, tavas- 'strength'.

2 The suffix is probably contained in a-han-as- 'wanton', but the derivation is obscure, Cp. FrShde, BB. 21, 321 — 330.

3 The dative infinitives from stems in -as are sometimes accented on the root, but usually on the suffix (105 a). This may indicate a difference of gender, the former being neuter, the latter masculine.

4 As tves-ds- and hav-ds- occur in the I. sing, only, the gender is uncertain,

but owing to the accent it is probably masc.

5 According to Grassmann, however, updstha- probably = iipds-stha-; cp. 81, 2 a.

6 See Macdonell, Vedic Mythology 47, note 3; but cp. PlscHEL, VS. 3, 197.

7 Cp. Brugmann, Grundriss 2, p. 188.

8 From vi-Trtsa- desiderative of rdh- 'prosper'.

9 The causative stem used in the forma- tion of the periphrastic perfect.

10 Cp. Brugmann, Grundriss 2, p. 106, top.

I' See Whitney's note on AV. i, ii^. IV. Nominal Stem Formation. Primary Nominal Derivation. 115

-aku : agent. 129. This very rare suffix seems to have been limited to the formation of agent nouns. It appears in mrday-aku- 'gracious' (formed from a causative stem), pfd-aku- (AV. VS.)' 'adder', iksv-aku-, N. of a man.

-ana : agent.

130. This suffix forms a middle participle^ from the present (455, 461, 4^7) 473) 479)) the perfect (493) and (in the form of -s-and) from the aorist tense stems (527). It also appears in the formation of a few adjectives and substantives, a preceding u always taking Guija. Such adjectives are: tdkav-ana- 'speeding' (beside tdk-u- and tdk-va-), bhrgav-ana- 'beaming' (beside bhfgu- m.), vdsav-ana- 'possessing wealth' (vdsu-), urdhva-s-and- 'being erect' (formed like an aorist participle from urdhvd- 'upright').

There are also the Proper Names dpnav-ana-, cydv-ana-, pfthav-ana-; also cydvat-ana- which looks as if formed by adding -ana to the active present participle stem of cyii- 'fall'. Of doubtful derivation are the substantives pdrs-ana- m. 'abyss' and ruj'ana-^ f. 'river' (i. 32*).

-/ : action and agent.

131. With this suffix are formed numerous feminine action nouns, agent nouns (adjectives and masculine substantives), and a few neuters of obscure etymology 5.

The root appears in various forms: sometimes with Guna, Virddhi or lengthened a, generally with unchanged or weak vowel, often reduplicated. Before the suffix a final radical palatal regularly appears (not the original guttural). In many of these derivatives the root is not traceable elsewhere. The accent is so fluctuating that no general rule can be stated. The meaning is often greatly specialised.

1. Examples of action nouns are: with Guna, rSp-i (AV.) 'pain', hc-i (AV.) 'heat'; with lengthened a: aj'-i- m. f. 'race', grdh-i- 'seizure', dhraj-i- 'course'; with unchanged vowel: san-i- 'gain'; with weak vowel: tvis-i- 'brilliance', krs-i- 'tillage', ri'tc-i- (AV.) 'brightness'.

2. Examples of agent nouns are: with Guna, ar-i- 'devout', arc-i- m. 'beam'; with Vrddhi, kirs-i (VS.) 'drawing'; with lengthened vowel -jani-^ f. 'wife', sar-i- f. 'arrow' (RV^), a kind of bird (VS. TS.), da?-i- (AV.) 'poisonous matter'; also in a few words of obscure etymology, drap-i- m. 'mantle', nabh-i- f. 'navel', pan-i- m. 'hand', ras-i- m. 'heap'; with unchanged vowel: h'ld-i- 'playing', granth-i- m. 'knot', mdh-i- 'great'; with weak vowel: siic-i- 'bright', grbh-i- (AV.) 'container', bhfm-i- 'lively' (beside bhrm-i- f. 'lively motion'). From the reduplicated root, which nearly always has a weak or reduced radical vowel, are formed with ordinary reduplicative vowel: ctkit-i-^ (SV.) 'understanding', cdkr-i- 'active', jdghr-i- 'sprinkling about' {ghr-), pdpr-i- 'bestowing abundantly', babhr-i- 'carrying', vavr-i- m. 'covering', sdsr-i- 'speeding', susv-i- 'pressing'; yuyudh-i- 'warlike', vivic-i- 'appropriating' {Yvyac-);

1 It occurs in the RV. only as the first member of a compound in pfdaku- sanu- 'having a surface like that of a snake'.

2 See Lindner p. 53 — 55.

3 apnana- seems to be an irregular present participle of o^- 'obtain' formed from the stem Sp-nd- instead of ap-nu-.

4 For this word occurring in the form of rujanas see p. 59, note '.

5 See Grassmann, Worterbuch r7l8f. ; Lindner p. 55—58.

6 At the end of compounds beside the independent jani:

7 Various reading for the cikit-t'i- of the RV.

8* I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. jágm-i- 'hastening' (gam- ‘go'), jághn-i- 'striking' ( √ han-), sásn-i- “winning'; jágur-i- 'conducting' (Vgr-), tátur-i- 'victorious' (√tr-), pápur-i- and púpur-i- (SV.) 'bestowing abundantly' (pr-) beside pápri; with lengthened or strong reduplicative vowel: tátrp-i- ‘gladdening', dádhṛṣ-i- ‘bold, vávah-i- 'driving swiftly', sasah-i- 'victorious'; tutuj-i- 'speeding', tutuj-í- m. 'stimulator', yuyuv-i- 'driving away', yuyudh-i- 'warlike'; jarbhár-i- 'nourishing' (ybhr-). The weak reduplicated present stem appears in dad-i- 'giving' and dádh-i- 'bestowing'; from similar stems (appearing in the perfect) are formed pap-i 'drinking' (V pā-) and yay-i 'speeding' (√yā-). II6 a. There are only about half a dozen neuters formed with the suffix -i, nearly all being obscure in origin. They are áks-i- 'eye', ásth-i- (AV. VS.) 'bone', dádh-i- 'sour milk', sám-i- 'toil' (sam- 'work'); and with Vrddhi hard-i- 'heart'. b. The root is sometimes compounded with verbal prefixes in these derivatives, the suffix being then usually accented; thus aján-i- f. 'birth', ví-vavr-i- m. ‘opening', sam-tan-i- f. 'harmony', 'music', ā-yaj-i- 'bringing near by offerings', a-múr-i- m. 'destroyer, ni-jaghn-i- 'striking down', para-dad-i- 'delivering over', vi-ṣāsah-i- 'victorious', vy-anas-i- 'pervading'. 2 c. From dha- 'put' is derived the stem -dhi- which is used in forming many m. compounds; e. g. antar-dhi- (AV.) ‘concealment', ud-dhí- (AV.), part of a car, ni-dhi- 'treasure', pari-dhi- 'fence'. From stha 'stand' is similarly formed -sthi in prati-sthi- f. 'resistance'. There is here some doubt as to whether we have a reduced form of the root (as in dhi-ta-) or displacement of the radical vowel by the very frequent suffix--i. The latter alternative is perhaps the more probable owing to the almost invariable accentuation of the i and the occurrence of a stem like prati-sthi- 'resistance' beside prati- stha- 'standpoint'. -in : agent. 132. The very frequent secondary suffix -in seems sometimes to have the value of a primary suffix, exclusively, however, at the end of compounds; thus -ad-in-'eating',-es-in-(AV.) 'seeking', -tod-in- 'piercing', á-nam-in- 'unbending', -vyādh-in- (AV.) 'piercing'; from a present stem -as-nuv-in- (VS.) 'reaching'; from an aorist stem -saks-in-3 overpowering (Vsah-); from a reduplicated stem yay-in- 'going'4. -iştha: agent. 133. With this suffix attached to the root is formed the superlative with an adjectival sense. The root is regularly accented 5, 7 and ž taking Guna, while a remains unchanged, though in two or three instances it is strengthened with a nasal. Roots in -a combine that vowel with the initial -i of the suffix to e, which, however, is usually to be read as two syllables. About fifty superlatives formed with this suffix occur in the Samhitās. Examples are: náy-iştha- 'leading in the best manner' (nī- ‘leaď), jáv-iṣṭha- 'quickest' (jū- ‘speed’), véd-istha- 'procuring most' (vid- 'find'), soc-istha- 'most brilliant' (suc- 'shine'); yáj-istha- 'sacrificing best'; bámh-istha- 'most abundant' (bamh- ¹ The words bámbhār-i- (VS.) m., a soma- 4 In ni-yay-in- 'passing over'. Cp. LINDNER guarding genius, karkar-i- f. lute', dundubh-i-p. 59; WHITNEY 1183 a. m. 'drum' may be onomatopoetic in origin. 5 Except two or three times jyesthá- and 2 From the perfect stem an-aś- of af- kan-isthá- (see above p. 83, 14); and when 'attain'. the superlative is compounded with a prefix, which then has the accent. 3 In pra-saks-in- 'victorious'. IV. Nominal Stem Formation. Primary Nominal Derivation. 117

'make firm'), mdmh-istha- 'most liberal' {mah- 'be great'); jyhtha- 'greatest' and jyesthd- 'eldest' {jya- 'overpower'), dhhtha- 'bestowing the most' ( Ydha-), ySstha- 'going fastest' ( !/>«-)■

a. In many instances these superlatives attach themselves in meaning to derivative adjectives, being formed from the root which the latter contain; thus os-istha-"- (TS. i. 6. i23) beside 6sa-m 'quickly', bdrh-istha- 'greatest' beside brh-dnt- 'great', vdr-istha- 'choicest' {vr- 'choose') beside vdr-a- 'choice', sadh-istha- 'straightest' beside sadh-u- 'straight'. In a few cases the suffix is added to the derivative form of the root which appears in the adjective; thus As-istha- {KS[) 'swiftest' beside as-u- (from as- 'reach'); and in ndv-istha- 'newest' the suffix is attached to the radical element in náv-a-<r2> 'new" (and not directly to the root from which that word may be derived).

b. In some cases the root is compounded with a verbal prefix or other indeclinable; thus d-gam-istha- 'coming best', d-sram-istha- 'never tiring', idtn-bhav-istha-^ 'most beneficial'.

a. There are some irregularities in the formation of this superlative. Thus hhu- retains its vowel unchanged, adding the suffix with an intervening -y. bhu-y-isiha- 'greatest'; the roots j!>?-J- and irl- are treated as if they ended in -a: presfha- 'dearest', iresfha- 'most glorious'; pdr-s-isfha- 'taking across best' is made from an aorist stem of pr- 'cross'. The abnormal accentuation of jyesfhd- 'eldest' is doubtless intended to differentiate its meaning from jyistha- 'greatest'. The use of kan-isthd- 'youngest' is parallel to that of the formers.

-is : action.

134. This suffix forms a dozen neuter action nouns, mostly used in a concrete sense. Though the root takes Guna, the suffix is accented except in three instances. The words thus formed are: arc-is- 'flame', am-is-^ 'raw flesh', krav-is- 'raw flesh', chad-is- 'cover', chard-is- 'protection', j'yot-is- 'light', barh-ts- 'straw', roc-is- 'light', vart-is- 'track', vydih-is- 'course' (?), soc-is- 'flame', sarp-is- 'melted butter', hav-is- 'oblation'.

a. Besides these av-is- appears for av-as- 'aid' and mah-is- for mdh-as- 'greatness' in a few derivatives: avis-ydnt- 'helping readily', avis-yd- 'desire', avis-yt'i- 'desirous'; mdhis-vant- 'great'; and with inorganic -s tuvi-s- 'might', suci-s- 'flame', su-rabhi-s- 'fragrant' for iuvi-, s'uci-, surabhi- in a few derivatives: tuvis-mant- 'mighty', sucis-mant- (only voc.) 'brilliant', surabhis-tama- 'very fragrant'.

-7: action and agent.

135. This suffix, besides its secondary use in the formation of feminines, chiefly adjectives, from m. and n. stems in -a, -i, -u, -r, as well as various consonant stems (201), seems to be primary in forming a few independent feminine action and agent nouns. Such are deh-i- 'rampart', nad-i- 'stream', nand-i- 'joy', pSs-i- (RV.) 'swaddling clothes' (?), ves-i- 'needle', sdc-i- 'power', sdm-t- and sim-i- 'work'; seemingly from an aorist stem {yvah-^ vaks-i- (RV.) 'flame'. There are also about a dozen masculines: ah-i- 'serpent', upav-i- (VS.) 'encouraging', daks-i- (RV'.)^ 'flaming', prav-i- 'attentive', dus-prav-i-

1 In the compound osistha-davan- 'giving immediately'.

2 Probably from a demonstrative root nu- which appears in nic 'now', nu-iana- -present'.

3 This superlative is formed under the influence of the positive sam-bhu- as the in- dependent superlative of bhu- is bhu-y-istha-.

4 The regular form bhav-htha- occurs in combination with sam-.

5 kan-istha- 'smallest' appears in books v and VI oif' the TS.

6 This word, which occurs in the L. sing, form dmis-i only, is given as m. in BR., pw., and Grassmann, but why it should not be like all the rest a neuter, is not clear.

7 Only voc. daksi, Pada dhaksi-, x. 14 18. Cp. p. 119, note 5. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 'unfriendly', su-prav-i- 'very attentive', rath-i- 'charioteer', á-rath-i- 'not a charioteer'; and the Proper Names nám-i- and pŕth-i-¹. 118 -īka: action and agent. 136. This suffix forms a few neuter substantives and some adjectives: thus án-ika- n. 'face', diś-īka- n. 'aspect', mṛḍ-īká- n. ‘grace', á-sar-īka- (AV.) n. 'rheumatic pains'; -rj-ika-² 'beaming', dybh-ika- m., N. of a demon, urdh- īká- m. 'increaser', ví-sar-ika- (AV.) m., a kind of disease; from a reduplicated stem: par-phar-ika- m. 'filler'. 2 -īyāms : agent. 137. This suffix is used in forming comparatives, being added to the root in the same way as the superlative suffix -istha (133). At least 40 of these derivatives3 occur in the Samhitas. Examples are: jáv-īyāms- ‘quicker', mámh-iyāms- 'more liberal', yáj-iyams-'sacrificing better', téj-iyāms- 'sharper', véd-iyams- 'procuring more', yódh-iyams- 'fighting better', préyams-4 'dearer' (V prī-), śréyāms-5 (śrī-) 'more splendid', -stheyams- 'lasting' (Vstha-). Connected in sense with the corresponding positive are án-iyams- (AV.) 'smaller', beside ánu- 'minute', śás-iyams- 'more frequent', beside sás-vant- 'constant'; and from a derivative form of the root tiksn-iyams- (AV.)5 'sharper', beside tikṣná 'sharp' (tij- 'be sharp'). a. Beside the usual form in -iyams- there appear some half dozen comparatives made with a shorter form of the suffix -yāms: táv-yāms- beside táv-īyāms- 'stronger', náv-yāms- beside náv-īyāms- 'new', pán-yāms- beside pán- īyāms- 'more wonderful', bhi-yams-6 ‘(becoming) more', 'greater', beside bháv- yams- 'more plentiful, rábh-yāms- beside rábh-īyāms- (VS.) 'more violent', sáh-yāms- beside sáh-iyāms- 'stronger'; jyá-yāms- ‘greater', 'older', and sán-yāms- 'older' (sána- 'old') appear without an alternative form beside them. b. With verbal prefixes or particles: ví-kled-īyāṇs- (AV.) ‘moistening more', pári-svaj-īyāms- (AV.) ‘clasping more firmly', práti-cyav-īyāms- ‘pressing closer against'; á-stheyāms- 'not enduring'. -u : agent. 138. This suffix forms a considerable number of agent nouns, both adjectives and substantives. The latter are chiefly masculines, but there are also several feminines and neuters. The suffix is usually accented. The root is generally weak, but sometimes shows Vṛddhi, least often Guņa; it also occasionally appears in a reduplicated form. Medial a usually remains unchanged, but is sometimes lengthened; occasionally it is nasalized or appears as e. Final -ā adds an intervening y, but is occasionally dropped. Gutturals only (not palatals) appear before this suffix. I. Examples of adjectives are: ur-ú- 'wide', rjú- 'straight', prth-i- 'broad', mrd-i- (VS.) 'soft', vidh-ú- 'solitary'; jay-i- 'conquering' (Vji-), dar-i- 'splitting' (Vdr-); say-i- 'lying' (VS), say-i 'lying' (Všī-), cikit-ú- 'shining' (V cit-), jigy-i- 'victorious', sisn-u- 'ready to give' (Vsan-)¹; tak-ú- ‘swift', tan-ú- 'thin', I See below 375 B; LINDNER p. 80; from the adjective stem pāpó-, the radical WHITNEY 355 b. element of which is uncertain. 2 As final member of a few compounds, as bhá-rjīka light shedding'. 3 See LINDNER p. 155; WHITNEY 466- 470. 4 The roots prī- and śrī- being treated as ending in -a: prá-iyāms and śrá-iyāms- as in the superlative. 5 In the TS. páp-īyāms- is formed directly 6 With the radical vowel unchanged as in the superlative. 7 Some other words have the appearance of being reduplicated: babhr-ú- brown', a-rár-u- 'hostile' (ra- give'); malimlu- (VS.) seems to be a mutilated form of malimluca- (AV.) 'robber'. IV. NOMINAL STEM FORMATION. PRIMARY NOMINAL DERIVATION. 119 I táp-u- 'hot', aś-- 'swift' (as 'reach'); amh-i- 'narrow'; cér-u- 'active' (car- 'move'); dha-y-i- 'thirsty', pa-y-i- 'protecting'; y-i- 'going' (Vya-)²; réku- 'empty' (Vric-). 2. Examples of substantives are: m. grh-i- 'beggar', rip-i- 'cheat'; pipr-u-, N. of a demon; ás-u- 'life', mán-u- ‘man', pad-ú- 'foot', bah-i- 'arm', ams-i- 'filament', vā-y-ú- 'wind'; f. is-u- (also m.) 'arrow', sindh-u- (also m.) ‘river', dhán-u- 'sandbank', párs-u- 'rib', hán-u- jaw'; n. ay-u 'life', ján-u- ‘knee', tál-u- (VS.) 'palate', tráp-u- (AV. VS.) ‘tin', dár-u- (also m.) 'wood', sán-u (also m.) 'summit'; with syncope, ks-- 'food' (ghas- 'eat'); with redu- plication, ti-ta-ü- 'sieve'. a. In a few of these derivatives the root appears with a prefix: upā-y-u- (TS. I. 1. 1¹) 'approaching', ni-cer-i- 'gliding', pra-may-i- (AV.) 'liable to destruction', pari-tatn-ú- (AV.) 'surrounding', sám-vas-u- 'dwelling together'; abhis-ú-³ m. 'rein', vi-klind-u- (AV.) m. a kind of disease. 139. There is besides a large class of agent nouns formed with u not directly from the root but from tense or secondary conjugation stems. 1. From present stems are formed: tany-i- 'thundering' (tanya-ti 'roars'), bhind-ú- m. ‘destroyer' (bhind-ánti 'they spliť), -vind-ú-4 'finding' (vindá-ti ‘finds'); from an aorist stem dáks-u-5 and dháks-u- 'burning'. 2. From desiderative stems are formed i-yaks-i- 'desirous of sacrificing' (Vyaj-), cikits-ú- (AV.) ‘cunning' ( √ cit-), jigis-ú 'desirous of winning' (√ji-), jighats-ú- (AV.) 'greedy' (ghas- 'eat'), titiks-ú- (AV.) 'patient', dits-i- 'ready to give' ( √ dā-), didiks-u-6 (VII. 86³) ‘eager to see' (√ drs-), didhis-i- 'wishing to obtain' ( √ dhā-), dips-ú- ‘wishing to harm' (V dabh-), ninits-ú- 'wishing to revile', bībhats-i- 'feeling disgust' (√badh-), mimiks-i- mingling' (Vmiś-), mumukṣ-ú- ‘desiring release' (√muc-), ririkṣ-ú- ‘wishing to damage' (Vris-), vivaks-ú- (AV.) 'calling aloud' (√vac-), siṣās-ú- (AV.) 'eager to win' (√sā-). 3. From causative stems are formed: dharay-ú- 'streaming', bhajay-ú- ‘liberal', bhāvay-ú- ‘cherishing', maṇhay-ú- ‘liberal', manday-ú- ‘joyous', śramay-i- 'exhausting oneself'; from a causative denominative mrgay-ú- (AV.VS.) m. ‘hunter'. 4. By far the commonest are the derivatives from regular denominatives, of which nearly 80 occur in the RV., and at least half a dozen additional cases in the AV. About 35 of these words are formed from denominative stems in actual use7; thus aghãy-i- ‘nıalignant', arātīy-ú- (AV.) ‘hostile', vasūy-ú- 'desiring wealth', carany-ú- ‘mobile', manasy-u- 'desirous'. A few are formed from pronouns, as ahamy-ú- ‘selfish', asmay-ú- 'favouring us', kimy-ú- 'desiring what?', tvāy-ú- ‘loving thee', yuvay-i- and yuvay-i- 'desiring you two', svay-ú- 'left to oneself'. In the absence of an accompanying denominative, there is the appearance of a secondary suffix -yu (with the sense of 'desiring' or some more general adjectival meaning) attached directly to nouns. Thus there are derivatives in the RV. in which the -as of noun stems is changed to -o, as if the suffix were actually -yu: amho-yú- 'threatening', duvo-yú- 'honouring' beside duvas-yú-, and á-skrdho-yu- 'not niggardly'. -uka : agent. 140. This suffix probably consists of the primary - extended with the secondary -ka. It is very rare in the Samhitās. There is no certain example I Here the y really belongs to the root dhe- 'suck'. 2 Also in the reduplicated form yáy-u- (VS.) 'swift'; the final-ā seems also to be dropped in a-kh-ú- 'mole' (khā- 'dig') and in su-sth-u (standing) well' (stha- 'stand'). 3 Probably from abhi+is- 'rule'. 4 In go-vindé- 'searching for milk'. 5 The Pada text has dhákṣ-u-. Сp. p. 117, note 7. 6 With irregular accent. 7 See the list in LINDNER p. 63. I20 I. Allgemeines und Sprache. 4. Vedic Grammar.

in the RV., but san-ukd- (RV'.) 'desirous of prey' (yjaw-) and the Proper Name per-ukd- (RV.) may be instances. In the AV. occur ghat-uka- 'kilhng', vi-kas-uka- 'bursting', sdm-kas-uka- 'crumbhng up', d-pra-may-uka- 'not dying suddenly'. In the TS. occurs vas-iikd-, but the meaning and derivation are doubtful.

-us : action and agent.

141. This suffix forms neuter action nouns which have mostly a concrete sense, and masculine agent nouns, altogether less than 20 in number. All the substantives except one are accented on the root, which generally takes Guna, but in one instance Vrddhi. Those adjectives which also appear as substantives have the same accentuation; but those stems which are used solely as adjectives accent the suffix.

1. The neuter substantives are : dr-us- (AV.) 'wound', Sy-us- 'life', cdks-us- 'light', tdp-us- 'heat', tdr-us- 'battle', dhdn-us- 'bow', pdr-us- 'knot', ydj-iis- 'worship', vdp-us- 'marvel', sds-us- 'command'; with accent on the suffix: jan-i'is- 'birth' (also m.).

2. The masculine substantives are: ndh-us- 'neighbour', mdn-us- 'man'; adjectives identical in form with neuter substantives are: cdks-us- 'seeing', tdp-us- 'glowing', vdp-us- 'wondrous'; adjectives without corresponding sub- stantives are: jay-us- 'victorious', van-i'cs- 'eager', vid-us-^ 'heedful'; also daks-us- 'flaming' from the aorist stem.

-u : feminine substantives.

142. This rare suffix chiefly forms feminines corresponding to masculines and neuters in -u^. Independent feminine substantives are: cam-U- 'dish', tan-ti- 'body', vadh-U- 'bride'; perhaps pan-a-^ 'admiration'. There are also the compounds pums-cal-d- (VS.) 'courtesan', pra-jan-ii- (AV.) 'organ of generation'.

-Uka : intensive adjectives.

143. This suffix is merely the lengthened form of -uka used in forming a few derivatives from the reduplicated intensive stem. It appears in jagar- ■aka- 'wakeful', dandas-uka- (VS.) 'mordacious', salal-aka- (RV'.) 'wandering aimlessly'.

-ka : agent.

144. This is a very common secondary suffix, but very rarely appears in a primary character. It is thus used in dt-ka- m. 'garment', su-me-ka- 'firmly fixed' {mi- 'fix'), si'is-ka- 'dry', sld-ka- m. 'call' {sru- 'hear'), sto-kd- m. 'drop'. In vric-i-ka- m. 'scorpion' the suffix is added with connecting -i-. The feminine form of the suffix appears in stii-ka- 'flake', ra-kd-, N. of a goddess.

-ia : agent.

145. This suffix is employed almost exclusively to form past participles*, chiefly with passive, sometimes with intransitive meaning. Its more general and original sense is, however, preserved in some words used as adjectives or as substantives with concrete meaning; thus tri-td- 'rough', drdhd- 'firm', si-td- 'cold', vavd-ta-^ 'dear'; m. du-td- 'messenger', sil-td- (AV. VS.) 'charioteer'.

1 With weak root; the only instance of medial vowel other than a in the radical syllable.

2 See below, derivative -k steins, 384.

3 The stem may be pan-u-, as the only

form occurring is the I. sing, fanva.

4 See below, Past passive participles, 572, and the lists in Lindner p. 70 f.

5 From a reduplicated form of va- 'win', and with unusual accent. IV. NOMINAL STEM FORMATION. PRIMARY NOMINAL DERIVATION. 121 kīstá-¹ 'singer', bastá-¹ 'he-goat'; n. r-tá- 'right', ghr-tá- '‘ghee', jā-tá- ‘kind', dyu-tá- (AV.) gambling', nrt-tá- (AV.) 'dance', pur-tá- 'reward', vra-tá- 'ordinance'; with accented and strong radical syllable: é-ta- ‘variegated'; m. gár-ta- car-seat', már-ta- 'mortal', vá-ta- 'wind', hás-ta- 'hand'; n. ás-ta- 'home', nák-ta- 'night'. a. In many past participles the suffix is added with connecting --, as raks-i-tá protected'. Some of these are used as n. substantives; thus jiv-i-tá- 'life', car-i-tá- 'behaviour'. Several words thus formed appear as adjectives only; thus tig-i-tá-3 'sharp', pal-i-tá- 'grey'; also some other names of colours with strong and accented radical syllable: ás-i-ta- 'black', róh-i-ta- 'red', lóh-i-ta- (AV.) ‘red', hár-i-ta- 'yellow'; sye-tá- 'white' is perhaps anomalously formed with -ita- from sya-4 'freeze's. -tar : agent. 6 146. The agent nouns formed with this very frequent suffix are often used participially, governing an accusative. The root is generally accented when they have this verbal force, but the suffix, when they are purely nominal (86A 22). The root regularly has Guņa, a and ā remaining unchanged; thus né-tar- ‘leader' (√nī-), hó-tar- ‘priest' (√hu-), kar-tár- ‘doer' ( √ kr-), bhet-tár- ‘breaker' ( √ bhid-), yok-tár- ‘yoker' (√yuj-); yas-tár- 'sacrificer' ( √yaj-), dã-tár- "giver'7. With weak root: us-tár- m. 'ploughing bull'. a. Less commonly the suffix is added to the root with connecting -/-: regularly when the root ends in more than one consonant, as vand-i-tár- 'praiser', but also often when it ends in a single consonant and sometimes when it ends in a vowel, as cod-i-tár- 'instigator', sav-i-tár- 'stimulator' (√sū-). b. The suffix is combined with -- instead of -i- in grábh-i-tar- (AV.) 'seizer', prati-grah-i-tár- (AV.) ‘receiver', sam-grah-i-tár- (VS.) ‘charioteer', pra- tar-i-tár- 'prolonger', a-mar-i-tár- 'destroyer'; with -u- in tár-u-tar- 'winning' and tar-u-tár- 'conqueror', dhán-u-tar- 'running swiftly', sán-u-tar- 'winning'; with -- in var-u-tár- 'protector'; with -o- in man-ó-tar- and man-o-tár- 'inventor'. c. These derivatives are very frequently compounded with prepositions"; e. g. pura-e-tár- 'leader', apa-bhar-tár- taking away', prav-i-tár- 'protector" (av- 'favour'), pra-sav-i-tár- 'vivifier'. d. They are very rarely formed from secondary conjugation or from tense stems, as coday-i-tár- 'stimulator' ¹2, bodhay-i-tár- 'awakener', né-s-tar-¹3, a kind of priest. From the reduplicated root is formed vavá-tar 'ad- herent'. e. Several names of relationship appear to be formed with this suffix. Being all very old words, the radical syllable is obscure in meaning or irregular They are já-ma-tar- 'son-in-law', duh-i-tár- ‘daughter', náp-tar- 'grandson', pi-tár- 'father', bhrá-tar- 'brother', ma-tár- 'mother'. in form. 7-tur appear, instead of -tar in yan-túr- beside yan-tár- 'guide' and in sthā-túr- beside ¹ These two words are of doubtful origin. 2 If derived from vr- 'choose' with ano- malous form of radical syllable; but accord- | sthā-tár- 'stationary'. ing to WHITNEY (1176 b) it is to be ex- plained as vrat-á- formed from vrt- 'turn' like vraj-á- from Vurj-. 3 With anomalous guttural before -i-. 4 Originally perhaps 'rimy', cp. Śi-tá- 'cold'. 5 The f. of these adjectives of colour is formed from other stems: éni-, ásikni-, pálikni-, róhini-, lóhinī- (AV.), śyénī-, hárini-. 6 See the lists in LINDNER p. 72-75- 8 The f. of these words is formed with from the weak stem, i. e. in -trī. - 9 Except dams-tár- (AV.) 'biter'. 10 Connected with the present stem manu-te etc. of man- 'think'. 11 See LINDNER p. 73.f. 12 In the f. coday-i-tr-i-. 13 From the aorist stem of ni- 'lead'. 122 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. -tas : action. 147. This suffix is identical in meaning with -as, being used to form neuter action nouns which have acquired a concrete meaning. It is very rare, occurring only in ré-tas- 'semen' (ri- 'flow') and sró-tas- 'stream', 'current' (sru- 'flow'). -ti: action and agent. 148. This suffix is used to form a large number of feminine action nouns; it also appears in a few agent nouns employed either as adjectives or masculine substantives'. The root generally has the same weak form as appears before the ta of the past passive participle²; it is, however, more often accented than the suffix. In a few words the suffix is added with the connecting vowels -a-, -i- or -1-. 1. Action nouns. With accent on the suffix are formed e. g. iş-țí- 'desire' (is 'seek'), -ti- 'aid' (Vav-), kir-ti 'praise' (kr- 'commemorate'), dhau-ti 'stream' (dhav- 'flow'), pi-ti- 'draught' (pa- 'drink'), pur-ti- 'reward' (pr- 'fill'), bhak-ti- 'distribution' (bhaj- 'divide'), ma-ti- 'thought' (man- 'think'), rā-tí- 'gift' (rā- 'give'), rī-ti- 'flow' (ri- 'flow'), vis-ti- 'work' (vis- 'be active'), stu-ti 'praise'; from the reduplicated root: carkr-ti- 'praise' (kr- 'comme- morate'); with connecting -a-3: amh-a-ti- 'distress', drs-a-ti- 'appearance', mith-a-ti- 'conflict', vas-a-ti- 'abode'. With accent on the root are formed e. g. is-ti- 'offering' (√yaj-), gá-ti- 'motion' (Vgam-), di-ti- ‘liberality' (dā- ‘give'), výd-dhi- 'increase' (Vurdh-), śán-ti- (AV. VS.) ‘repose' (√ šam-); from the reduplicated root didhi-ti- ‘devotion' (dhi- 'think')*; with connecting -a-: ám-a-ti-5 'indigence' (am- 'be afflicted'). a. The derivative di-ti- 'giving' when used as the final member of a compound is reduced to -tti-: bhága-tti-, maghá-tti-, vásu-tti-; above 26 a 2. 2. Agent nouns. These are rare, amounting to hardly 20 in number. Accented on the suffix: jña-ti- m. 'relative', pat-ti- m. (AV. VS.) 'pedestrian', rā-ti- 'willing to give'; with connecting -a-: ar-a-ti- m. ‘servant', khal-a-ti- (VS.) 'bald', and with accent on the connecting vowel vrk-á-ti- m. 'murderer'. Accented on the root: m. dhi-ti- 'shaker', pá-ti- 'master', mús-ti- 'fist', sáp-ti 'steed'; adjectives: dhŕs-ți- (VS.) 'bold', pí-ti- (AV.) ‘putrid', vás-ți- 'eager'; and from the reduplicated root jigar-ti- m. ‘swallower'; with connecting vowels: ám-a-ti- 'poor', rám-a-ti- (AV. TS.) ‘liking to stay', rj-i-ti- 'glowing', turv-i-ti-, N. of a man (turv- tur, tr- 'overcome'), dabh-i-ti-6, N. of a man¹7, snéh-a-ti- 'carnage' and snīh-i-ti- (SV.). a. These derivatives are often compounded with prepositions 8, which are almost always accented; thus ánu-ma-ti- 'assent', abhiti- 'attack' (abhi-iti-), á-hu-ti- 'offering', nir-r-ti- dissolution', vy-áp-ti-(AV.) ‘attainment', sám-ga-ti- 'coming together', abhi-mā-ti- ‘insidious' (man- 'think')9; with suffix accented, only a-sak-ti- 'pursuit', à-su-ti- 'brew' (√/su-) and 'enlivening' (\/sū-); also abhi-s-ti- m. 'helper' beside abhi-s-ti- f. 'help'. I See the list in GRASSMANN, Wörterbuch | fatuated' (also á-drp-ta-). These are, however, 1719-21; LINDNER p. 76-79. the only two examples. 2 The roots tan- 'stretch', ram- 'rest', han- 'strike' may retain the nasal: tán-ti- f. 'cord', rán-ti 'enjoyment' (AV. VS. TS.) beside rá-ti- (VS.), á-han-ti- (VS¹.) beside á-ha-ti- 'uninjured condition'. 5 But with the connecting -a- accented: am-á-ti- 'lustre', ram-á-ti- (AV.) ‘haunt', vrat- á-ti- 'creeper'. 6 This word may be a compound (*dabhi- iti-). 7 yayáti-, N. of a man, is according to BR. and GRASSMANN derived from yat- 3 The-a- here often, if not always, belongs to a verbal stem. 8 See LINDNER p. 77 f. 4 Roots which have the connecting -i- in | 'stretch'. the past participle, do not take it here: gup-ti- (AV.) 'protection' beside gup-i-tá-, prá- 9 Compounded with a noun: kúma-ka-ti- drp-ti- 'arrogance' beside á-drp-i-ta- 'not in- | 'requiring the fulfilment of a wish'. IV. NOMINAL STEM FORMATION. PRIMARY NOMINAL DERIVATION. 123 b. The suffix is added to a secondary stem in ján-aya-ti- (VS.) f. ‘generation'; it seems to have a secondary character in viva-ti- f. 'maiden', adj. 'young'. It is secondary in paksa-ti (VS.) 'root of the wing'; in the numerals vimsa-ti- '20', sas-ti- '60', and others; in pank-ti- f. 'set of five'; in the pronominal words ká-ti 'how many?', tá-ti (AV.) 'so many', yá-ti ‘as many as'; and în addhā-ti- m. ‘sage', formed from the adverb ad-dhắ “truly’. -tu : action and agent. 149. The great majority of the words derived with this suffix are infinitives appearing in the form of the dative, ablative-genitive, and accusative cases. Besides these, there are a few action nouns used independently, and still fewer agent nouns. The root is usually accented and takes Guņa; but the suffix is accented in some half dozen instances, in two or three of which the radical syllable is weakened. The gender is usually masculine, but a few feminines and neuters also occur. I. Accented on the root: m. ó-tu- 'weft' (va- 'weave'), krá-tu- 'capacity' (kr- ‘make’), tán-tu- 'thread', -dhà-tu-² ‘element', sák-tu- ‘groats’ ( √/ sañj-), sé-tu- 'bond' (si- 'bind'), só-tu- ‘libation' (su- 'press'), dhá-tu- adj. 'drinkable' (dhe-

suck'); m. mán-tu- 'adviser'; f. vás-tu- 'morning' (vas- ‘shine'), sú-tu-³ (AV.)

'birth'; n. da-tu- ‘division' (dā- ‘divide'), vás-tu-4 ‘abode' (vas- ‘dwell’'). 2. Accented on the suffix: m. ak-ti- 'ray' (añj- 'anoint'), gã-tu- 'way' (ga- 'go') and 'song' (gã- 'sing'), jan-tú- ‘creature', he-tú- 'cause' (hi- 'impel'); with weak radical vowel: r-ti- 'season', pi-tu- 'drink' (pi- 'swell') 5. a. The suffix is attached in a few instances (as in some infinitives) with connecting -: dur dhár-i-tu- 'irresistible', su-háv-i-tu- 'to be successfully invoked', tur-phár-i-tu-6. b. The suffix appears in a few instances to be attached to a present or a secondary conjugational stem: edha-tú- m. "welfare' (édha-te 'thrives'), tapya-ti- adj. 'glowing' (tapyá-te 'is heated'), vaha-tú- m. 'wedding' (váha-ti 'conveys'), siṣāsá-tu-7 'desirous of obtaining'; jīvá-tú- f. 'life' (jiva-ti- 'lives'). c. Derivatives formed with t are in several instances compounded with the particles dus- and su: dur-dhår-i-tu- and dur-dhár-tu- 'irresistible', dur-vár-tu- 'difficult to ward off', dus-tár-i-tu- 'unconquerable', su-yán-tu- 'guiding well, su-śró-tu- hearing willingly', su-hán-tu- 'easy to slay'; also with a pronoun in sváit going one's own (sva-) gait' (etu-). -tna : action and agent. 150. This suffix is very rare, occurring only in cyau-tná- n. 'concussion', adj. 'animating' (cyu- 'stir') and in rá-tna- n. 'gift' (ra- 'give'). -tnu : agent. 151. This suffix, which is always accented, forms more than a dozen adjectives and a few substantives. It is added to the root either directly or more commonly with the connecting vowel -a- (which probably belongs to the present stem) or i- (which is almost exclusively used with causative stems). 1. Attached directly to the root: kr-tnú- 'active', dar-tnú- m. ‘breaker', ha-tnú- 'deadly' (√han-); with reduplication: jiga-tnú- ‘hastening' (gam- ‘go'), jigha-tní- 'harming' (han- 'strike'). 2. With connecting -a-: kav-a-tnú-8 'miserly', piy-a-tnú- 'reviling' (piya-ti

The infinitives always accent the root (105). | 6 The derivation of this word is uncertain

2 Only in the compounds tri-dhátu-' three- and its meaning is obscure. [Cp. Mahabhāṣya fold' and saptá-dhatu- 'sevenfold'. Vol. 1, p. 363, 1. 25.] 3 Without Guna. 7 From the desiderative stem of să- 'obtain'. 8 Cp. WHITNEY, Roots, under kū- 'design'. 4 With lengthened a. 5 kŕtv-as 'times' is probably an acc. pl. of a stem ký-tu- ‘making’. Cp. BB. 25, 294. 124

I. Allgemeines und Sprache. Vedic Grammar.

'abuses'), meh-a-tnu-, N. of a river {miha-ti), a-riij-a-tnu- 'breaking' (rujd-ti 'breaks').

3. With connecting -/-: drav-i-tml- 'running' {dru- 'run'); from causative stems: tanay-i-tnu- 'thundering', dravay-i-tnic- 'hasting' {dru- 'run'), posay-i-tnu- 'causing to thrive' {Ypus-), maday-i-tnii- 'intoxicating' {Ymad-), 'causing sweetness to flow' ( Ysud-), stanay-i-trn't- m. an-amay-i-tnu- 'not making ill', 'curative' (]Aa»«-).

suday-i-imi- 'thunder' {Ysiaji-);

-tra : agent.

152. This suffix was doubtless originally formed by a secondary -a added to -/;- (the weak form of tar-). But having early attained an independent character, it came to be largely employed as a primary suffix. It is used to form some half dozen adjectives' and about 60 substantives, the latter being neuters except about a dozen (partly masc. and partly fem.) The substantives generally express the means or instrument by which the action of the verb is performed, sometimes the place where it is performed. The root is generally accented and has Guna; but it is sometimes unaccented and has a weak vowel. The suffix is generally added directly to the root, but in about a dozen instances with a connecting vowel.

1. Attached directly to the root: adjectives: jdi-tra-^ 'victorious', sva-trd-'- 'invigorating'; with reduplication: y^^?i-^ra- 'calling aloud' ( ]A/^«^-).

m. a-trd-i 'eater', us-tra-^ 'buffalo', ddms-tra- 'tusk' {dams- 'bite'), mdn-tra- 'prayer'; with weak (etymologically doubtful) root: pu-trd- 'son', mi-trd-i 'friend', vr-trd-^ 'foe'.

f. ds-tra- 'goad' (tf/- 'reach'), nas-irS- (AV. VS.) 'destroyer' {Ynas'-), ma-tra- 'measure', ho-tra- 'sacrifice'.

n. With accent on the root: d-tra-9 'food', kdr-tra- (AV.) 'spell', kse-ira- 'field', ksno-tra- 'whetstone', ga-ira- 'hmb', /nS-tra- (VS.) 'intellectual faculty', tdn-tra- 'warp', dd-tra-^° 'gift', da-ira- 'knife', dhdr-tra- 'support' (VS. TS.), pdt-tra- (VS.)" 'wing', pa-tra- 'cup', (pa- 'drink'), pes-tra- (AV.) 'bone', mU-tra- (AV.) 'urine', medhra- (AV.) 'penis', ySk-tra- 'rope', vdr-tra- (AV.) 'dam', vds-tra- 'garment', sro-tra- 'ear', su-tra- (AV.) 'thread' (siv- 'sew').

With accent on the suffix and often with an abstract meaning: as-trd- (AV.) 'missile', ksa-trd-12 ne-trd- (AV.) 'guidance', ras-trd- 'dominion', sas-trd- (VS.) 'invocation', sas-trd- 'command', sat-trd- 'sacrificial session', sto-trd- 'praise', stha-trd- 'station', ho-trd- 'sacrifice'.

2. With connecting vowel -a-: dm-a-tra- 'violent', ydj-a-ira- 'adorable'; krnt-d-ira- 'shred' , gay-a-trd- 'song' , pdi-a-ira- 'wing',vddA-a-fra- 'deadly weapon', f. var-a-tr&- 'strap'; with -/-: khan-i-tra- 'shovel', car-i-tra- 'ioQt',jan-i-tra- 'birth- place', pav-i-tra- 'sieve', bhar-i-tra- 'arm', bhav-i-tra- 'world', san-i-tra- 'gift'; with -u- tdr-u-tra-^^ 'overcoming'.

1 These have mostly masc. forms, some neuter; the only one which has fem. forms is ydjatra- 'deserving adoration'.

2 Six or seven masculines and five femi- nines.

3 With exceptional Vrddhi of the radical syllable.

4 From iva- = sii- 'swell'.

5 For ai-trd- hom. ad-' e3.t'. Cp. p. 125, note'.

6 With weak root though accented.

7 Occurs in the RV. as a u. when it means 'friendship'.

8 Occurs also as a n. in the RV. when plural.

9 For at-tra- from ad- 'eat'.

1° Probably for dal-ira- from the present- stem of da- 'give'.

»i Only at the end of a compound in the RV.

12 naksaira- 'asterism' is perhaps a com- pound. Cp. above 81, 2 a.

'3 Cp. tar-u-tm-- 'victor'. IV. NOMINAL STEM FORMATION. PRIMARY NOMINAL DERIVATION. 125 -tri : agent. 153. This very rare suffix occurs in only three or four derivatives: á-tri-¹ 'devouring', śá-tri- m., N. of a man2; with connecting -a in arc-á-tri- 'roaring'; also in the f. form with 7 in rắ-trī-³ night'. -tru : agent. 154. This suffix is found only in šátru- 'enemy' for *śát-tru-, perhaps from sad 'prevail'. -tva : agent. 155. This suffix probably arose by the addition of the secondary suffix -a to action nouns in tu, which turned them into adjectives used in a gerundive sense. It occurs in about a dozen such derivatives which are almost restricted to the RV.; e. g. kár-tva- 'to be made'4. -tha : action. 156. This suffix is almost exclusively used to form action nouns (some of which have acquired a concrete meaning) in all genders 5. The root generally appears in a weak form, as the suffix is mostly accented. The suffix is attached to the root either directly or more commonly with a connecting vowel5. 1. Attached directly to the root: m. ár-tha-¹ 'goal', gã-thá- ‘song', pak-thá-, N. of a man, bhr-thá- 'offering', rá-tha-8 'car', há-tha-9 'slaughter'; in composition with prepositions: sam-i-thá- 'conflict', nir-r-thá- 'destruction', sam-ga-thá- 'union' (gam- 'go'), ud-gí-thá-¹ (AV.) 'singing of chants'; in com- position with nouns: putra-kr-thá- 'procreation of sons', dirgha-ya-thá- 'long course', go-pi-thá-" 'protection' (pa- 'protect') and 'draught' (pā- 'drink') of milk'. f. kás-tha- 'course', gá-tha- 'song', ní-tha- 'trick'.-n. uk-thá- 'saying' (Vzac-), tir-thả- ‘ford’ (tr- ‘cross’), n-thả- ‘song, yũ-thủ-xz ‘herd’, rik-thả- 'inheritance' ¹3. 2. With connecting vowel -á-: ay-á-tha- n. ‘foot', uc-á-tha- n. "praise' (√vac-), car-á-tha- n. ‘mobility', tveș-á-tha- m. ‘fury', proth-á-tha- n. 'snorting', yaj-á-tha-¹4 ‘worship', rav-á-tha- m. ‘roar', vakṣ-á-tha- m. 'growth’, vid-á-tha-¹5 n. 'assembly', sap-á-tha- m. 'curse', śay-á-tha- n. ‘lair', śvas-á-tha- m. 'snorting', sac-á-tha- m. 'aid', stan-á-tha- m. 'thunder', stav-á-tha- m. 'praise', srav-á-tha- m. or n. 'flow'; with prefix: à-vas-a-thá- (AV.) 'abode', pra-vas-a-thá- n. 'absence', prāṇ-á-tha-16 (VS.) 'respiration'. a. With -ū: jár-u-tha-, m. a kind of demon ('wearing out', jr-), vár-u-tha- n. 'protection'; with -u: mat-i-tha-¹7 m. 'sage'. I For át-tri- from ad- 'eat'. Cp. p. 124, note 5. 2 For sat-tri- from sat- 'cut in pieces'. 3 In AV. rá-tri- also. 4 See below, Future Passive Participles, 581. 5 The fem. form of the suffix is -tha. 6 This vowel for the most part belongs in reality to a present stem. 7 With accented strong root. 8 The root is uncertain. 9 With root accented though weakened by loss of nasal (han- 'slay'). 10 With ga- 'sing' weakened to gì-. ¹1 Both pa protect' and pā- ‘drink' are weakened to pī. Cp. above 27. 12 The root in this word is uncertain. 13 prsthá- 'back' probably contains the root stha- 'stand', *pra-sthá- 'prominent'. 14 The gender is uncertain, as the word occurs in the dat. sing. only. 15 Probably from vidh- 'worship': OLDEN- BERG, ZDMG. 54, 608—611; cp. above p. 23, note 10. - 16 When there is a prefix the accent is thrown on the suffix; but prāṇ- (=pra-an-) is treated like a root. 17 Perhaps from man- with double suffix (-tu, -tha). I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. -thi : agent. 157. As far as can be judged from the very few examples occurring, this suffix was used to form agent nouns. It is attached with or without a connecting vowel. The derivation of all the words which seem to be formed with this suffix is doubtful: át-i-thi- m. 'guest' (if from at- 'wander'); ud-ār-a-thí- adj. ‘rising'; me-thi- (AV.) m. ‘pillar' (mi- 'fix'). The neuters ásthi- (AV. VS., beside asth-án-) ‘bone' and sákthi- (beside sakth-án-) may be formed with the suffix -i. 126 -thu: action. 158. This very rare suffix, which is not found in the RV., appears only with the connecting vowel -a- (which in reality belongs to a present stem), forming masculine action nouns: ej-á-thu- (AV.) ‘trembling', vep-á-thu- 'quivering', stan-á-thu- (AV.) 'roar'. -na : action and agent. 159. This suffix is in the first place used, like -ta, to form past passive participles ¹; e. g. bhin-ná- from bhid- 'split'; but, unlike -ta, it is never added to the root with a connecting vowel or to a secondary conjugation stem. It is further employed to form a number of adjectives and masculine substantives, mostly accented on the suffix. It also forms a few feminine (-nā) and neuter substantives, all but one of the latter being accented on the root. The substantives have partly an abstract and partly a concrete meaning. A medial vowel never takes Guna, but a final vowel nearly always does. 1. The adjectives (f. -ā) are: áś-ná- ‘voracious', us-na- 'hot', u-ná- 'deficient', r-ná- ‘guilty', kṛṣ-ná- 'black', kṣo-ná- ‘immovable'(?), nag-ná- ‘naked', bradh-ná- 'pale red', só-na- 'red', śro-ná- and ślo-ná- (AV.) ‘lame', ślaks-ná- (AV.) 'slippery', svit-na- 'white', syo-ná- ‘agreeable'; compounded: an-āmṛ-ná- 'inviolable', á-rūkṣ-ṇa- (AV.) ‘tender', sadā-pr-ná- ‘always munificent'. 2. Substantives are: m. ghr-ná- 'heat', budh-ná- 'bottom', bhrū-ná- 'embryo', yaj-ñá- 'sacrifice', sye-ná- ‘eagle', ste-ná- ‘thief'; sam-pras-ná- 'question'; accented on root: ás-na- 'stone', kár-na- 'ear', vár-na- ‘colour', sús-na-, N. of a demon, sváp-na- 'sleep'. n. tŕ-na- ‘grass', dhá-na-² ‘booty', par-ṇá- ‘wing', vas-ná- 'price', síš-na- 'penis', su-ná- ‘welfare', śú-na- 'want', si-na- 'property'.-- f. trs-na- 'thirst', dhé-na- 'milch cow', sé-na- missile', sthi-na- 'post'. — -nas : action. 160. This suffix, which has the same meaning as -as and -tas, is used in forming a few action nouns which have mostly acquired a concrete sense. These are áp-nas- n. 'possession', ár-nas- n. 'flood', -bhar-nas-3 'bearing' (?), rék-nas- n. 'property left by bequest' (ric- 'leave'). With connecting vowel: dráv-i-nas- n. 'movable property' (dru- 'run'), pár-i-nas- m. abundance (př- 'fill'). It also appears in the agent noun dám-u-nas- adj. 'domestic', m. 'friend of the house' (dam-). -ni : action and agent. 161. This not very frequent suffix is employed to form m. and f. action nouns as well as agent nouns (adjectives and substantives). Either the radical vowel or the suffix may be accented; and the root in several instances takes Guna. The feminines have rarely an abstract sense, having generally acquired a concrete meaning. For a list of these see below 576. 2 Probably from dha- 'place'. 3 In sahásra-bharnas- 'thousandfold'. IV. NOMINAL STEM FORMATION. PRIMARY NOMINAL DERIVATION. 127 1. The feminines are: jūr-ni- 'heat', jya-ni-¹ (AV.) 'injury', me-ní- 'missile', śré-ni- 'line', śró-ni- 'hip', si-ni- and sr-ni- 'sickle'; masculines are: ghi-ni-² 'heat', yo-ni- 'receptacle'. 2. Agent nouns, adjectives and m. substantives, are: ag-ni- m. 'fire', júr-ni- 'singeing, túr-ni- 'speeding', dhar-ni- m. 'supporter', pŕs-ni- 'speckled', pre-ni- 'loving' (Vprī-), bhir-ni- 'excited', váh-ni- m. 'draught animal, výs-ni- and vrs-ni- 'virile', m. 'ram'. a. The suffix occurs with a connecting -u- in hrad-i-ni- f. (?) hail' 3. -nu : action and agent. 162. With this suffix is formed a small number of action and agent nouns of all genders, but mostly masculine. The action nouns often have a concrete meaning. As the suffix is almost invariably accented, the radical vowel, with one exception, never shows Guna. This suffix, like -tu, is some- times preceded by -a (which really belongs to present stems). 1. The substantives occurring are: ksep-ni- m. jerk' (x. 516), dá-nu-4 m. f. 'demon', f. 'dew', n. 'drop', dhe-ni- f. 'cow', bhā-ni- m. 'light', vag-nú- m. 'sound', vis-nu-5 m., N. of a god, su-ni- m. 'son', stha-ni-6 m. 'pillar'; with connecting -a-: krand-a-ni- m. 'roaring', ksip-a-ni- m. 'missile', nad-a-ni- m. 'roaring', nabh-a-mi-7 m. 'fountain'8. 2 2. Adjectives are: grdh-nu- 'hasty', dhrs-nú- 'bold'; with connecting -a-: the compound vi-bhanj-a-nú- 'breaking to pieces'. -pa: concrete substantives. 163. A few words are formed with this suffix, but the origin of all of them is more or less obscure. These are: pus-pa- n. 'flower', stu-pá-¹0 (VS.) m. 'tuft', stú-pa-¹⁰ m. 'top-knot'; perhaps also tál-pa- m. 'couch', sás-pa- (VS.) n. 'blade of grass', síl-pa (VS.) n. 'ornament', sür-pa- (AV.) 'winnowing basket'; possibly apu-pá- m. 'cake', úla-pa- m. 'shrub', kuna-pa- (AV.) n. 'corpse'. -ma : action and agent. 164. This suffix forms a considerable number of action nouns (almost exclusively masculine) as well as agent nouns, both adjectives and substantives.. Only a single neuter and one or two feminine substantives occur. The suffix is accented more than twice as often as the root. The vowel y always takes. Guna in the radical syllable; on the other hand, initial or medial i and u never take Guņa; when final they only do so if the root is accented. Several of these derivatives in -ma appear beside others in -man; some at least are transfers from the latter; thus dhár-man- 'ordinance' alone is found in the RV., while dhár-ma- appears beside it in the later Samhitas. I. Accented on the suffix: adjectives: e. g. jih-má- 'oblique', tig-má- 'sharp', das-má-'wondrous', bhi-má- 'terrible', sag-má- mighty'; with reduplication, ¹ In sarva-jyāni- (AV.) 'complete loss of property'. 2 Beside ghr-ná- m. and ghr-na- f. 3 This suffix is in several words preceded by a-, much in the same way as -ti; but as -ani has assumed a more independent character it is treated above (122) as a separate suffix. 4 With irregular accent. 5 Perhaps originally an adjective *vis-nú-, with shift of accent on becoming a Proper Name. But cp. p. 85, note ¹. 6 The origin of the cerebral here is obscure. 7 Also nabh-ani- f. 8 The Proper Name kyś-ánu- is perhaps similarly formed, but with long -ā-. 9 Cp. LINDNER p. 69; LIDEN, IF. 18, 496. 10 Probably from a root stu- 'drip'; see WHITNEY, Roots. 11 yupa- m. 'sacrificial post' is probably derived from yup- 'obstruct'. 128 I. Allgemeines UND Sprache. Vedic Grammar.

tutu-md- 'powerful'; substantives: m. aj-md- 'course', idh-md- 'fuel', ghar-md- ■'heat', //ar-»«a- 'breaker', (//Jz7-«ii- 'smoke', fiar-md-{YS.) 'jest', ruk-md-' oxnaxaexit', hi-ind- 'cold'.

2. Accented on the root: substantives: m. e. g. fl-ma- 'friend' {av- ■'favour'), e-ma- (VS.) 'course', dhdr-ma- (AV. VS. TS.) 'ordinance', bha-ma- ■'brightness', sdr-ma- 'flow', so-ma- 'Soma' ( ]/^«,;-), stS-ma- 'praise' ( J^.f/«-), hS-ma- 'offering'; f. hl-ma- 'winter'; n. bil-ma- 'chip'.

a. The suffix seems to be added once with connecting -a- (which really belongs to a present stem) in the f. sar-d-md- 'the fleet one', N. of a goddess.

-man : action and agent. 165. This suffix forms a large number of derivatives', which are almost exclusively action nouns. The great majority of these are neuters accented on the root, but there are also a good many masculines accented on the suffix. Besides these occur a few agent nouns, mostly accented on the suffix, both adjectives and masculine substantives, all of them, except brah-mdn- 'priest', of rare occm-rence. The same word in several instances varies in meaning according to the accent and gender^; e. g. dhdr-man- n. ordinance', m. dhar-mdn-^ 'ordainer'. The root in these derivatives usually takes Guna; in a few instances it has Vrddhi or lengthens a; sometimes it is weak. The suffix is often added with the connecting vowels -i- or -T-. The derivatives are occasionally compounded with prepositions, which are then nearly always accented.

1. Examples of action nouns are: n. dd-man- 'food', e'-man- 'course', Jidr-man- 'action', kars-man- 'goal', jdn-man- 'birth', tra-man- 'protection', dd-man- 'gift' {da- 'give') and 'bond' {da- 'tie'), nd-man- 'name', pdt-man- 'flight', ■brdh-man- 'devotion', bhdr-man- 'table', bhii-man- 'world', vdk-man- 'invocation', vdrt-man- 'course', ves-man- 'dwelling', sdk-man- 'power', ids-man- 'praise', sdk-man- 'power', ho-man- 'sacrifice' {yhu-) and 'invocation' {Y hu-); with connecting -/-: jdn-i-man- 'birth', vdr-i-man- 'expanse' (beside var-i-mdn- m.); with connecting-/"-: (fi2>-r-/«««- 'destruction', dMr-T-man-'ordma.nce',/dr-t-fnan-i ■'abundance', bhdr-i-man- 'maintenance', vdr-i-man- 'expanse', sdr-T-man- 'course', sdv-T-man- 'impulse'*, hdv-i-man- 'invocation'. — m. us-mdn- (AV. VS.) 'heat', -o-mdn- 'favour', je-mdn- (VS. TS.) 'superiority', dragh-mdn- (VS.) 'length' (beside dragh-i-mdn-), pap-mdn- (AV.) 'wickedness', bhu-mdti- 'abundance', vid-mdn- 'knowledge', svad-mdn- 'sweetness', he-mdn- 'impulse'; with connecting -/-:

jar-i-mdn- 'old age', prath-i-mdn- 'breath', mah-i-mdn- 'greatness', var-i-mdn-, .vars-i-mdn- (VS.) 'height' (beside vdrs-man- and vars-mdn-), har-i-mdn- 'yellowness'.

2. Agent nouns accented on the suffix are: dar-yndn- 'breaker' jia-mdn- 'giver', dhar-mdn- 'supporter', brah-mdn- 'one who prays', bhuj-mdn- 'fertile', vad-mdn- 'speaker', sad-mdn- 'sitter', so-mdn- 'Somapresser'; accented on the root: ds-man- 'stone', o-man- 'friend', je-man- 'superior', bhds-man- 'chewing'5.

a. The following words are according to difference of accent neuter action nouns or masculine agent nouns da-man- 'gift' and da-man- 'giver'; dhar-inan- 'ordinance' and -dhar-man- 'ordainer'; brdh-man- 'worship' and brah-mdn- 'priest'; sad-man- 'seat' and sad-man- 'sitter'.

1 Forlists of these see GRASSMANN.Worter- I 4 Also j-/c?-J-»ia«- 'spreading' used in the buch 1730 f.; Lindner p. 91 — 93. loc. as an infinitive.

2 Somewhat in the same way as the i 5 In a compound also s^ adu-ks dd-man- -derivatives in -as (126). i 'having sweet food'.

3 Also with anomalous -e-:pár-e-man-(SV1.). IV. Nominal Stem Formation. Primary Nominal Derivation.

129

b. In a few words diflference of gender and accent is not accompanied by difference of meaning: vdrs-man- n. and vars-man- m. both mean 'height'; sv&d-man- n. and svad- mdn- m. 'sweetness'; vdr-i-man- n. and var-i-man- m. 'expanse'.

c. In a few instances difference of accent is accompanied by a reversal of the usual distinction of meaning: 7V-OTa?2- 'victorious', y.?-;»fl«- (VS. TS.) 'superiority'; 6-man- m. 'friend', o-mdn- m. 'favour'.

d. A few derivatives in -man both action and agent nouns are compounded with prepositions: vi-ga-man- n. 'step', prd-bhar-man- n. 'presentation', prd-ya-man- n. 'de- parture', vi-dhar-man- m. 'maintainer', vi-pai-man-'^ 'flying through', dnu-v art-man- (AV.) 'following after', vi-sar-mdn-^ m. 'flowing asunder'.

-mdna : agent.

166. This suffix is used to form the present^, future, and aorist middle participle and the present passive participle*. It is always preceded by a except in the anomalous perfect participle sasr-mand- (= sasr-and-) 'speeding'.

-mi and -ml: action and agent.

167. The suffix -mi is used to form a few adjectives and masculine substantives; it also forms (generally in the form of -mt) a few feminine substantives with a concrete meaning: ur-mi- m. 'wave' {Vvr-^, -kur-mi- 'action' in tuvi-kur-mi- 'working mightily', j'a-mi- 'related', 'kinsman'; bhri-mi- and bhfi-mT- f. 'earth', laks-mi- f. 'sign', sur-mi- f. 'tube'; probably also ras-mi- m. 'ray' and the adj. krudh-mi-^ (RV'.) 'irascible'.

-min : agent.

168. A few adjectives have the appearance of being formed with a suffix -viin. They are is-min- 'impetuous', bha-min- 'shining', ius-min- 'roaring'. They may, however, be explained as secondary derivatives made with the suffix -in, like dhum-in- from dhumd- 'smoke'.

-ya : gerundive.

169. This suffix is used to form a large number of future participles passive^. It probably has a primary character in other derivatives besides these; but it is so difficult to distinguish them from those which are secondary, that it is preferable to treat all but gerundives under secondary -ya (228).

-yu : action and agent.

170. This suffix forms a few action and agent nouns. The root remains unchanged, while the accent varies. Action nouns are: man-yu- m. 'anger', mrt-yu- m. 'death'. Agent nouns are: dds-yu- m. 'enemy', druh-yu-, N. of a man ('hostile'), sim-yu- 'enemy'; bhuj-yi'i- both adj. 'wealthy' and m. as N. of a man. Adjectives only are: ydj-yu- 'pious', hindh-yu- 'pure', sdh-yu- 'strong'.

-ra : agent.

171. A large number of derivatives are formed with this suffix?, which is usually accented, the root consequently almost always appearing with a weak vowel. These words are mostly adjectives, but a few substantives occur in all genders. The suffix is frequently added with the connecting vowels -a-, -i-, -T-, -u-.

1 Or as a Bahuvrlhi 'having the flight of a bird' (ot-).

2 With unusual accent on the suffix in- stead of on the preposition.

3 In the a-conjugation.

4 See below under those tenses, 427, 435, 442, 447; 512, 538; and cp. Delbruck, Verbum 226; Lindner 72.

Indo-arische Fhilologie. I. *.

5 The only form occurring krudhmi, N. pi. n. might, however, come from krudh- min-.

6 See below. Future participles passive, 578; cp. Delbruck, Verbum 230; Lindner 76, p. 96—99-

7 See Lindner 78, p. 100—102; Whitney 1 188.

9 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. I. Of derivatives accented on the suffix there are more than 60 adjectives; e. g. ak-rá- 'swift', ug-rá- 'mighty', cit-rá- ‘bright', tu-rá- 'strong', mū-rá- 'stupid', sak-rá- 'mighty', suk-rá- 'bright', hims-rá- ‘injurious', Sub- stantives are: m. us-rá- 'bull', kṣu-rá- 'razor', mrdh-rá- 'foe', rud-rá-, N. of a god, vam-rá- ‘ant', vī-rá-'man', sūd-rá- ‘man of the fourth caste'; n. abh-rá- 'cloud', kṛcch-rá- 'distress', krū-rá- (AV. VS.) ‘wound', kṣī-rá- ‘milk', khid-rá- 'weight', rip-rá- 'defilement', si-rá- plough'; f. hi-rā- (AV. VS.) 'vein'. 130 a. With connecting vowel -a-: drav-a-rá- 'running', pat-a-rá- 'flying', ny-oc-a-rá- (AV.) 'suiting'¹; n. gambh-a-rá- 'depth', tas-a-rá- 'shuttle'²; with i: aj-i-rá- 'swift', iş-i-rá- 'lively', dhvas-i-rá- 'stirring up', badh-i-rá- 'deaf', mad- i-rá- 'pleasing', rudh-i-rá- (AV.) 'red', sphi-rá- ‘fat'; m. khad-i-rá-, a kind of tree; n. sar-i-rá- (VS.) 'wave'; with 7: gabh-i-rá- and gambh-i-rá- 'deep'; with u: amh-u-rá- 'narrow', vith-u-rá- 'tottering'. 2. Of stems accented on the root the only adjectives are: gidh-ra- 'greedy', tum-ra- 'stout', dhi-ra- 'wise', vip-ra- 'inspired'; substantives are: m. áj-ra- 'field', ind-ra-, N. of a god, váj-ra- 'thunderbolt', várdh-ra- (AV.) 'girth', sú-ra- 'hero'; n. ág-ra- 'point', n. ág-ra- 'point', rándh-ra- 'hollow', svábh-ra- 'pit'; f. dha-ra- 'stream', sip-ra- jaw', sú-ra- 'intoxicating liquor'. a. With connecting vowel -i-: stháv-i-ra- ‘firm'; m. áng-i-ra-, N. of a seer, ás-i-ra- 'missile'; with --: sáv-i-ra- 'mighty'; n. sár-i-ra- 'body'; with u: m. ás-u-ra- 'spirit', bák-u-ra- ‘trumpet'. a. A few of these derivatives are compounded with prepositions: ni-ci-rá-'attentive', ni-mrg-ra- 'attached'; m. a-kha-rá- 'lair', sam-ud-rá- 'sea'. -ri: agent. 172. This suffix forms adjectives as well as m. and f. substantives. It is sometimes added with connecting -u-. The root is more frequently accented than the suffix. I. Adjectives are: bhú-ri- 'abundant', vádh-ri- ‘emasculated', subh-ri- 'beautiful'; with connecting -u-: jás-u-ri- ‘exhausted, dás-u-ri- ‘pious', sáh-u-ri- 'mighty'. 2. Substantives are: m. ángh-ri- (VS.) 'foot', jī-ri- 'flowing water', sū-ri- 'patron'; f. ábh-ri- (AV. VS.) 'hoe', ás-ri- ‘edge', ús-ri- 'dawn', vánk-ri- 'rib'; with connecting -u-: ang-ú-ri- 'finger'; -rī occurs in tand-ri- (AV.) 'weariness'. -ru : agent. 173. This rare suffix forms adjectives and a very few neuter substantives. It is added either directly to the root or with a preceding -a-, -a-, or -e-.. Either the root or the suffix may be accented. I. Adjectives are: cá-ru- 'dear', dha-ri- (AV.) 'sucking', pé-ru- 'causing to swell' (pī-), bhī-rú- ‘timid'; ar-á-ru- 'hostile', pat-á-ru- 'flying'; jáb-ā-ru-3 (RV¹.) 'speeding', piy-a-ru- 'reviling', vand-a-ru- 'praising', sar-a-ru- 'injurious'; mad-e-rú- intoxicating', san-é-ru-4 'obtaining'. 2. Substantives are: n. ás-ru- 'tear', śmás-ru- 'beard'. -la : agent. 174. This rare suffix, a later form of -ra, is equivalent in sense and use to the latter, sometimes also interchanging with it. It forms adjectives and a bharvará (of doubtful meaning) is probably a secondary formation, and vasará- 'matutinal' seems to be derived from vasar- 'morning'. 2 Also -7kşará "thorn' m. in an-rkşará- thornless'. 3 Perhaps for *jáv-ā-ru- from jū- 'speed'. 4 The suffix is secondary in mitré-ru- ally'. IV. Nominal Stem Formation. Primary Nominal Derivation. 131

few masculine and neuter substantives. The radical syllable is accented in two or three substantives only. The suffix is added either directly to the root or with the connecting vowels -a-, -i-, -u-.

Derivatives thus formed are: -pa-Id- (VS.) m. 'guardian' in aja-pald- (VS.) 'goat-herd', suk-ld- (AV.) n. 'white colour' (beside suk-rd- 'white'), sthu-ld- (AV.) 'thick' (beside sthu-rd-); with connecting -a-: trp-d-la- 'joyous', bhrm- a-ld- (AV.) 'torpid', mus-a-la- (AV.) m. 'pestle', sab-d-la- 'mottled', sdm-a-la- (AV.) n. 'defilement'; with -/-: dn-i-la- m. 'wind', trd-i-ld- 'porous', sal-i-ld- 'surging' (beside sar-i-rd- VS. 'flood'); with -u-: tan4-u-ld- (AV.) m. 'grain', iak-u-ld- (AV. VS.) m., a kind of fish.

-//' and -lu : agent.

175. The suffix -// occurs only once as the equivalent of -ri in ang-u-li- (VS^.) f. 'finger' (beside ang-u-ri-). Similarly -lu occurs only once as the equivalent of -ru in pataya-lu- (AV.) 'flying', formed from the conjugation stem patdya- (from pat- 'fly').

-va : agent.

176. This suffix forms about 20 adjectives and seven or eight substantives, mostly mascuhnes with a concrete meaning. With one or two exceptions it is added directly to the root. The accent is rather oftener on the suffix than on the radical syllable. The root hardly ever appears in a strengthened form.

1. Accented on the suffix are the adjectives: Urdh-vd- 'upright', rk-vd- 'praising', rs-vd- 'lofty', tak-vd- 'swift', dhru-vd- 'fixed', pak-vd- 'ripe', mal-vd- (AV.) 'foolish', yah-vd- 'swift', ran-vd- 'joyful', vis-vd-'^ 'all', sik-vd- (AV.) 'deft', sya-vd- 'dark brown', hras-vd- (VS.) 'short'; the substantives: m. Ur-vd- 'stair, sar-vd- (AV. VS.), N. of a god, sru-vd- 'ladle'; f. prus-va- (AV.) 'rime'; vidh-d-va-'^ 'widow'.

2. Accented on the root are: fbh-va- 'skilful', S-va- 'quick', m. 'course', pi-va- 'fat', pur-va- 'preceding', vdk-va- 'twisting', vis-va- 'all', sdr-va- 'all'; m. ds-va- 'horse', khdl-va- (AV. VS.), a kind of grain, srdk-va- 'corner of the mouth'; f. dm-i-va- 'disease' 3.

a. A few such derivatives occur only compounded with prefixes: d-khar-va- 'not shortened', ati-fadva- (VS.) 'too bald', vi-bha-va- 'brilliant'.

-van : agent.

177. This suffix is used almost exclusively to form agent nouns +j both adjectives and substantives, which are mostly masculine, but sometimes neuter. Though the root is regularly accenteds, it almost invariably appears in its unstrengthened form. If it ends in a short vowel -t- is added before the suffix. The feminine of these words is regularly formed with -vari (179 a).

Examples of adjectives are: /^,^-&a«- 'praising', kr-t-van- 'axiXiwe', druh-van- 'injurious', pdt-van- 'flying', pi-van- 'fat'^ ydj-van- 'sacrificing', rd-van- (VS.)

1 Cp. Brugmann, Grundriss 2, p. 126.

2 Cp. Roth, KZ. 19, 223; Brugmann, Grundriss 2, p. 126.

3 Also n. ulba- 'caul' if this stands for

ulva- from vr- 'cover'.

4 The only action nouns are the few which in the active are employed as infini- tives; cp. Whitney 1169 e.

5 The only exceptions are two words formed with the connecting vowel -i-, mus- i-van- 'robber', san-i-t<ian- 'bestower', and two others from the reduplicated root, r&ra-van- 'liberal', cikit-van- 'wise'. 132

I. Allgemeines und Sprache. 4. Vedic Grammar.

'bestowing', sdk-van- (VS.) 'able', su-t-van- 'pressing Soma'; substantives: m. ddh-van- 'road', dr-van- 'steed', grd-van- 'stone'; n. tug-van- 'ford', dkdn- van- 'bow' and 'desert', par-van- 'joint', snd-van-^ (AV. VS.) 'sinew'.

a. Several derivatives with -van are compounded with prepositions; thus ati-skdd- van- (VS.) 'transgressing', upa-hds-van- 'mocking', vi-vds-van- 'shining forth', vi-mfg-van- (AV.) 'cleansing', sam-bhf-t-van- (AV.) 'accumulating' 2.

-vana, -vani, -vanu : agent.

178. These rare suffixes are doubtless secondary forms of -van. They are all three accented: -vana and -vanu on the final, -vani on the first syllable. With -vana axe formed: vag-vand- 'talkative', sat-vand-, m. 'warrior' (beside sdt-van-), and from the reduplicated root suiuk-vand- 'shining' ( Ysuc^. The suffix -vani seems to be preferred for derivatives from the reduplicated root; thus besides tur-vdni- 'overcoming', bhur-vdni- 'restless', occur jujur- vdni- 'praising', tutur-vdni- 'desiring to gain', dadhrs-vdni- 'daring', susuk-vdni- 'shining' {Y^uc-); the obscure word arharisvdni- 'exultant' seems to be derived with this suffix from an irregularly reduplicated form of hrs- 'be excited'. With -vanu is formed only vag-vam'c- m. 'noise'.

-vara, -vala : action and agent.

179. This suffix makes a few masculine nouns (f -i) chiefly accented on the final syllable of the suffix, and a very few neuter substantives accented on the root. The masculines are: i-t-vard- 'going', is-vard- (AV.) 'able', phdr-vara- 'sower', vyadh-vard- (AV.) 'piercing'^ {Yvyadh-^. Neuter sub- stantives are: kdr-vara- 'deed', gdh-vara- (AV.) 'thicket'. There are also two feminines which have the appearance of being derived with this suffix, ur-vdra- 'field' and ur-vdri- (AV.) 'filament', but their origin is uncertain. This suffix appears with / instead of r in vid-vald- 'cunning'.

a. The f. of this suffix, -van , is used as the f. of adjectives in -van, with which it corresponds in accent and treatment of the radical syllable. There are about 25 of these feminines in the RV. ; c. g. ydj-van- 'pious', sf-i-varl- 'speeding' 4.

-vas : action and agent.

180. This very rare suffix forms only the neuter subtantive vdr-i-vas- 'wide space' (beside vdr-i-man-) and the adjectives fbh-vas- 'skilful' (beside fbk-va- and fbh-van-) and sik-vas- 'skilful' (beside slk-van-). The vocative kkid-vas (vi. 22+) 'oppressing' is probably from a perfect participle khid- vSms-^ formed without reduplication, not from a stem khid-vas-.

-vams : agent.

181. This suffix is used to form a large number of perfect participles active, being added with or without the connecting vowel -/-; e. g. cakr-vams- 'having done', fy-i-vatns- 'having gone'; sometimes without reduplication; e. g. vid-vdms- 'knowing'^- This suffix, which is always accented, is in the weak cases reduced to -us- before vowels 7.

1 On two or three doubtful derivatives with this suffix see Whitney 1169 b.

2 Several others are compounded with nouns; see Lindner p. 107.

3 According to the Pada text vi- adhvard:

4 See Whitney 1171 b; for such femi-

nines occurring in the AV. see his Index Verborum 375.

5 Cp. pw.; in BR. the stem is given as khid-Tian-. According to WHITNEY 1173 b, it is derived from khad-.

6 For the forms occurring see below 492.

7 See Declension, -vams stems, 347. IV. NOMINAL STEM FORMATION. PRIMARY NOMINAL DERIVATION. 133 -vi : agent. 182. This rare suffix is used to form some half dozen adjectives and one f. substantive, partly from the simple root (which is accented), partly from the reduplicated root (of which the reduplicative syllable is accented). The adjectives are: ghis-vi- 'lively', jír-vi-¹ (AV.) 'aged', dhrú-vi- 'firm'; jágr-vi- 'watchful', dá-dhr-vi- 'sustaining', di-di-vi- 'shining 2; f. dár-vi-3 'ladle'. -vit: agent. 183. This suffix, which is perhaps an extension of -vi with -t, occurs in the single form cikit-vit (RV¹.) 'deliberately'. -sa: agent. 184. This suffix is used to form about two dozen adjectives and substan- tives of all genders. It is added to the root with or without the connecting vowels -- or --. The accent is sometimes on the suffix, sometimes on the root, which is usually unstrengthened. Many of these derivatives are of obscure origin. The suffix is added direct in: gŕt-sa- 'adroit', -dk-sa-4 (VS.), prk-șá- 'dappled' (Vprc-); út-sa- m. 'fountain', kit-sa-, N. of a man, ghram-sá- m. 'sun's heat', drap-sá- m. 'drop', ruk-sá- m. 'tree'; bhi-sá-5 f. 'fear'. a. The suffix is added with a connecting vowel (-i-, --) in: tav-i-şá-6 'strong', bhar-i-sá- ‘rapacious', mah-i-șá- 'mighty'¹; rj-i-sá- ‘rushing', ṛbí-sa-³ n. 'chasm', púr-i-sa- n. 'rubbish'; man-i-șá- f. 'devotion'; ar-u-sá-9 'red', aś-úș-a- 'voracious', tár-u-sa- m. 'overcomer', púr-u-sa- m. 'man', mán-u-sa- 'man'; ang-u-sá- m. 'hymn', piy-u-sa- n. 'biestings'. -sani : agent. 185. This suffix is found only in the derivatives car-şani- 'active', f. pl. 'people', and par-sáni- 'carrying across' (pr- 'cross'). 186. This suffix appears perhaps in sap-sará- (1. 168⁹) homage'. -sara: agent. only in mat-sará- 'intoxicating' (Vmad-) and inspiring awe' (?) if derived from sap 'do -sas : action. 187. This suffix seems to be contained in váp-sas- (RV¹.) 'beauty' (?) ¹⁰, and possibly in tár-u-sas- (RV.) 'superior' (Vtr-). -sna : agent. 188. This suffix (perhaps syncopated for -sana) forms some half dozen adjectives and m. or n. substantives: tīk-sná- 'sharp' (√tij), de-sná-¹¹ n. 'gift' ¹ From jr-'age'; see WHITNEY's note on AV. XIV. 121, The RV. has jív-ri-. 2 The derivation of pra-pharví (RV¹.) is uncertain. 3 In VS. dárvi- in the vocative darvi. 4 In i-dk-sa- (VS.) 'looking like this' 'such' (from dr- 'see'). 5 Only in the I. s. bhișa which is a con- traction for bhiyasā. 6 The f. is távişi-. 7 The f. is máhiși-. 8 The absence of cerebralization in the s, together with the b, makes the origin of this word quite uncertain; it is most probably borrowed. 9 The f. is áruşī-. 1o This is Sāyaṇa's interpretation of the word. 11 Generally to be read trisyllabically as da-işná-. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. (dā- 'give'), ślak-sná- (AV.) *smooth'; with connecting -a-: kar-á-sna- m. ‘fore- arm', mát-a-sna-, n. ‘lung', vadh-a-sná- n. ‘deadly weapon'. 134 -snu : agent. 189. This suffix, which is always accented, forms adjectives, being added with or without a connecting vowel to the simple root, or more usually with connecting to the causative stem. I. From the simple root: ji-snú- 'victorious', dank-ṣṇú- (VS.) ‘biting' (√ dams-), ni-șat-snú- 'sitting down'; vadh-a-snú- ‘murderous', vṛdh-a-snú- ‘joyous'; car-i-snú- 'wandering', á-mavisnu-¹ (x. 94¹¹) 'immovable (Vmu- = mīv-). 2. From the causative stem: tapay-i-snú- tormenting', namay-iṣṇú- 'bending', patay-i-snú- 'flying', paray-i-snú- 'saving', posay-i-snú- (AV.) 'causing to thrive', maday-i-snú- 'intoxicating', abhi-socay-i-ṣṇu- (AV.) ‘causing torments'. II. Secondary Nominal Derivation. LINDNER, Altindische Nominalbildung p. 114-52. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar P. 454-80. 190. Secondary nominal stems are those derived from stems already ending in a suffix. They, however, include derivatives from pronominal roots, as i-tara- 'other', and exceptionally from indeclinable words or case-forms, as antár-vant- 'pregnant' (antár 'within'), máma-ka- 'belonging to me' (máma 'of me)'. The stem to which secondary suffixes are added is subject to certain changes. Thus final -a and -i vowels are regularly dropped before suffixes beginning with a vowel or y, while final - generally takes Guna; thus aśv-in- 'possessing horses' (áśva-), khad-in- 'adorned with rings' (khādi-), vāyav-yà- 'relating to the wind' (vāyú-). Again, the n or the a of stems ending in -an is occasionally lost, e. g. vṛṣa-tvá- 'manly power', výsn-ya- 'manly' (but vŕsan-vant 'drawn by stallions'); while stems in -ant regularly appear in the weak form of -at, e. g. váivasvat-a- 'son of Vivásvant. The commonest change is, however, the strengthening of the initial syllable with Vṛddhi², e. g. amitrá- 'hostile' (a-mitra- 'enemy'), párthiv-a- 'relating to the earth' (prthivi-), maitrāvaruņá- ‘derived from Mitrá-váruna', sáubhaga- 'luck' (su- bhága- 'lucky'). As regards meaning, the great majority of secondary suffixes form adjectives with the general sense of 'relating to' or 'connected with'. In several, however, the meaning has become specific. Thus the suffixes -ayana, -i, -eya, form patronymics or metronymics; -in, -mant, -vant express possession; -tama and -tara imply degrees of comparison; -ta and -tva form abstract substantives. The masculines and feminines of adjectives are frequently used as appellatives, while the neuter is commonly employed as a substantive expressing the attributive sense of the adjective as an abstraction. a. The secondary suffixes are in their alphabetical order the following: -a, -ā, -ānī, āyana, āyī, āyya, -i, -in, -ima, -iya, -i, -ina, -īya, -enī, -enya, -eya, -eyya, -ka, -ta, -tana and -tna, -tama, -taya, -tara, -tavya, -tā, -tāt, -tāti, -tya, -tva, -tvata, -tvana, -tha, -na, -ni, -bha, -ma, mant, -maya, -min, -mna, -ya, -yin, -ra, -la, -va, vat, -van, -vant, -vaya, -vala, -vin, -vya, -sa. 1 Thus derived in pw.; in BR. emended | hand, extremely rare in secondary derivation, to á-marişnu- 'immortal'; in GRASSMANN ex- as devá-'divine' (div- ‘heaven'), dróna-‘wooden plained as áma-vişnu- mit Ungestüm an- vessel' (drú- 'wood'), bhesaj-á- 'medicine' dringend'. (bhişáj- 'healing'); cp. 191 a a. 2 Strengthening with Guna is, on the other IV. Nominal Stem Formation. Secondary Nominal Derivation. 135

19 r. With the suffix -a is formed a very large number of derivatives which are primarily adjectives expressing the sense of relation to or connexion with the primitive word; in the m. and f. they are, however, often used as appellatives, and in the neuter as abstracts. The first syllable of the primitive word, whether it is simple or compound is in the great majority of instances strengthened with Vrddhi; e. g. mdrut-a- 'relating to the Maruts' (marut-), mdghon-a-^ n. 'bountifulness' {maghdvan- 'bountiful') ', dasarajn-d- "battle of the ten kings' (daśa-rājan-)<r2>; jaitr-a- 'victorious' (jé-tṛ- 'conqueror'), tvastr-d- 'belonging to Tvastr'; manav-d- 'belonging to man' {mdnu-), tinv-a-^ 'belonging to the body' (tanu-); sarasvat-d- 'coming from the Sarasvati', aindragn-d- (AV.^ VS. TS.) 'belonging to Indra and Agni' {indragni); yamun-d- (AV.) 'coming from the Yamunā'; vddhryasv-a-<r4> 'descended from Vadhryaśvá, vaisvadev-d- (AV. VS.) 'sacred to all the gods' (vihd-deva-).

a. A comparatively small number of derivatives add the suffix without taking Vrddhi. These are probably to a considerable extent due to transfers from other declensions to the a-declension. Such are tamas-d- (AV.) 'dark- coloured', parus-d- 'knotty' {pdrus- 'knot'), hemant-d- 'winter'; dpak-a- 'distant' (dpanc- 'behind'); hotr-d- 'office of priest' {fwtr-); sakhy-d- 'friendship' isdkhi- 'friend').

a. With Guna are formed tray-d- 'threefold' {in- 'three'), dvay-d- 'twofold' {dvi- 'two'), nav-a- 'new' {nit- 'now'); dev-d- 'divine' {div- 'heaven'), bhesaj-d- 'medicine' {bhisdj- 'healer').

192. The suffix -a is used in a very large number of stems to form the feminine of adjectives which in the masculine and neuter end in -a. Thus ndv-a- {., ndva- m. n. 'new'; priy-d- f., priyd- m. n. 'dear'; gat-d- £, gatd- m. n. 'gone'.

193. The suffix -a/7/" 5 is used to form the feminine from stems in -a, designating the wife of the corresponding male being, or expressing a feminine personification: arany-ani- 'Forest Nymph' {dranya- 'forest'), indr-ani- 'wife of Indra', unndr-ani- 'Queen of the Usinaras', urj-dm- 'Strength' (personified), purukuts-ani- 'wife of Purukutsa', mudgal-dm- 'wife of Mudgala', varun-ani- 'Varuna's wife'.

194. The suffix -ayana- forms a few patronymics with Vrddhi in the first syllable: anty-Syand- (NSi.TS.) 'descendant of Antya', amusy-ayand- {AN.) 'descendant of so and so' {amusya- gen. of adds), kanv-ayana- 'descendant of Kanva', ddks-ayand- (VS. AV.) 'descendant of Daksa'; also the f. ram- ayani- (AV.) 'daughter of the Black One' {ramd-). The derivative uksaft- Ayana-, N. of a man, being formed without Vrddhi is perhaps not meant for a patronjTnic.

195. The suffix -ayT occurs perhaps only twice, forming the feminine from two masculine stems in -i and designating the wife of the corresponding male : agn-ayi- 'wife of Agni' and vrsakap-ayi- (only voc.) 'wife of Vrsakapi'.

196. The suffix -ayya forms gerundives*; e. g. srav-dyya- 'glorious' (Jru- 'hear'). There are also a few other derivatives similarly formed, which are used as ordinary adjectives or as neuter abstracts; thus nr-pdyya- 'guarding

-a is added to stems in -a as to others (the finalvowel of the primitive disappearing before it) and not that derivation by Vrddhi alone takes place here; cp. Whitney 1208 i. 5 Cp. Leumann, KZ. 32, 294. ff.

1 Formed from the weakest stem maghon-.

2 With syncope of the vowel of the suffix.

3 Without Guna of the ii; similar ex- ceptions in parsv-d- 'side' (pdrsu- 'rib'),

paidv-d- 'belonging to Pedu', madhv-a- 'full

of sweetness' {mddhu-), yadv-a- 'belonging 6 These are probably formed from dative to Yadu'. I infinilives in -ai + -ya; cp. Brugmann, Grund-

t It is natural to suppose that the suffix | riss 2, p. 1422 ; cp. also IF. 12, 2. 4 136 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. men', bahu-páyya- 'protecting many'; pūrva-páyya- 'first drink', mahay-áyya- 'enjoyment', kunda-páyya- and puru-máyya- as Proper Names; also formed from nouns, ras-áyya- 'tasteful' (rása- 'sap') and uttam-áyya- n. 'summit' (uttamá- 'highest') ¹. 197. The suffix - forms a few patronymics from nouns in -a with Vrddhi in the initial syllable: agnives-i- 'descendant of Agniveśa’, páurukuts-i- 'son of Purukutsa', prátardan-i- 'descendant of Pratardana', práhrad-i- (AV.) 'son of Prahrada, sámvaran-i- 'descendant of Samvarana'. Similarly formed, but with the sense of an ordinary substantive, is sárath-i- 'charioteer' (from sa-rátha-m 'on the same chariot'). Two other words add a secondary -i without Vṛddhi or patronymic sense: tápus-i- 'burning' and sucant-i-, N. of a man (seemingly an extension of the participle suc-ánt- 'shining') 198. Hundreds of adjectives are formed with the suffix -in from stems in -a, but very rarely from stems with any other final; e. g. ark-in- 'praising' (arká- 'praise'), manis-in- 'wise' (manī-șá- 'wisdom'), arc-in- 'radiant' (arcí- 'beam'), śatagv-in- 'consisting of hundreds' (*sata-gva-), varm-in- 'clad in armour' (várman-), śvan-in- (VS.) 'keeping dogs' (sván-). With loss of final -as: ret-in- 'abounding in seed' (rétas-) and perhaps in the Proper Name varc-in- (várc-as- 'power'); with loss of -ya: hiran-in- 'adorned with gold' (hiran-ya-). 199. The suffix -ima is very rare, being employed to form adjectives from the stems in tra and from one in -ra: krtr-ima- 'artificial', khanítr-ima- 'made by digging', putr-ima- (AV.) 'purified'; agrimá- 'foremost' (ág-ra- 'front'). 200. The suffix -iya is employed to form some 20 adjectives (from stems in -a). It is only a modified form of ya which is added for facility of pronunciation after two or more consonants, the last of which is generally r, rarely n, m or v; e. g. abhr-iyá- 'derived from the clouds' (abhrá-), samudr- iya- belonging to the sea' (samudrá)-, indr-iyá- belonging to Indra'; krsn-iyá-, N. of a man (krsná- 'black'); rgm-iya 'praiseworthy'; aśv-iyá- ‘con- sisting of horses', 'troop'. 201. The suffix - is employed in a very large number of derivatives to form the feminine of masculine stems; often from stems in -a²; e. g. árus-i- 'ruddy' (arusá-), dev-í- ‘goddess' (devá-); or in -u; e. g. prthv-í- 'broad' (prth-i-); or from stems formed with suffixes ending in consonants, as parti- ciples in -at or -ant, e. g. piprat-i- ,'protecting' (pr- ‘take across'), ad-at-i- 'eating' (ad-ánt-), mád-ant-i 'rejoicing' or in -váms-, e. g. jagm-is-i- 'having gone'; comparatives in -īyāms-, e. g. náv-iyas-i- 'new'; stems in -tar, e. g. avitr-í- 'protectress'; in -mant, e. g. dhenu-mát-i- 'abounding in nourishment'; in -vant, e. g. áma-vat-i- 'impetuous'; in -an, e. g. sóma-rājñ-- 'having Soma as king'; in -in, e. g. arkin-i- 'radiant'; in -añc, e. g. arvác-i- 'hitherward'; in compounds of -han 'slaying', e. g. a-pati-ghn-i- 'not killing a husband', of -drs- 'look', as su-disi- 'well-looking', and of -pád 'foot', as a-pád-ī- ‘footless'. 202. The suffix -ina forms more than a dozen adjectives from the weak stems of derivatives in -añc-, expressing direction without change of meaning; e. g. arväc-ina- and arvāc-iná- 'turned towards' (arvánc- 'hitherward'). It also forms six or seven adjectives from other words, expressing the general sense of relation; e. g. añjas-ina- 'straightforward' (añjasa- 'straight'), visvajan-ina- (AV.) 'containing all kinds of people'. I See WHITNEY 1218 a. formed with Vṛddhi in the initial syllable; 2 This is regularly the case in stems e. g. mánuş-a- 'human', f. mánuș-i-. IV. Nominal Stem Formation. Secondary Nominal Derivation. 137

203. The suffix -lya forms fewer than a dozen general adjectives, of which only two occur in the RV.; e. g. arjik-iya-, designation of a Soma vessel, grha-medh-iya- 'relating to the domestic sacrifice'; ahav-an-iya- (AV.) 'sacrificial fire', parvat-iya- (AV.) 'mountainous'. This suffix also appears in the three ordinals dvit-iya- 'second', trt-iya- 'third', tur-tya- 'fourth'.

204. The suffix -ena with Vrddhi of the initial syllable, occurs only once, forming a general adjective, in its feminine form samidh-eni- 'relating to fuel' {samtdk-).

205. The suffix -enya was doubtless originally formed by the addition of -ya to derivatives made with -na, but it nearly always has a primary value as forming gerundives; e.g. drs-inya- 'worthy to be seen'. It appears, however,^ also in the two ordinary adjectives kirt-enya- 'famous' {ktrti- 'fame') and vir-enya- 'manly' {vird- 'hero').

206. The suffix -e/ff, with Vrddhi of the initial syllable, is employed to form fewer than a dozen adjectives of a patronymic or metronymic value and some half dozen adjectives of a general character, the latter occasionally appearing in the neuter as abstract substantives; e. g. ars-eyd- 'descended from a seer' {fsi-), adit-eya- 'son of Aditi'; pdurus-eya- 'relating to man' (purusa-), mdun-eya- 'position of a sage' {muni-). Two words with this suffix are formed without initial Vrddhi, following the analogy of gerundives from roots ending in a like deya- 'to be given' {da- 'give'): didrks-eya- 'worth seeing' (as from didrk-sa- 'desire to see') and sabh-eya- 'fit for an assembly' {sabhd-).

207. The very rare suffix -eyya forms adjectives with a gerundive sense in sius-eyya-"- 'praise-worthy', and sapath-eyya- (AV.) 'worthy of cursing'. It also forms an ordinary adjective used as a neuter substantive, sahas-eyya- n. 'lying together' («- 'lie)'.

208. The suffix -ka was probably used originally to form adjectives expressive of connexion, but it has become so attenuated in meaning as often to be added to substantives or adjectives without changing the sense; while on the other hand it has become specialized as a suffix forming diminutives.

1. Examples of its significant use are: dnia-ka- 'making an end' {dnta-), rupa-ka- (AV.) 'having an assumed form' {rupd- 'form'); asmd-ka- 'our' {asmd- 'us'), mdma-ka- 'my' {mama 'of me'); dnti-ka- 'near' {dnti 'before').

2. The suffix appears without changing the meaning in e. g. dura-kd- 'distant' {dura- 'far'), vamra-kd- 'ant' {vamrd- 'ant'), sarva-kd- (AV.) 'all' {sdrva-), and in the fem. form of -ka in : avi-ka- 'ewe' {dvi- 'sheep'), isu-kd- (AV.) 'arrow' {hu-), dhenu-ka- (AV.) 'cow' {dhenu-). 3. The diminutive sense appears in e. g. arbha-kd- 'small', kumara-kd- 'little boy', pada-kd- 'little foot', putra-kd- 'little son'^. Sometimes a contemptuous meaning is conveyed at the same time, as in anya-kd- 'other' {anyd-), dla-ka-m 'in vain' {dla-m 'enough')^.

a. With Vrddhi in the first syllable is formed mama-kd-'- 'belonging to me' {mama); and with connecting -?-: vdrs-i-ka- (AV. VS.) 'belonging to the rains' {varsd-), vdsant-i-ka- 'belonging to the spring' {vasantd-), and in the fem. kairat-ikd- (AV.) 'relating to the Kiratas'.

209. The rare secondary suffix -ia has an ordinal sense in eka-td- (VS.)

1 This gerundive is probably based on the infinitive stiise 'to praise'; cp. Brugmann, Grundriss 2, p. 1422 (5).

2 The feminine of some of these diminu- tives is formed with -ika : iyatt-ikd- 'so

small', kumarika.- (AV.) 'little girl', kharv- ika- (AV.) 'mutilated', sakunt-ikd- 'little bird', iit-ikd- 'cool' (AV. Slid- 'cold').

3 Cp. Whitney 521.

4 Beside the more normal mdma-ka-. 138

I. Allgemeines und Sprache. 4. Vedic Grammar.

'First', dvi-td- 'Second', tri-td- 'Third' as Proper Names. It also appears in ava-td- 'well' and muhur-td- 'moment'.

210. With the suffix -tana and its syncopated form -tna are made, from adverbs or prepositions, a very few adjectives with a temporal sense: mi-tana- and na-tna- 'present' {nu 'now'), sana-tdna- (AV.) and sand-tna- (AV.) 'eternal' {sdna 'from of old'), pra-tnd- 'ancient' {prd 'before').

211. The suffix -tama has two uses. It is employed to form superlatives from nominal stems and from the preposition lid; &. g. puru-tdma- 'very many', mddhumat-tama- 'very sweet', rathi-tama-'^ 'best charioteer'; ut-tamd-' 'highest'. It is also used to form ordinals; e. g. sata-tamd- 'hundredth'.

212. With the suffix -iaya are formed only two adjectives from numerals in the sense of 'consisting of so many parts': cdtus-taya- {KM .) 'fourfold' and ddsa-taya- 'tenfold'.

213. The suffix -iara is regularly used to form comparatives from adjectives, substantives, or the preposition ud; e. g. tavds-tara- 'stronger', rathi-tara- 'better charioteer', vrtra-tdra- 'worse Vrtra'; ut-tara- 'higher'. It also forms the ordinary adjective diva-tara- (RV.) 'diurnal' (diva 'by day'), and a few substantives in which the meaning of the suffix is somewhat obscure: asva-tdra-^ (AV.) 'mule' (f. -i), vatsa-tard-^ 'weaned calf's (f. -/).

214. The suffix -iau-ya, probably originating from the predicative use of dative infinitives in -tav-e and beginning to be used in a gerundive sense, appears only twice in the AV. : jan-i-tav-ya- 'to be born' and hims-i-tav-ya- 'to be injured'.

215. The suffix -to. forms, from adjectives and substantives, some two dozen abstract nouns expressing the sense conveyed by the English suffixes -ness and -ship; e. g. bandhi'i-ta- 'relationship', vasu-ta- 'wealthiness'; ago-ta- 'lack of cattle', devd-ta- 'divinity', purusd-ta- 'human nature'; jand-ta- (AV.) has acquired the concrete sense of 'mankind' *. Exceptional formation appears in mamd-ta- 'selfishness' and tre-ta- 1 (VS. TS.) 'triad'. This suffix is probably contained in su-nf-ta-^ 'gladness' also.

a. The suffixes -tati and -tai are related to -ta and have the same sense. With the former are made about a dozen abstract substantives; e.g. a-ristd-tati- 'security', grbhitd-tati- 'the being seized', jyesthd-tati- 'superiority', devd'tati- 'divinity', vasu-tati- 'wealth', sarvd-tati- 'completeness'. The two substantives sdm-tati- 'good fortune' and satyd-tati- 'truth' also appear as adjectives meaning respectively 'beneficent' and 'truthful'. The suffix -tat, which seems to be an abbreviation of -tati and occurs only in the RV., is employed to form four or five abstract substantives: upard-tat- 'proximity', devd-tat- 'divine service', vrkd-tat- 'wolfishness', sarvd-tat- 'completeness'.

216. The suffix -tya forms some half dozen adjectives and sub- stantives from prepositions and adverbs. These are dpa-tya- n. 'offspring', amd-tya- 'companion' {ama 'at home'), Svis-tya- 'manifest' {avis 'openly'), nis-tya- 'foreign' {nis 'out'), sdnu-tya- 'secret' 9. This suffix is also added to

1 Also in the Proper Name gd-ta?na-.

2 The superlatives tuvi-s-tama- 'strongest' and surabhi'S-iania- 'most fragrant' insert a sibilant before the suffix.

3 Perhaps 'more (like a) horse' (than an assl.

I Probably 'more than a calf.

5 In ratham-tard-, designation of a kind of Saman, in which the case ending of the ace. remains, the second part is doubtless

the verbal -tara 'speeding' {t]'- 'cross'). karotard- 'filter' and kaulitard-, designation of Sambara, are probably formed vifith -a and Vrddhi.

6 Like 'humanity' in English.

7 Also in tret-in-l- (RV.) 'the threefold flame of three fires'.

8 Though it appears also as a neuter sii- nfta- 'gladness' and as an adjective 'joyful'.

9 Cp. sanu-tdr 'aside', I IV. Nominal Stem Formation. Secondary Nominal Derivation. 139

the substantive Up- 'water' to form the two adjectives ap-tyd- and ap-tyd- ' watery'.

217. With the suffix -tva are formed more than thirty abstract substan- tives with the same sense as those in -ta; e. g. amrta-tvd- 'immortahty', aham-uttara-tvd- (AV.) 'assertion of superiority', bhratr-tvd- 'brotherhood', maghavat-tvd- liberahty', raksas-tvd- 'sorcery'. The final syllable of the primitive is lengthened in an-agas-tvd- 'sinlessness'j while it is shortened in sadhani-tvd- ^ 'companionship'. Owing to the influence of the nominative, j is inserted before the suffix in su-praja-s-tvd- 'possession of many children' and with initial Vrddhi in saupraja-s-tvd-^ {KV^.) 'possession of good offspring'.

a. The two suffixes -ta and -tva, identical in meaning, are pleonastically combined in the form of -tva-ta.- in. the two derivatives isita-tvdta- 'excite- ment', and purusa-tvdta- 'human nature'.

218. The suffix -ivana, an extension of -tva with -na, appears in the formation of some eight neuter abstracts occurring almost exclusively in the RV. These are kavi-tvand- '•wisdoia', jani-tvand- 'state of a wife^ ; pati-tvand- 'matrimony', martya-tvand- 'the ways of man', mahi-tvand- 'greatness', vasu- tvand- 'wealth', vrsa-tvand- 'manliness', sakhi-tvand- 'friendship'. All of these except martya-tvand- have beside them the corresponding abstracts formed with -tva^,

219. The suffix -iha forms a few ordinals from cardinals, and adjectives from pronominal stems with a general numerical sense. Thus catur-thd (AV.) 'fourth', sas-thd- (AV. VS.) 'sixth', saptd-tha- 'seventh'; kaii-thd- 'the how manieth?'-

220. The rare secondary suffix -na appears in one adjective derived with initial Vrddhi from a substantive, strdi-na- 'feminine' {stri- 'woman), and in three adjectives derived firom adverbs without any internal change : pura-nd- 'ancient {puri 'before'), visu-na- 'various' i^visu- 'apart'), sama-nd- 'like' {samd- 'equal').

221. The suffix -tiT is used to form the feminine oi pdti- 'lord' and parus-d- 'knotty', as well as of several adjectives in -ta denoting colours. Thus pdt-nT- 'mistress', pdrus-ni-, as N. of a river. The suffix is substituted for -ta in e-ni- 'variegated' e-ta-), rohi-ni- 'red cow' {rohi-ta- 'red'), syS-ni- 'white cow' (Jye-td- 'white'), hdriin- 'fallow' {hdri-ta-). In a few such words -m is substituted for the final a, while k takes the place of the f-: dsik-ni- 'black' (dsi-ta-), pdlik-m- 'grey' {pali-td-), hdrik-ni- in the diminutive form hdrikn-ika- (AV.) 'yellowish' {hdri-ta- 'fallow').

222. The suffix -bha forms half a dozen derivatives, all names of animals except one adjective S: rsa-bhd- and vrsa-bhd- 'bull', garda-bhd- and rssa-bha-^ 'ass', sara-bhd- (AV. VS.) 'fabulous eightlegged animal'. The one adjective is sthula-bhd- {KSl'^^ beside sthuld- 'big'.

223. The suffix -ma forms some eight superlatives, partly from prepo- sitions, and the ordinals from the cardinals for 'five' and 'seven', 'eight', 'nine', 'ten'. The former are : adha-md- 'lowest', apa-md- 'farthest', ava-md- 'lowest',

I From sadha-ni- ('one who leads with him') 'companion', which is, however, ana- lysed in "the Pada text as sa-dhani-.

s saubhaga-tva- 'happiness' is formed from

4 See Brugmann, Morphologische Unter- suchungen 2, p. 198, and Grundriss 2,

p. 315- ^ , .

5 See Brugmann, Grundriss 2, p. 203;

soMbhaga- 'welfare' = 'condition- of welfare', cp. p. 89, note 2. , . ,

not from su-bhdga- 'lucky', from which is 6 Formed, with Vrddhi and accented on formed subhaga-iva- 'welfare'. | the initial syllable, from ras- 'roar', 'bray' etc.

3 Cp. Lindner 26 and 28. | 140 I. Allgemeines und Sprache. 4. Vedic Grammar.

upa-md- 'highest', dnta-ma-'^ 'nearest', cara-md- 'last', para-md- 'remotest', madhya-md- 'middlemost'. The ordinals are: panca-md- (A.V. VS.) 'fifth', sapta-md- (VS.) 'seventh', asta-md- 'eighth', nava-md- 'ninth', dasa-md- 'tenth'.

224. The suffix -mant forms in the Sainhitas between 80 and 90 possessive adjectives, like the parallel suffix -vant', with which it is to some extent interchangeable. Unlike -vant, however, it never forms derivatives from stems ending in -a except kdnva-mant- (RV'.) 'prepared by the Kanvas' and ydva-mant- 'rich in barley'. Examples are : asdni-mant- 'possessing the thunder- bolt', dsadki-mant- (AV.) 'rich in herbs', krdtu-mant- 'having power', vadhti-mant- 'drawn by mares'(?), hotr-mant- 'provided with a sacrificer', go-mant- 'rich in kine', ?/m^/J-OTa«^ 'gleaming', garut-mant- 'winged' (?), kakud-mant-^ 'provided with a hump', cdksus-mant- 'possessed of eyes', vidyim-mant-'- 'containing hghtning'.

a. A final -i is sometimes lengthened : tvisT-mant- 'vehement' (Ivisi- 'vehemence'), dhraji-mant- 'gliding' [dhrdji- = dhraji- 'gliding motion'), hin-mant- 'tawny-horsed' (hiri- = hdri- 'bay steed'); -'i- is inserted Kn jyotis-i-mant- (AV.)5 'full of light' (beside jy/oV/j-- mant-), and s in iuci-s-mant-^ 'shining'. In the derivative susu-mdnt- (RV'.) 'very stimu- lating' the suffix seems to have primary value?. The adverb dsu-mdt (AVi), formed from the neuter of this suffix, seems to follow the analogy of adverbs in -vat from derivatives in -vant,

225. The suffix -maya (f. -t) forms fewer than a dozen adjectives with the sense of 'consisting of, 'derived from', 'abounding in'. The suffix -as remains unchanged before the m, but d is assimilated as in external Sandhi. Derivatives thus formed are: ayas-mdya- 'made of metal', asman-mdya- 'made of stone', kim-mdya- 'consisting of what?', go-mdya- 'consisting of cattle', nabhas-mdya- 'vaporous', manas-mdya- 'spiritual', mrn-mdya- 'made of clay' {mrd-), saka-mdya- 'arising from dung', su-mdya-^ 'well-fashioned'.

226. The suffix -min was most probably due to the derivatives in -in from nouns in -ma, like dhum-in- 'smoking' (dhumd- 'smoke') which are fairly common. It has an independent character, however, in is-min- 'impetuous' and rg-min-'^ 'jubilant with praise' {fc-).

227. The rare suffix -mna forms a few neuter abstracts from nouns or par- ticles. It seems to be an extension with -a of -man syncopated hke -tna for -tana. The derivatives formed with it are: dyu-m?id- 'brightness' {dyu- 'sky'), nr-miid- 'manliness' {nr- 'man'), ni-mnd- 'depth' {ni 'down'), su-mnd- 'welfare' {su- 'well').

228. The very common suffix -ya'^° forms a large number of adjectives of relation, including a good many patronymics, and abstract substantives. It is pronounced -ia nearly four times as often as -ya. The feminine is usually -ya, both in adjectives and abstract substantives; but in the former it is some- times -r, as ar-i- and dr-ya- 'Aryan', ddiv-T-'^^ and ddiv-ya- 'divine'.

a. All the patronymics besides a good many general adjectives, and most of the abstract substantives are formed with initial Vrddhi; e. g. adit-yd- 'Son of Aditi', sahadev-yd- 'descendant of Sahadeva'; grdiv-ya- (AV.) 'relating to the neck' (grivd-), ddiv-ya- 'divine' (devd-god'), prajapat-yd- (AV.)

1 Once (l. 1655) anta-md-; cp. p. 89, note 3.

2 Which is, however, about three times as common.

3 The VS. has kakun-mant- as in external Sandhi.

+ With assimilated t as in external Sandhi.

5 Following the analogy of tdvisT-mant-

'strong',

7 The word is analysed in the Pada text as susu-mdn.

8 This derivative seems to preserve the originally nominal character of this suffix.

9 In this derivative the original guttural appears, though it has become sonant as in external Sandhi.

1° See Whitney 1 210 — 1213 (p. 459 — 466) and Lindner 36 (p. 138—144).

6 Occurring only once in the vocative " These are evident instances of the re- sucis-mas. |duction of unaccented yd to 2; cp. 24 a. IV. Nominal Stem Formation. Secondary Nominal Derivation. 141

'relating to Prajapati'; adhipat-ya- 'lordship' {ddhi-pati- 'lord'), jdnaraj-ya- (VS.) 'kingship' (Jana-rajan- 'king of the people'), vaimanas-yd- (AV.) 'de- jection' {vi-manas-), samgramajit-ya- (AV.) 'victory in battle' {samgrama-jH- KSr^ 'conquering in battle'), sduvasv-ya- 'wealth in horses' {sv-dsva-).

b. Derivatives formed without Vrddhi are mostly ordinary adjectives, being about four times as numerous as those formed with Vrddhi. They are made from stems with all kinds of finals. The following are examples: dh-ya- 'relating to horses' {dsva-); urvar-ya- (VS.) 'belonging to cultivated land'

svaraj-ya- 'autocracy' {sva-rSj- 'sovereign') ; karman-ya- 'skilful in work' {kdrtnan-), vfsn-ya-^ 'virile' {vfsan- 'male'); sat-yd-'* 'true' isdnt-), prac-ya- (AV.) 'eastern' {prMc-); ayus-ya- (VS. AV.) 'length of life' {dyus^.

a. The final -a is retained before the suffix in hiranyd-ya- 'made of gold' [kiranya-), while -an is dropped before it in aryam-ya- 'intimate' {arya-man- 'companion'). The suffix is added pleonastically in avyd-ya- and dvya-ya- 'belonging to sheep' (beside dv-ya-) and gavyd-ya- 'derived from cows' (beside gdv-ya-); also in forming a few possessive com- pounds, as su-hdst-ya- 'skilful-handed' (beside su-hdsia-)S. It is also used in forming a few governing compounds, as ddhi-gart-ya- 'being on the driver's seat' [gdria-), abhi- naih-yd-m, adv. 'near the clouds' {ndbhas-)^.

(S. In some adjectives and substantives, the suffix has a primary appearance; e. g. pus-ya- 'flower', yuj-ya- 'related', niddh-ya- 'middle', mdr-ya- 'young man', sur-ya- 'sun', f. sur-ya- 7 (svar- 'light').

)*. Though as a gerundive suffix -ya must be regarded as primary, it is manifestly secondary in certain adjectives which have a gerundive sense; thus a-vi-mok-yd- (AV.) 'not to be loosened', pari-varg-yd-^ (AV.) 'to be avoided'.

S. Akin to the gerundives are a few abstract feminines in -yd; e. g. k^-i-ya- 'action', 'enchantment', md-ya-9 (AV.) 'knowledge', deva-yaj-yi- 'worship of the gods'.

22g. The rare suffix -y'ln^ like -in, forms a few possessive adjec- tives, all of which except one occur in the VS. They are atata-yin- (VS.) 'having one's bow drawn' {d-tata-), dhanva-yin- (VS.) 'bearing a bow' {dkdnvan-), mara-yin-^° (RV'.), N. of a man, srka-yin- (VS.) 'having a spear' {srkd-), svadka-yin-^^ (VS.) 'owning the Svadha'.

230. The suffix -ra forms four superlatives from prepositions and about a dozen ordinary nouns, most of which are adjectives. The superlatives are ddha-ra- 'lower', dpa-ra- 'later', dva-ra- 'lower', upa-ra- '^ 'lower'. The ordinary adjectives formed with the suffix have the sense of 'belonging to' or 'connected with'. It is usually added direct; e. g. dhutn-rd- 'grey' {dhumd- 'smoke'), asrt-rd- 'ugly', pamsu-rd- 'dusty' {pamsi'i- 'dust', AV.), and with initial Vrddhi igriidh-ra- 'belonging to the fire-kindler' {agnidk-). It is added with connecting i in medh-i-rA- 'wise' {medkd- 'wisdom') and rath-i-rd- 'riding in a car'. It also occurs in a few substantives, some of which are of

1 As if from suvasva- ; like vaiyasv-d- 'descendant of VyaSva'; cp. Whitney 1204 b, c.

2 With Guna of final -u as usual before secondary suffixes (190); prdiav-yd- 'to be partaken of (pra-as-) and iirjav-yd- 'rich in nourishment' (urj-) are formed without any primitives praiu- and urju-.

3 With syncope in the suffix of the pri- mitive; cp. 190.

4 From the weak stem of the primitive; cp. 190.

5 Cp. Whitney 1212 c.

6 Cp. Whitney 1212 m.

7 Cp. Whitney 1213 e; and Roots, under svar- 'sound'.

8 Here the guttural shows that these words are derived from nominal stems -moka- and -varga-.

9 In the RV. only in the compound /aiii- vidyd- 'knowledge of creatures'.

'° Perhaps meaning 'brilliant' or, according to Sayana, 'destroying' enemies.

11 The TS. IV. 4. 114 has svadha-vin:

12 For dnta-ra cp. above p. 90, 39 and note I. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. doubtful etymology: karma-ra- 'smith', muska-rá- (AV.), a kind of small animal², śámbara-3, N. of a demon, śänkurá- (AV.) 'penis', sahás-ra- 'thousand'. 231. The suffix -la forms about a dozen adjectives with the same meaning as those formed with -ra, with which it sometimes interchanges and of which it is generally a later form. Examples are: asli-lá- (AV.) 'ugly', kapi-lá- 'brown', jīva-lá- (AV.) ‘lively', tílvi-la- 'fertile', bahu-lá- ‘abundant', madhu-lá- 'sweet', śéva-la- (AV.) 'shiny'. This suffix also forms two or three diminutives: vrsa-lá- little man', sisi-la- 'little child', and the fem. salāka-lá- (AV.) 'small splint'. 142 232. The suffix -va forms a few adjectives: arna-vá- billowy', keśa-vá- (AV.) 'hairy', anji-vá- (AV.) 'slippery', santi-vá- (AV.) 'friendly, śraddhi-vá- 'credible'. 233. The suffix -vat forms seven feminine abstract substantives, with a local sense, from adverbs or prepositions: arva-vát-4 proximity', ā-vát- (AV.) ‘proximity, ud-vát- ‘height, ni-vát ‘depth, parā-vát- ‘distance, pra-vát- ‘height', sam-vát- ‘region'. 234. With the suffix -van, before which -a and - may be lengthened, are formed some twenty derivatives, nearly all adjectives with the sense of 'possessing' or 'connected with'. The adjectives are: amatī-ván- ‘indigent', arāti-ván- 'hostile', gha-van- 'impetuous', rna-ván- 'indebted', dhitá-van-5 'rich in gifts', dhi-van- (AV.) 'clever', maghá-van- 'bountiful, śrustī-ván- ‘obedient', satyá-van-6 (AV.) 'truthful, samád-van- 'warlike', svadhá-van-, f. -varī-1 ‘faith- fuľ, hárd-van- (VS.) 'hearty'; also the feminines sumnā-várī- ‘bringing favour', sūnŕtā-varī- ‘joyous'. Somewhat anomalously formed are indhan-van- 'possessed of fuel' (indhana-), saha-van-8 and sáho-van-9 (AV.) ‘mighty'. There are also the substantives áthar-van- m. 'fire-priest', mușī-ván- m. ‘robber', and sani-t- van-¹0 reward'. 235. The suffix -vant forms, from nominal stems of every kind, possessive adjectives numbering at least 250 in the Samhitas. A final vowel is often lengthened before the suffix, most frequently -a, but very rarely -uz. Examples are: késa-vant- 'hairy', áśva-vant- 'possessed of horses' (beside áśva-vant-); praja-vant- 'having progeny'; sákhi-vant- 'having friends', sáktī-vant- ‘mighty' (śákti- 'might'); dyáva-prthivi-vant-** (AV.) 'connected with heaven and earth'; vişnu-vant- ‘accompanied by Vișņu', viṣū-vánt- ‘dividing' (vísu- 'apart'); hárit- vant- 'gold-coloured'; asan-vánt- (AV.) ‘having a mouth', róman-vant- and lóma-vant- (AV.) 'hairy', sirsan-vánt- (AV.) having a head'; kakúbh-vant- (MS. 1. 11¹) 'having a peak'; svàr-vant- 'splendid'; páyas-vant- 'containing milk', nas-vánt-(AV.) 'having a nose'. With external Sandhi: pŕsad-vant-' variegated' ¹². a. Some of these derivatives, especially if formed from pronominal stems, have the meaning of 'resembling' instead of 'possessing'; thus má-vant- 'like me', i-vant- 'so great', ki-vant- 'how far?', indras-vant-¹3 'like Indra', níla-vant- 1 śévāra- 'treasury' probably stands by haplology for śéva-vāra-. 2 The word occurs in TS. v. (B) as an adjective meaning 'having testicles'. 3 Probably a a foreign word. 4 From arva- 'hither' contained in arvánc- 'hitherward' and some other derivatives. 5 The Pada text has dhitá-van-. 6 The Pada text has satyá-van-. 7 The fem. of the secondary -van being formed like that of the primary -van; see 177 and cp. 179 a. 8 The Pada text has sahá-van-. 9 The only instance of external Sandhi with this suffix. 10 With - interposed, as after short radical vowel preceding primary -van; e. g. ký-t- van-. ¹1 Retaining the double accent of the pri- mitive. 12 In a few derivatives -vant has the appearance of a primary suffix: vivás-vant- or vi-vasvant- shining', ár-vant- ‘swift', yah- vánt 'speeding'. 13 With the s of the nominative. V. Compounds. Form of Compounds.

143

'blackish', nr-vdnt- 'manly'. From this sense is derived the use of the neuter ace. as an adverb of comparison, e.g. manus-vdt 'like Manus', 'as Manus did'.

236. The very rare suffix -vaya^ probably a noun in origin, seems to be found only in one numeral adjective, cdtur-vaya- 'fourfold', and one sub- stantive, drii-vdya- (AV.) 'wooden dish'.

237. The suffix -vala (cp. 179) seems to be used in the formation of secondary derivatives only in krsi-^ald- 'peasant' {krsi- 'tillage') and in the fem. nad-^ala- (VS.) 'reed-bed'.

238. The suffix -vin is used in forming nearly twenty possessive adjectives from stems ending in -a (which is lengthened), -a% -as; thus ubhaya-vin- 'partaking of both' {ubhdya-), astra-vin- 'obedient to the goad', yasas-vin- {KSI^ 'beautiful'. To the analogy of the derivatives from stems in -as is due the insertion of s in sata-s-vin- 'possessing a hundred'. The only derivatives from stems ending in any consonant other than j are dhrsad-vin- 'bold' {dkrsdt-) and vag-vin- (AV.) 'eloquent' {vile- 'speech'), both formed as in external Sandhi.

239. The only derivative of the suffix -vya forming names of relation- ship which occur in the Samhitas seems to be bkrstr-vya- (father's) 'brother's son'^

240. The suffix -sa forms eight or nine adjectives or substantives without in most instances changing the original meaning. The adjectives are ita-sa- 'variegated', babhlu-sd- (VS.) 'brownish', yuva-sd- 'youthful', and with possessive sense roma-sd- 'hairy'. The substantives are ahku-sa- m. 'hook', kdsma-sa- (AV.) m. or n. 'stupefaction' (?), kald-sa- m. 'jar', turvd-sa-, N. of a man, lopa-sd-^ m. 'jackal'.

V. COMPOUNDS.

Benfey, VoUstandige Grammatik p. 245 — 282. — Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar 1246—1316. — Reuter, Die altindischen nominalcomposita, ihrer betonung nach unter- sucht, KZ. 31, 157—232; 485 — 612. — Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik, 21, Nominalkomposition, 1905 : cp. Bartholomae, IF. 20, 162—172 (Anzeiger).

241. Form of compounds. — The Vedic language has inherited from the Indo-European speech the power of combining words into a compound treated like a simple word as regards accent, inflexion, and construction. Both in the frequency and the length of compounds the Vedic language resembles that of Homer. In the RV. and the AV. no compounds of more than three independent members occur; and those which consist of three members are rare, such as ddabdha-vrata-pramati- 'superior-minded owing to unbroken observances', purva-kama-kftvan- 'fulfilling former wishes', mitho- avadya-pa- 'mutually warding off want', hdri-manyu-sayaka- 'stimulating the mettle of the bays'.

The two characteristic features of a compound are unity of accent and use of the uninflected stem in the first member (or members). There are, however, exceptions to both these rules. The Sandhi between the two numbers is occasionally different from that between words in a sentence. Occasionally also tmesis of a compound occurs ^ Generally speaking a

I The doubtful word vy-ainuv-in- (VS'.) seems to add -in to the present stem with interposed euphonic -v-.

ipitf-vya- 'father's brother', 'uncle', occurs in the later language.

3 Cp. Gustav Meyer, IF. i, 328.

4 Frequently in dual compounds, as dyava ha ksama 'heaven and earth'; occasionally in others also, as simai cic chepam for iunah- Hpam ; ndrd va sarnsam for ndra-iamsam ; saptd me sapid for sapid-sapta me. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. compound assumes a modified and single meaning as compared with the same words used in juxtaposition in a sentence; e. g. krsna-śakuni- (AV.) 'raven', while krsnáh fakúniḥ would mean 'black bird'. Compounding must take place when a derivative has to be formed from the two words; as ksáitrapat-ya- 'property' beside kṣétrasya páti- ‘lord of the field'. Sometimes, however, the case-ending remains while the compound accent is used, as rayas-poşa-da- 'bestowing abundance of wealth', beside rāyás póşa- 'abundance of wealth'. There is a tendency to compounding when the first of two syntactical words is indeclinable. Thus beside sám yós ‘happiness and wel- fare' also appears sam-yós (1. 34º); and analogously the indeclinable form or stem of a word takes the place of the case¹. Sometimes compounds are formed by the coalescence of inflected words occurring side by side in a sentence. Thus víšváhā (TS.) 'all days' beside áhā víśvā (RV.) has become viśváha ‘daily' with a single accent. Occasionally, when two compounds have the same final member, the latter is used only once, as mitrótá ² médhyatithim (1. 367) for mitrátithim utá médhyātithim; patayán mandayát- sakham (1. 47) for patayát-sakham mandayát-sakham. Sometimes one of the members of a compound governs a case 3 outside the compound, as árvato māṇsa-bhikṣám (1. 162¹²) 'begging for the flesh of the steed'; in some instances pleonastically, as gaṇánām ganá-patim (11.23¹) ‘troop-leader of troops'. A case- form may agree with the first member of a compound when that member has the form or even only the sense of that case, as rāyás-kāmo viśvápsnyasya (VII. 426) 'desirous of wealth of all forms'; or a case-form may agree with the second member, while coordinated in sense with the first, as maha-dhané .. árbhe (1. 75) 'in great booty (and) in small”. a. The gender of compounds is, in Copulatives (Dvandvas) and Determinatives (Tatpuruṣas) ending in substantives, that of the last member¹; but collective compounds are regularly neuter 5. Compounds ending in adjec- tives, possessives, and governing compounds have the gender of the substan- tives with which they agree or which they represent. The number in Deter- minatives is that of the last member. In Copulatives of the older types it is dual or plural according to the total number meant by the combination, while it is singular (and neuter) in the later type. Collective compounds (whether copulatives or possessives) are singular. Compounds ending in adjectives, possessives, and governing compounds, have the number of the substantive with which they agree or which they represent. 144 A. The First Member of Compounds. 242. Its form. The first member of nominal compounds may consist of nouns (including numerals and pronouns) or indeclinables suitable for quali- fying nouns. Exceptionally an inflected form appears in this position qualifying the second member in dependent determinatives and possessives. This is mainly due to words frequently in juxtaposition becoming permanently joined; thus beside the two independent words jás pátiḥ (VII. 38°) ‘lord of the family' Thus for visnoḥ kráma- (AV. TS.) 'step | first member prevails (265, notes I and 2); of Vişnu' there appears in a B. passage of and a few Determinatives change the gender the TS. (v.2.1¹) the compound vişnu-kramá-. of the final member, as patnī-śála- (VS.) n. (śālā-) 'shed for the wives (of sacrificers)' and agra-jihvá- (VS.) n. 'tip of the tongue' (jihva-). 2 The Pada text reads mitrá utá. 3 This seems to be almost restricted to the genitive in the Samhitãs, but many examples of other cases (acc., inst., dat., abl.) occur in the later language. 4 In a few Dvandvas the gender of the 5 Both Dvandvas (266) and Bahuvrihis (290). V. Compounds. The First Member of Compounds. 145

we find the .covrnpound yds-paiim (i. 185^)'. But it partly also arises from a desire to express the syntactical relation of the words in the compound even without antecedent juxtaposition; as in the verbal determinatives dhanain-jayd- 'winning booty', apsu-sdd- 'dwelling in waters'; or in possessives like rayds- kama- 'desirous of wealth'. Such case-endings show a tendency to encroach beyond their legitimate sphere; thus the frequency of the ending -as before -pati-, e. g. vac-ds-pdti- 'lord of speech', led to its becoming the general genitive sign before that word, as in rdtha-s-pdti- 'lord of the car' {rdtha-). Similarly, according to apsu-ksi-t- 'dwelling in the waters' was formed apsu-ji-t- beside ab-ji-t- 'winning waters', where the locative is not appropriate. Ordinarily the first member appears only in its stem form. As the stem cannot express number it may mean either the singular or the plural. That it often indicates the plural is shown by expressions like narAtn or jdnanam nr-patf- 'man- guardian of men' or 'people'. The plural sense is also evident in compounds like devd-krta- 'made by the gods', vird-jata- 'produced by men', nr-pdti- 'lord of men'. In personal pronouns and cardinals the number is of course inherent in the stem itself.

a. The gender is expressed in the first member only in as far as feminine words retain their f stem when coordinated in copulatives or depen- dent on the final member in the sense of a case in determinatives; e. g. patni-sala- (VS.) 'shed for wives'. The f suffix -a is, however, often shortened to a^, as in armva-hdn- 'destroying suffering', amiva-sdtana- 'dispelling suffering' {dmiva-). But when a feminine adjective as first member agrees attributively with a feminine in the last member, it appears in the masculine stem-form^; e. g. prdyata-dakdna- 'one by whom a sacrificial fee {ddksina-) has been presented' +.

243. If the stem is liable to gradation, that form is used which occurs in the weak cases. Thus in the vowel stems -i, -u, -r, appear; &.g.pdH- justa- 'dear to a husband', vasu-vid- 'finding wealth', pitr-yajnd- 'sacrifice to the manes'. Similarly dyu- (diu-) 'heaven' appears before consonants, as dyu-ksd- 'dwelling in heaven', dyu-bhakta- 'presented by heaven', but div- before vowels, as div-it- 'going to heaven', div-isti- 'prayer'. The two stems dart^- 'wood' and Ap- 'water' are reduced to dru- and ap-. dru-padd- 'wooden pillar', drii- sdd- 'sitting on the tree'; ap-tiir- 'overcoming the waters', ab-jA- 'derived from "waters'. The stem pumams- 'man' appears in the weak form pums- in pums- cali' (VS. AV.) and pums-cala- (VS.) 'courtezan' ('running after men').

a. Stems in -an have -a not only before consonants 5, but also before vowels^ and y, v" ; e. g. raja-putrd- 'king's son', uksAnna- 'devouring bulls' {uksdn-), dsmasya- 'whose mouth is a rock' {dsman-), brdkmeddka- 'kindled with devotion' {brdhman-), brahmaudand- (AV.) 'boiled rice (pdand-) for Brahmans' {brahman-). Exceptions, however, are nemann-is- 'following the lead', vrsan-ahd- 'drawn by stallions', vfsan-vasu- 'having great wealth'^.

b. Stems in -in seem to follow the same analogy, dropping the -n before consonants; thus saci-gu- (only voc.) 'having strong cattle' and saci-pujana- (only voc.) 'worshipping the strong' 9.

1 The compounding of such forms probably often started from vocatives like sahasas putra treated as a unit in regard to accent.

2 This, however, seems to be due to metrical influence. ^

3 An exception in urvy-uti- 'giving wide aid', where the f. stem urvt- appears instead of the m. uru-.

4 In irhdc-chandas- (AV.) 'having BrhatI

as metre' zxiAj agac-chandas- (AV. VS.) 'having JagatI as metre', the first members doubtless represent neuter names of the metres.

5 As in rSja-bhis etc.

6 Unlike rdj-n-e etc.

7 Not -an as in rdjan-ya-, udan-vant-.

8 In dsann-isu- 'having arrows in his mouth' the first member is a locative.

9 Cp. Wackernagel 2', p. 54 /3, note.

Indo-arisohe Philologie. I. 4. 10 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. c. Occasionally the weak grade stem used as first member does not occur as an independent word; thus kṣá-pavant- and kṣa-pávant- 'earth- protector' from kṣám- ‘earth'; jñu-bádh- 'bending the knee' from jắnu- ‘knee'; man-dhatý- 'devout man' from mán-as- ‘mind' (through *manz-), sát-pati- 'lord of the abode', probably from sád-as- ‘abode' (through *sats-). 146 I 204. When in the inflexion of a word two or more collateral stems (not differing in gradation only) are used, the one which appears in weak cases is mostly employed as first member in compounds. 1. Even though the stem as-yà- 'mouth' is inflected throughout, the alternative stems of weak cases ās- and asan- are preferred: a-daghná- ‘reaching to the mouth', ēsánn- isu- 'having arrows in his mouth'. 2. udán-² 'water' is preferred to uda-ká-³: uda-grābhá- m. ‘holding water', uda-pú- (AV.) ‘purified by water', uda-meghá- 'water-shower'; uda-ká- appears only in udákātman-4 (AV.) ‘having water for its chief substance'. 3. Of the three stems pánthān-, pathí-, páth-, only the middle one, which appears before consonant endings, is used: pathi-kŕt-'path- making', pathi-rákṣi- 'protecting roads'. 4. śákan-s is preferred to śákrt- ‘dung' : saka-dhúma- (AV.) ‘dung-smoke', saka-pinda- (VS.) 'lump of dung', śáka-pūta- ('purified by dung'), N. of a seer. 5. śīrsán is preferred to siras- 'head': sirşa-kapalá- (AV.) 'skull', śīrṣa-bhidya- (AV.) n. 'head-splitting', sīrṣā- mayá- (AV.) m. 'disease (amaya-) of the head'. 6. There is fluctuation between pád- and páda- 'foot', māms-6 and māmsá- 'flesh', hŕd- and hýdaya- 'heart': pad-ghosá-7 (AV.) 'sound of footsteps', but pada-gŕhya, ger. 'seizing by the foot'; māms-pácana- 'used for cooking flesh', but mamsa-bhiksá- 'begging for flesh', hrd-rogá- 'heart-disease', but hrdaya-vidh- ‘wounding the heart's 245. Alternative adjective stems sometimes appear in the first member of compounds. Thus in the RV. mahi- interchanges with mahā9 'great' in Karmadhārayas and Bahuvrihis, as máhi-kşatra 'owning great sway', but maha- dhaná 'great booty', maha-manas- 'great-minded' ¹0. A few stems in -i appear instead of or interchanging with others in -ra: ji in rji-pyá- and the Proper Names gji-svan-¹¹ beside rirá-'quick' in rjráśva- ('having quick horses'), N. of a man; *dabhi- in dabhiti-- (for *dabhi-iti-) injurer', beside dabhrá- 'small' in dabhrá-cetas- ‘of little wiť; śviti- in śvity-ánc-¹² 'bright', beside svitrá- (AV.) 'white'; saci- in saci-vid- 'belonging together', beside á-sk-ra-¹3 'united'; perhaps also -kravi- for *kruvi- in á-kravi-hasta- 'not having bloody hands', beside krū-rá-¹4 (AV.) ‘bloody'. a. A few adjective stems in - used as first member neither occur as uncompounded adjectives nor have corresponding adjective stems in ra: tuvi-jatá- "mightily born', tuvi-griva- 'strong-necked', tuvy-ójas- 'very strong'; gabhi-şák (AV.) 'deep down'. ¹ See above p. 145, note 8. 2 Inst. sing. udá, pl. udá-bhis. 3 Nom. n acc. udakám. On the other hand, of the alternative stems ásrj- and asán- 'blood', only the nom. acc. form is used; e. g. asrk-pávan- (AV.) 'drinking blood', ásrň-mukha- (AV.) 'bloody- faced'. 4 With irregular accent; cp. WACKER- NAGEL 2¹, p. 56, note. 5 Inst. śáka-bhis (TS.), nom. acc. śákyt. 9 maha- being the m., mahi- the n. nom. 6 Beside vaná 'wood' (which is fully in-acc. stem, beside the weak dat. mah-é etc. flected and appears in vaná-dhiti- 'layer of wood'), the stem van- (gen. van-âm, loc. vam-sú) is perhaps used in vám-saga- ‘bull', van-dhúra-car-seat', and van-ád- 'devouring wood' (?). 10 The AV. has the stem m it in the Karmadhāraya mahat-kāṇḍá-, 'great section'. 1 Perhaps also in jiti- (=rji-iti-), cp. WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 59. 12 Cp. siti-pad 'white-footed', siti-prstha- 'white-backed'. 7 Perhaps in pád-grbhi-, N. of a man or demon, if pad- pad-, cp. WACKERNAGEL 1, 148 a. 13 From sac- ‘be attached' with syncope. 14 Cp. WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 59. = ✔ V. COMPOUNDS. THE FIRST MEMBER OF COMPOUNDS. 246. Extension of the stem sometimes takes place in the first member. The commonest addition is -a owing to the frequency of that ending: dur- a-dabhná- (AV.) 'eluding doors', aśvin-a-krta- (VS.) 'done by the Aśvins'; visaujas-¹ (VS.) 'ruling the people'; şad-a-rcá- (AV.) 'collection of six verses'. An a-stem becomes one in -as in yakṣmo-dhắ- (AV.) 'seat of a disease' (yákṣma-). An extension with d appears in satád-vasu-3 'having a hundred (satá-) treasures', and in án-atid-bhuta-4 'unsurpassed'. a. Shortening of the stem sometimes takes place by the dropping of a final t or s (preceded by a) or of the vowel -a; thus prsodará- (TS. v. 6. 14¹) 'having a spotted (prsat-) belly' (udára-); apna-ráj- 'ruling over riches' (ápnas-); bhar-ișá-5 (IV. 40²) 'desiring booty' (bhára-); til-píñja- (AV.) 'barren sesamum' (tilá-); sas-pinjara- (TS.IV.5.2¹) 'reddish like grass' (sasá-), may also be an example, but it is more probably a modification of sas- pinjara- (VS. xvI. 17) by haplology for *saspa-pinjara-. 247. Adverbs often occur as first member of compounds. In several instances a nominal stem in -a represents an adverbial case (acc., inst., abl., loc.) formed from that stem; thus nitya-vatsa- 'having a calf continually' (nityam); satya-yáj- 'sacrificing truly' (satyám), samantá-šiti-bāhu- (VS.) ‘whose forefeet are white all round' (samantám); sana-já- born of old' (= saná or sanát); upaká-caksas- 'visible from near at hand' (upaké near'). Occasionally a nominal stem which has no separate existence is abstracted from the adverb; thus ará-maṇas- 'ready-minded' (from áram 'ready'), ará-mati- 'suitable prayer', abhyardha-yájvan- 'offering apart' (abhyardhás). A cardinal is sometimes thus used instead of its adverb: try-àruşa- 'reddish in three places' (tri-s), dvi-já- (AV.) ‘born twice' (dví-s). 248. The case-ending is also preserved in several instances; thus aram-kit- preparing', sakam-iks- 'sprinkling together', sakam-yúj- 'joined together' (sākám), sāyam-bhavá- (AV.) 'becoming evening'; paścă-dosá- (VS.) 'late evening'. Adverbs that are neither case-forms nor look like them regularly remain unchanged; thus akṣṇaya-drúh-6'injuring wrongly'; itthá-dhi- 'truly devout'; idā-vatsará- (VS. AV.) 'the present year', a particular kind of year; púnar-nava- 'renewing itself', punar-bhú- 'arising again'; viśváto-dhi- 'observing in all directions', vísu-rūpa-'coloured variously' (vişu-), viṣū-vŕt- ‘rolling in various directions'. A nasal is added in maksu-m-gamá- 'approaching quickly' (makṣú). 147 249. Prepositions frequently occur as the first member of a compound. I. Owing to their originally adverbial character they may qualify ordinary adjectives or substantives like adverbs; thus áti-krsna- (VS.) 'excessively dark', vi-mahi- 'very great'; prá-napat- 'great grandson', vi-vac- 'opposing shout'; and in Bahuvrihis: pra-śrigá- (VS.) 'having prominent horns', vy-àmsa- 'having shoulders wide apart'. 2. Owing to their constant connexion with verbs they are very common before verbal nouns; e. g. úpa-stu-t- and úpa-stuti- 'invocation'; puró-hita- 'domestic priest'. 3. Owing to their frequent connexion with cases, they also appear in a governing sense; e. g. ádhi-gart-ya- 'being on the car-seat', anu-pathá- 'following the path'. I For viša-ojas- like (AV. VS.) satyáujas- (= satya-ojas-) instead of vid-ojas. 2 Like pañcarcá- - pañca-rca. = 3 Influenced by the analogy of pañcaśád- '50' etc., and vidád-vasu-, etc. 4 Due to a confusion of *ati-bhuta-ati- bhūta- 'surpassed' and ádbhuta- ‘marvellous'. | 5 According to the analogy of gav-işá- 'desiring cows'. 6 akṣṇa-yavan- 'going across' stands by haplology for*akṣṇaya-yávan-. Cp. Wacker- NAGEL 2¹, p. 128 d. 10* I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. a. Prepositions as first member sometimes appear in a shortened form; thus bhi- abhí ¹ in bhi-şáj-²: ‘healer'; o- = ava in o-gaṇá- ('away from the crowd') 'isolated', 'wretched', and in o-paśá- ‘top-knoť' ('that which is tied down', from pas- 'fasten'). On the other hand, ánu several times appears lengthened to anu-: thus an-anu-kṛtyá- 'inimitable', an-anu-dá- 'not giving way', án-anu-dista- 'unsolicited', án-ānu-bhuti- 'disobedient', ānu-şák 'in constant succession'. 148 250. Sam and sa-. The preposition sám is of very common occur- rence as first member. This is its form invariably before vowels, and when accented originally always before consonants. Its unaccented form sa- (= sm-) should phonetically always appear before consonants. But the proper use of sám- and sa- before consonants has begun to be confused. a. In determinatives (1) when the final member is a verbal noun sam- always appears before a vowel, as sam-ańká- (AV.) ‘hook’ (from añc- 'bend'), sam-idh- "fuel'; and sám- if accented predominates 3 before consonants, being phonetic; e. g. sám-gati- f. 'coming together', sám-dhātr- 'one who puts together', sám-prkta- ‘mixeď. sá-, however, also occurs in sá-gdhi- (VS. MS.) f. 'eating together', sá-cyuti- (MS. II. 7¹²) 'falling together', sá-pīti- (VS. MS.) f. 'drinking together', sá-huti- f. 'joint invocation'. (2.) sa- is preserved before accented verbal nouns formed from the simple root with or without -t, or with the suffixes -a, -ana, -van, -in; thus sa-cit- 'thinking', sa-bádh- (TS. III. 2. 124) 'oppressed', sa-yúj- 'united', sa-výdh- 'increasing together', sa-stúbh- (TS. IV. 3. 122), a kind of metre. sa-syád- 'streaming together' 4; sa-ksi-t- 'dwelling together', sa-sri-t- 'streaming's; sa-gm-á- (VS.) 'coming to terms', sa-jósa- 'unanimous', sa-mádana- 'conflict'; sa-ya-van- 'going along with', sa-yig-van- 'united with', sa-sthá-van- 'standing together', sa-ji-t-van- 'victorious'; sa-vas-in- (AV.) 'dwelling together'7. = (3.) Before ordinary adjectives sam- appears in sám-vasu- 'fellow-dweller', sám-miśla- 'commingling', sám-priya- (VS.) 'loving one another', and even when unaccented before ordinary substantives in sam-vatsará- 'year', sam- grāmá- (AV.) 'assembly', but sa-pátní- 'co-wife'. b. In Bahuvrihis when the meaning is (1.) 'together' (as in the verbal use of the preposition) sam- appears, as sám-hanu- (AV.) 'striking the jaws together', sam-gavá- m. '(time when the) cows (are driven) together', and (as usual before vowels) sam-udrá- m. 'sea'. But when the meaning is (2) 'united with', 'accompanied by' what is expressed by the final member, sa- is almost exclusively used (and nearly always even accented), as sá-cetas- 'accompanied by intelligence', 'rational'; sam- occurs here only in sám-sahasra- 'accompanied by a thousand', and in sám-patnī- (AV.) ‘accompanied by her husband's. In this sense sam- still appears before vowels in sám-agra- and sam-agrá- (AV.) (including the top'), 'complete', sám-anga- (AV.) 'accompanied by all limbs' to, 'complete', sám-āśir- 'accompanied by mixture', 'mixed'; but even here sa- once in the RV. takes the place of sam- in the compound sāšana- (x. 904) IO ¹ The initial a- of some other prepositions is lost in the later language: pi-- ápi (ŚB.); dhi- ádhi and va- = áva are post-Vedic. 2 See WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 72 e, and cp. BRUGMANN, KZ. 25, 214, note. = 3 sam- occurs more than three times as often as sa- before consonants, doubtless owing to the parallel use of sam- with verbs. 4 But also sam-gir- 'assenting', sam-yát-

contiguous'.

5 But also sam-ji-t- 'conqueror', sam-há-t- 'layer'. 6 But also sam-gamá- 'coming together', sam-cárana- 'suitable for walking on. 7 With verbal nouns otherwise formed, as with tra or -na only sam- occurs, as sam-hotrá- joint sacrifice', sam-praśná- 'inter- rogation'. 8 With the usual Bahuvrihi accent on the first member. 9 In order to distinguish this sense from that of sa-pátni- 'co-wife'. 10 Cp. also the adv. sam-antá-m (AV.) ‘in- cluding the ends', 'completely'. V. COMPOUNDS. THE FIRST MEMBER OF COMPOUNDS. 149 I 'provided with food' (ášana-), ‘eating', and becomes common in the later Samhitas; e. g. sánga- (AV.) ‘accompanied by the limbs' (ánga-), sántardeša- (AV.) 'accompanied by the intermediate quarters' (antar-deśá-). When the meaning is (3.) ‘in common', 'same', 'identical'¹ sa-² is very common before consonants, as sá-keta- 'having the same intention', sá-lakṣman- 'having the same characteristics'; while sam- appears only in sam-śiśvarī- 'having a calf in common', sám-manas- (AV.) 'being of the same mind', unanimous', sám- mātṛ- ‘having the same mother'. In this sense sam- alone appears (as usual) before vowels: sám-anta- 'contiguous' ('having the same boundary'), sám-okas- 'having a common abode', 'living together'. 251. Particles, which for the most part have no independent existence, frequently appear as first member of compounds. I. The negative particle, the form of which in the sentence is na, almost invariably appears in composition as a-3 before consonants, and in- variably as an- before vowels. It completely reverses the meaning of the final member; thus mitrá- 'friend', a-mitra- 'enemy', śastí- 'praise', á-sasti- 'curse' 4. As participles, infinitives, and gerunds are nominal forms, they may be compounded with the privative particle: thus á-bibhyat- 'not fearing', á-budhya-mana- 'not waking', á-dasyant- (AV.) 'not about to give', á-vidvāms- 'not knowing'5. The syntactical form of the particle is very rare: na-murá- (AV¹.) 'non-dying' (?) 6. Perhaps also in ná-pat- 'grandson', if it originally meant 'un-protected'7. 2. su- 'well', 'very', except in the RV. very seldom used independently, and dus-ill', 'hardly', which occurs as a prefix only, appear as first member in determinatives and possessives; e. g. su-kára- 'easy to be done', sú-krta- 'well-done', su-da- 'giving willingly', su-vasaná- 'fair raiment', su-varná- 'fair- coloured', sv-ásva- 'having excellent horses'; dū-ḍās- (AV.) ‘not-worshipping', 'irreligious', dus-cyavaná- 'difficult to be felled', dur-vásas- 'having bad clothing', ‘ill-claď; dur-áha (AV¹.) ‘wail!’ is formed as an antithesis to sv-ắhā 'hail!'. - 3. There are a few prefixes beginning with k- which seem to be etymo- logically connected with the interrogative, and express depreciation, bad- ness, or difficulty: ku-9 in ku-cará- 'wandering about', ku-nakhin- (AV.) 'having diseased nails', ku-namnamá- 'hard to bend', kú-yava- (VS.) 'bringing bad harvest' ¹0; kad- in kat-payá- ‘swelling horribly'; kim- in kim-silá- (VS. TS. MS.) (land) 'having small stones', kim-purusá-, a kind of mythical being ('some- what like a man'); a collateral form kavā- perhaps in kavāri- ‘stingy', kavā- sakhá- 'selfish'¹¹. IO. 4. The particles -id and -cid make their way into the first member of compounds in the company of pronominal words to which they may he I samāna- is also used in this sense: as samāná-bandhu- 'having the same relatives'. 2 sa- has the sense of 'one' in sāhná- (AV.) "lasting one day', sa-krt ‘once', sa-divas and sa-dyás 'on one and the same day'. 3 This is the low-grade form (= n-) of ná-. 4 It frequently reverses the pregnant sense of the final member, as vi-sastý- (good)| dissector', a-visastý- "bad dissector'. 6 na-pumsa-ka- 'neuter' also occurs in MS. aud ŚB. 7 See LEUMANN, Festgruss an Böhtlingk, p. 77 f. For a few other doubtful compounds with na- see WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 78, note. 8 si occurs as an independent particle about 250 times (but never at the beginning of a sentence) in the RV., rarely in the later Samhitas: only 14 times in AV. 9 Often in adverbs such as ku-tas 'whence', kú-tra 'where'. 10 On a few doubtful compounds with ku-, see WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 83, note. II Also in kávā-tiryañc- (TS.) 'directed See KNAUER, Ueber die betonung der composita mit a privativum im Sanskrit, KZ. 27, 1-68; examples from the later Sain- hitās in DELBRÜCK, Altindische Syntax p. 540 f., Syntaktische Forschungen 2, p. 530f. somewhat across'. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. appended; thus tad-id-artha- 'directed to that particular object'; kā-cit-kará- 'effecting all manner of things'; ku-cid-arthin- striving to get anywhere', kuha- cid-víd- 'wherever being'. 150 5. A few interjectional or onomatopoetic words are compounded with kära- and -krti- 'making' 'sound', 'utterance', or -karty 'maker', to express the actual phonetic sound of those words: thus vaṣaṭ-kārá- (AV. VS.) 'the interjection vasat, svadha-kará- 'pronouncing (the benediction) sva-dhá', sváha-kṛti- 'consecration with the call sváha', hin-kartý- (TS.) 'one who utters the sound hin', hin-kará- (VS.) 'the sound hin'. In has-kartŕ- 'enli- vener', has-kará- 'laughter', hás-krti- 'loud merriment', the first member represents either an interjection connected with the verb has- 'laugh', or a reduced form of *hasas- 'laughter' (like sát-pati- for sádas-pati- through

sáts-pati-).

B. The Last Member of Compounds. 252. Its form. - Practically all nouns may appear in this position. But many verbal nouns, especially participles, if used in their primary sense, are found exclusively after indeclinables which are capable of being combined with the corresponding verbs. Some stems also occur as final members though not used independently; such are verbal nouns formed from the simple root with or without an added determinative -t; also derivatives like -janīna- (AV.) 'belonging to the people (jána-) of -'. a. Change of ending. When the gender of the final member is changed, the -ã of feminine words, even though radical, becomes -a in masculine or neuter compounds; thus priyosriyá- 'fond of cows' (usriyā-); an-avasá- restless' (from ava-sá- 'rest'), a-sraddhá- 'unbelieving' (from rad-dha- 'belief'), rtá-jya- 'well-strung' (from jyá- 'bowstring'). Even - in a few instances becomes -a; thus ati-ratrá- 'performed overnight' and aho-rātrá- ‘day and night' (rátrī-); api-sarvaré early in the morning' and ati-śarvaré or ati- sarvaréşu (AV.) ‘late at night' (śárvarī-). — On the other hand m. and n. stems in -a regularly end in -ā in the feminine, as cittá-garbhā- ‘having evident offspring' (gárbha- m.); and páti- 'husband' in f. possessives substitutes -patnī; thus éka-patnī (AV.) 'having a single husband', dāsá-patnī- ‘'having demons as lords', sa-pátní- 'having one husband in common', sám-patnī- (AV.) and sahá-patni- (AV.) 'having her husband with her', su-pátni- 'having a good husband'; also in the deter- minative vīrá-patnī- 'wife of a hero'. 253. Alternative stems. When in the inflexion of a word alternative stems are used, only one of these, and as a rule the older one, appears as final member of possessive compounds: thus dant- 'tooth' (not dánta-) in satá-dant- (AV.) 'hundred-toothed', súci-dant- 'bright-toothed'; pád- 'foot' (not páda-): a-pád- 'footless', uttaná-pad- 'whose feet are extended', éka-pad-¹ 'one- footed'; nás- 'nose' (not násãā-) in ju-nas-² 'straight-nosed', N. of a man ³; údhan- 'udder' (not údhar-) in an-ūdhán-4 'udderless', rapsád-ūdhan- ‘having a distended udder', f. á-cchidrodhn-i- 'having an intact udder'; dhánvan- 'bow' (not dhánus-) in abalá-dhanvan- (AV.) 'having a weak bow', ávatata-dhanvan- (VS.) 'having an unstrung bow', ksiprá-dhanvan- 'having a swift bow', śatá- ŕjū-nas- ¹ The AV., however, has the nom. sing. éka-pada-ḥ. 2 According to BLOOMFIELD also in rujánās, for rujaná-nās broken-nosed'; see P. 59, note 1. 3 According to WACKERNAGEL 21, p. 92 (top), a-nāsiká occurs in TS. (VII. 5. 12¹. 4 Cp. WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 93, note. V. Compounds. The Last Member of Compounds. 151

dhanvan- (VS.) 'having a hundred bows'<r1>; śīrṣán- 'head' (not śíras-) in a-śīrṣán- 'headless', tri-itrsdn- 'three-headed' ^, f. rurii-sirsn-T- 'having the head of a Ruru antelope' 3; hfd- 'heart' (not hfdaya-) in its long-grade form -hard- in dur- Mrd- (AV.) 'ill-disposed' and su-h&rd- 'good-hearted'.

a. Sometimes an alternative stem is used which has not been preserved as an independent word; thus -jnu- 'knee' (weak form oi jdnu-) in asitd-jiiu- (AV.) 'dark-kneed', »«VaV««- 'firm-kneed'*; an qA ^.tva. -medhas- xa. su-medhds- 'wise' and puru-midhas- (SV.) 'wise' beside the regular compounds in -medha- (from medha- 'wisdom') such as puru-midha- 'having much wisdom'; -tvacas-^ 'skin' in sUrya-tvacas- (AV. VS.) 'having a skin bright as the sun' and hiranya- tvacas- (AV.) 'having a golden skin', beside tvac- in sUrya-tvac- and hiranya-tvac-.

254. Transfer stems. — Some four stems appear in certain forms changed to stems in -as from a misunderstanding of the nom. -s in -as (as in su-prajd-s); thus from prof a- 'offspring', d-prajas- (AV.) 'having no off- spring', and su-prajds-^ 'having good offspring', ida-prajas-^ (MS. i. 5 J) 'descendant of Ida'; from ksa- 'dwell', divd-ksas- 'living in heaven'; from da- 'give', dravino-dds- 'bestowing wealth'; from dha- 'put', vayo-dhds- (AV. VS.) 'bestowing strength' and uarco-dhds- (AV.) 'bestowing vigour'. On the other hand, by the loss of final -J or -i a few consonant stems are trans- formed to a-stems; thus beside dn-agas- 'guiltless' appears dn-aga-, and beside puru-ddmsas- 'abounding in wondrous deeds', puru-ddmsa-; urv-asthmd- (VS.)*, n. du. 'thigh and knee', beside asthi-vdnt- m. du. 'knees ('bony'); ubhayd-da-^ (AV.) 'having teeth in both (jaws)', beside ubhayd-dat-.

255. Vowel gradation in final member. — a. i. The low grade vowel of the roots da- 'give' and da- 'cut' disappears when the past parti- ciples *dita- 'given' '° and dita- 'cut' and the action noun "^diti- 'giving' become unaccented final members in a compound: thus dva-tta- (y?,.) 'cut off', devd-tta- 'given by the gods', vy-d-tfa- (AV. VS.) 'opened', /aVr-Z/a- (VS.) 'given up'", d-prati-tta- (AV.) 'not given back'; bhdga-tti- 'gift of fortune', maghd-tti- 'giving of presents', vdsu-tti- 'granting of wealth'". Unreduced forms, how- ever, occur in tvd-data- and tvd-datta- 'given by thee' and in havyd-dati-

'sacrificial gift"^.

2. The vowels T and u in the radical syllable of the final member is in a few instances reduced to i and u; thus try-udhdn- 'having three udders' {fldhan- dhi-ju- 'inspiring the mind' {ju- 'impel'), su-sird- 'having a good channel', 'hollow' (sira- 'stream'), su-suii- 'easy birth' {su-ti- TB.), a-hutt- m- vocation' (otherwise sd-huti- 'joint invocation', etc.). Derivative -i is reduced to -i in d-ni-bhrsta-tavid- 'having unabated power' (tdvh-i^

1 The determinative indra-dhanus- 'Indra's bow', occurs in the AV.

2 The AV. however has /;>-/,4«-A>(ZJ- 'broad- headed'.

3 From asthan- (beside asthi-, AV.) occur both an-as(Mn- and an-astha- 'boneless'.

4 Other reduced stems are sa-gdhi- (VS.) 'joint meal' f:Mghas-), nUa- 'nest' (niArysad-). ■upa-bd-i- 'noise' {upa^pad-) a-sk-ra- 'united ([/sac-); perhaps pan-msd- 'best part of

(dmia- 'part'). _ . ,A■I7•^

5 Also in the derivative ivacas-ya- (AV.j

'being in the skin'.

6 Under the influence of this new stem is formed su-prajas-tva- 'possession of good offspring' (for *su-praja-tva-). _

7 In K. ida-prajas- (IS. 3, 463) with the a of idd- unshortened.

8 Formed by dropping the -t of the weak stem a}thT-vdt-.

9 Formed by dropping the -t of the weak stem -dat-.

10 This phonetic form has otherwise been ousted by the anomalous participle dat-td- made from the weak present stem dad:

11 The participle prd-tla- 'given up' also occurs in TS. II. 2. 8* (B).

12 pra-tti- 'gift' also occurs in TS. v. 4. 72 (B) and nir-dva-tti 'distribution of shares'

in K. , . •,.

13 The a of soman- 'chant is perhaps reduced to ava.fk-sama-(^'i>i, /-^-sama- (TS.), and /-d-sama-; cp. Wackernagel 2', 43 f., note. 152 I. Allgemeines und Sprache. 4. Vedic Grammar.

3. The of go- 'cow' is reduced to -u in ptisti-gu- 'rearing cows', N. of a man, and su-gu- 'having fine cows'. The -ai of rdi- 'wealth', is reduced to -i in brhdd-ri-'^ 'having abundant wealth'; perhaps also in rdhdd-ri-'^, N. of a man.

4. Final -/' and -u of the first member combine with the low grade form of a of np- 'water' in the last member to i and «, in dvTp-d-^ 'island' {dvi-ap-), pratip-d-m 'against' {prati-) 'the stream', anup-d- 'pond' (atiu-ap-^.

b. On the other hand, radical o in several instances appears lengthened to a+. This occurs in several possessive compounds oi jdni- 'wife': bhadra- jani- 'having a beautiful wife' (only voc), yuva-fatti- 'having a young wife', vittd-jani- 'having found a wife', 'married', and with shifted accent dvi-jdni- 'having two wives' and a-jani- (AV.) 'having no wife'. A similar lengthening appears in prthu-jaghana- (only voc. f.) 'broad-hipped'; sahd-janusa- 'with offspring' (J amis-); 7ii-padd- 'low ground' (padd-); tvdt-pitaras (TS. I. 5. 10^), N. pi. 'having thee as father'; su-vdcas- 'having good speech', 'very eloquent', sd-vacas-^ (AV.) 'employing similar speech', vi-vacas- (AV.) 'speaking in various ways' {vdcas-), vihd-s'arada- (AV.) 'occurring every autumn' {sardd-) 'annual', satd-iarada- 'lasting a hundred autumns'*.

256. Adjectival suffixes. — Adjective compounds not infrequently add certain suffixes to mark their adjectival character more clearly. These suffixes are -ka^ -i, -ya, -a, -in.

1. The suffix -ka<r7> is thus used in only two somewhat obscure compounds in the RV. trí-kadru-ka- (only pi.), a designation of certain soma vessels {kadrū͏́-) and try-amia-ka- 'having three mothers' {amba voc); in the AV. occur vt-manyu-ka- 'free from anger' and sahd-kanthi-ka- f. 'with the throat' (kanthd-, B.)^.

2. In the final member of a few Bahuvrihis, the suffix -/ sometimes takes the place of -a; thus prdty-ardhi- 'to whom the half (drdha-) belongs'; dnjana-gandh-i- 'having a smell {gandhd-) of ointment', dhumd-gandhi- 'smelling of smoke', su-gdndki- or su-gandhi 'sweet-smelUng' ; krstd-rad/ii- {AN .) 'attaining success [radha-) in agriculture'.

3. The suffix -ya is frequently added in Bahuvrihis; thus anyodar-ya- 'born from another womb' {uddra-), ddsa-mas-ya-^ 'ten months old', dirgha- jihv-ya- 'long-tongued' '°, mddhu-hast-ya- 'honey-handed', mayi2ra-sep-ya-^-^&z.coc!&- tailed' ", visvd-jan-ya- 'belonging to all men', visvd-dev-ya- 'relating to all gods', vihang-ya- (AV.) 'being in all Hmbs', sd-garbh-ya- (VS.) 'born from the same

1 In the dative brhddraye; cp. BB. 25, 250.

2 In the anomalous gen. sing, rdhad- rayas.

3 Also nif-a- 'low-lying' [ni-ap- 'into which the water flows down') in K.

4 For a. phonetic explanation of this phe- nomenon see Wackernagei, 2', 43 (p. 100); and cp. I, 68.

5 There is a various reading sit-vacasas in AV. VII. 122, on which see Whitney's note.

6 On vi-hayas- 'of extensive power', sdrva- hayas- (AV.) 'having all vigour', su-rama- 'delighting', su-yama- 'guiding well', see Wackernagel 2', p. 10 1 (middle).

7 This suffix, which is never accented, is probably identical with that which forms

adjectives, as anta-ka- 'ending' from anta- 'end'.

8 In the YV. several examples occur; WackIernagel 21, p. 102, quotes from the TS. a-karnd-ka- 'earless', a-dantd-ka- 'tooth- less', a-fadd-ka- 'footless', an-aksi-ka- 'eye- less', an-asihi-ka- 'boneless', a-tvdk-ka- 'skin- less', sdsTr-ka- 'accompanied by a blessing', an-aifr-ka- 'lacking a blessing' ; from the MS. a-cchandds-ka-'ratirtXtss,', an-dstha-ka- 'bone- less'.

9 Also san-niasya- 'six months old', and safia-masya- 'seven months old' in K.

'o Also in TS. some compounds formed with -deva-tya- 'having — for a deity' (devdtd-); nana-vis-yd- (MS.) 'consisting of various villages'.

II Also vi-Hsn-ya- (K.) 'tailless'.

womb', sa-dhan-ya- 'accompanied by gifts', sd-yuth-ya- (VS.) 'belonging to the same herd', su-Mst-ya- 'fair-handed' (beside su-Msta-), hiranya-kes-ya- 'golden- maned' (beside Mranya-keia-') '.

The suffix -ya is also common in governing compounds with pre- positions as first member; thus ddhi-gart-ya- 'being on the car-seat', aniak- parsav-yd- (VS.) and antah-parsv-yd- (VS.) 'being between the ribs', dnv- antr-ya- (AV.) 'being in the entrails', api-kaks-ya- 'situated near the arm-pit', upa-trn-ya- (AV.) 'being in the grass', upa-mas-ya- (AV.) 'occurring every month', pdri-rath-ya- (AV.)^ 'being around the car', n. part of the car. It also appears in the adverbially used governing compounds abhi-nabh-yd-m 'near the clouds' and ud-ap-ya-m (AV.) 'upstream'.

4. The final member of Bahuvrihis is very frequently extended by the suffix -a. In the RV. there are at least fifteen such stems; thus aks- 'eye' in aw-fl^j-a'-'eyeless', afl%_y-ffl/5.j-a- 'eye-witness', catur-aks-d- 'four-eyed', bhury-aks-d- 'many-eyed', sahasraks-d- 'thousand-eyed', hiranyaks-d- 'golden-eyed', aktaks-a- (AV.) 'whose eyes are anointed', dn-aktaks-a-^ (AV.) 'whose eyes are not anointed', dhumaksd- (AY.) 'smoke-eyed', paryastaks-d- (AV.) 'with eyes cast about', sanisrasaks-d- (AV.) 'having constantly falling eyes', hary-aks-d- (VS.) 'yellow-eyed'; *astk-^ 'bone' in an-asth-d- 'boneless' beside an-asthdn-; *udar- 'water' in an-udr-d- 'waterless'; go- 'cow' in su-gdv-a- 'having fine cows', sam- gav-d- 'time when cows come together', and in atithi-gv-d-, a name, ita-gv-a- 'variegated', ddsa-gva-, N. of a mythical group, ndva-gv-a-^, N. of a mythical group; janus- in sahd-janus-a- 'with offspring'; div- 'heaven' in brhdd-div-a- and brhad-div-d-, N. of a seer, su-div-d- (AV.) 'bright day'; dur- 'door' in satd-dur-a- 'having a hundred doors'; dhur- 'yoke' in su-dhur-a- 'going well under the yoke' (beside su-dkur-), sd-dhur-a- (AV.) 'harnessed to the same yoke'; nas- 'nose' in uru-nas-d- 'broad-nosed', pavT-nas-d- (AV.) 'having a nose like a spear-head', vardhri-nas-d- (VS.) 'rhinoceros'; mrdh- in vi- mrdk-d-^ {KST.) 'warding off foes' (beside vi-mfdh-, VS.); rdi- 'wealth' in d-ray-a- 'not liberal'; vdstu- 'dwelling' in ndva-vastv-a- 'having nine abodes'; sardd- 'autumn' in satd-sarad-a- 'lasting a hundred autumns'; ap- 'water' in dvip-d- 'island'^[34].

In the later Sarnhitas several other final members extended with -a occur: dhan- 'day' in sahii-d- {KSi:) 'lasting a day'; re- 'verse' in eka-rc-d- (AV.) 'consisting of one verse'; kmm- 'earth' in su-ksm-d- (VS.) 'consisting of good earth'; netf- 'leader' in agni-netr-a- (VS. TS.)^ 'having Agni as leader': path- 'road', in ' vi-path-d- (AV.), a kind of chariot ('fit for untrodden paths'); pdd- 'foot' in d-bd-a- (VS.) 'year'; *vatas- 'year' in tri-vats-d- (VS.) 'three years old'; sam-drs- 'aspect' in mddhu-samdrs-a- (AV.) 'sweet-looking'.

a. The final member is also sometimes extended with -a after a governing preposition; thus dnu-patk-a- 'going along the road', dntas-path-a- 'being on the road', anup-d- 'tank' ('lying along the water'), upanas-d- 'being on the car' {-dnas- paro-ks-a- (AV.) 'away from the eye' {aks-), puro-gav-d- 'leader' ('preceding the cows').

1 aiva-budh-va- 'based on horses' is probably for *dsva-budhn-ya- (from budhna- 'bottom') beside diva- budhna- 'borne by horses'.

2 Tlie accent of tliese words in -ya is usually the same as it would be without the suffix; for a few exceptions, see Wacker- NAGEL 21, 47 d (p. 108).

3 The Mss. (AV. xx. 1286) read anaktdksa-.

4 See Wackernagel 2', p. 108 (bottom).

5 See Bloomfield, AJPh. 17, 422 ff.

6 Also the f. vi-mrdh-a- (TS. 11. 4. 21 B).

r8 In TS. I. 8. 71 = VS. IX. 35, 36 several other names of deities compounded with -netr-a- occur. 154

I. Allgemeines und Sprache. 4. Vedic Grammar.

b. A similar extension with -a occurs in collectives which are allied to Bahuvrlhis: thus try-ayus-d- (VS.) 'threefold lifetime', dvi-raj-d- (AV.) 'battle of two kings', sad-rc-d- 'aggregate of six stanzas', sam-udr-d- 'collection of waters' {*udar-), 'sea', sa-vidyui-d- (AV.) 'thunderstorm' ('accompanied by lightning'). Akin to these are compounds in which the first member expresses a part of the last (with change of gender); thus ardha-rc-d- (AV. VS.) m. 'half-stanza', aparahii-d- (AV.) m. 'afternoon', ny-dhn-a- (AV.) 'decline of day', purvahn-d- 'forenoon', prd-pad-a- 'tip of the foot'. There are further some neuter determinatives which probably had originally a collective sense; thus, with change of gender, tri-div-d- 'third heaven', su-div-d- (AV.) 'fine day'; d-path-a- (AV.) 'pathlessness', su-pdih-a- 'good path'. From neuter stems in -as, deuainas-d- (AV.) 'curse of the gods', manusyainas-d- (AV.) 'sin {enas-) of men'; brahma-varcas-d- (AV. VS.) 'divine power', hasti-varcas-d- (AV.) 'vigour of an elephant', brahmana-varcas-d- (AV.) 'dignity of a Brahman'.

c. The ending -a frequently takes the place of -««' in the final member of Bahuvrlhis, collectives, and Karmadharayas; thus deva-karmd- 'doing divine work', visvd-karma- 'performing all work', vird-karma- 'per- forming manly work', priyd-dhama- 'occupying desirable places', chando-nama- (VS.) 'named metre', 'metrical', vi-parva- 'jointless', dvi-vrsd-'^ (AV.) 'having two bulls', aiiji-sakthd- (VS.) 'having coloured thighs', ut-sakthd- (VS.) 'lifting up the thighs', lomasd-saktha- (VS.) 'having hairy thighs' 3, rk-samd- 'the Re verses and the Samans', sad-ahd- (AV.) m. 'period of six days'; bhadrahd- (AV.) n. 'auspicious day', eka-vrsd- (AV.) 'only bull', maha-vrsd- (AV.) 'great bull'.

d. The suffix -a takes the place of -/' in kava-sakhd- 'having a niggard for a friend' {sdkhi-), in mandaydt-sakha- 'gladdening his friend', and in dasanguld- 'length of ten fingers' {anguli-).

5. In Bahuvrlhis the suffix -in is sometimes pleonastically added; thus ku-nakh-in- (AV.) 'having bad nails', maha-hast-in- 'having large hands', yaso- bhag-in- (VS.) 'rich in glory', sa-raih-in- (VS.) 'riding on the same chariot'.

257. Classification of Compounds. — The Indian grammarians divided compounds into three main classes according to their syntactical relations: i) copulatives, or those in which the members are coordinated, called dvandva-^ ('couple'); 2) determinatives, or those in which the first member determines the second, called tat-puriisa- ('his man') 5; 3) those which are dependent on another word, called bahu-vrihi-^ . The latter are usually regarded as compounds of the determinative class transmuted to adjectives, which would thus have a secondary character. They are often called 'possessives' since their meaning can usually be rendered by 'possessing', as bahv-annd- 'possessing much food'. To these may be added three other groups in order to treat Vedic compounds exhaustively: 4) governing compounds, or those in which the first member governs the last in sense; e. g. ksaydd-vira- 'ruling men'; 5) a certain remnant of irregular combinations which are best dealt with together; 6) iteratives, or repeated words which are treated as compounds in the Samhitas inasmuch as they have only one accent and a special meaning when thus combined; in these the second member is called amredita- 'repeated' by the Indian grammarians.

1 This -a probably started in stems ending in -man, representing *-mn-a-; see Wacker- KAGEL 2', p. 118 C.

2 -vrsa- lor -vrsan- occurs in the AV. after other numerals also.

3 For some doubtful examples see Wacker- NAGEL 2', p. H6.

4 The word first occurs in a. B. passage of the TS. (l. 6. 94) in the form oi dvandvani 'couples', and in the AB.

5 An example used as the name of the class.

6 'Having much rice', an example used as the name of the class. 1 V. COMPOUNDS. ITERATIVES. COPULATIVES. I. Iteratives. COLLITZ, Transactions of the Oriental Congress of Berlin 2², 287 ff. DELBRÜCK, Vergleichende Syntax, Dritter Theil (1900), p. 141-153: Iterativcomposita. WACKER- NAGEL 2¹, p. 142-148. 258. The repetition of an inflected form with loss of accent in the second word is very frequent in the RV. Such repetitions are treated in the Pada texts as compounds the members being separated by the Avagraha. The word thus repeated is generally a substantive and iteration is expressed chiefly in regard to time or distribution in regard to space; e. g. áhar-ahar, divé- dive, dyávi-dyavi 'every day'; grhé-grhe, dáme-dame, visé-više in every house'; diśó-diśaḥ (AV.) 'from every quarter'. Substantives are also thus repeated to express frequency or constant succession in other matters: sátroh-satroḥ of every foe'; ánnam-annam (AV.) 'food in perpetuity'; agním-agnim vaḥ samídhā duvasyata (VI. 15°) "worship Agni again and again with your fuel', yajñásya- yajñasya 'of every sacrifice' (x. 15), ángād-angat 'from every limb' (x. 1636), párvani-parvani 'in every joint' (x. 1636). Adjectives repeated in this way are less common; e. g. pányam-panyam á dhavata .. sómam (VIII. 225) 'cleanse Soma who is again and again to be praised; prácīm-prācīm pradiśam (AV. XII. 37) 'each forward (eastern) direction'; úttarām-uttarām sámām (AV. XII. 133) each following year', 'year after year' 2. 155 - a. The repeated word was originally used in the singular only. But the plural meaning of this repetition led to the beginnings of plural forms, as ékam-ekā šatá daduḥ (v. 52¹7) 'they have given a hundred each' (lit. hundreds, each one'). But a word thus iterated seems never to be in the plural except in agreement with a plural. b. The frequency of -e as locative of a-stems led to the occasional use of the dative in consonant stems; div-é-div-e (for *div-í-div-i) and viš-é-vis-e (for *vis-i-viš-i). c. The transition from iteratives to regular compounds, which appears in B., began with numerals. Thus the éka-ekaḥ of the RV. (III. 29¹5) appears in the SB. as ékaika-; and from the dvá-dva of the RV. (VIII. 6814) we come to the adverbial dvan-dvám in pairs' in the MS., and finally to dvandvá- 'pair' in the TS. (B). d. Adjective compounds in which a word is repeated for emphasis are unconnected with iteratives, differing from them both in sense and accent; thus maha-mahá- "mightily great'; esaisi f. of *esaisá- (= eșa-eşá-) 'very speedy' 3. Whether cara-cará- and calá-calá- 'moveable' belong to this group is somewhat uncertain. — 2. Copulative Compounds. REUTER, Die altindischen nominalcomposita, KZ. 31, 172-87: I. Copulative compo- sita. DELBRÜCK, Altindische Syntax 31.. RICHTER, Die unechten Nominalkomposita des Altindischen und Altiranischen: IF. 9, 23 ff. WACKERNAGEL 2¹, 62-74 (p. 149–173). WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 1252-61. 1 A vocative repeated to express em- phasis is not treated in the same way: in áranyany áranyāni (x. 1461) both voca- tives are accented, the second being as emphatic as the first. 259. Classification of Dvandvas.- This class consists of compounds consisting of two substantives, far less commonly adjectives, the syntactical relation of which in the sentence is the same and which may be regarded as connected in sense by 'and'. The successive stages in the development of this class can be closely traced from the beginning in the Samhitās. 1. First we have in the RV. the most numerous group (about three-fourths 2 The only repetition of a verbal form in this way is piba-piba (II. 111¹) ‘drink again and again'; cp. above 88. 3 According to GELDNER, VS. 2, 15 the form esaisyà (RV) is the inst. sing. of eşaisi- f. of *esaisá-; but according to BR. and GRASSMANN it is neut. pl. of eşaişyà- (=esa-esyà-) to be striven for with desire', desirable'. 156 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. of all the Dvandvas) in which the compound consists of two co-ordinated nouns in the dual, each with its own accent. 2. The first member assumes an unchangeable form. 3. Only one accent remains and is restricted to the last syllable of the final member. 4. The first member assumes (but quite rarely in the RV.) the form of the stem. 5. The formation, becoming more general, can assume plural endings (but the RV. has only a few examples in the last book). 6. In the later Samhitãs this type becomes quite general, forining a single category with the dual Dvandvas. 7. The final stage (of which the examples are few) is that of Dvandvas which are neuter singulars of a collective character. 260. In the commonest and earliest type of the old Dvandvas each member is dual in form and has a separate accent. This type seems to have originated from two grammatical practices frequent in the Vedas: (a) the juxta- position of two coordinate words without ca; e. g. bhúmano divás pári (Ix. 735) 'away from earth and heaven', krátum dákşam (VIII. 423) 'under- standing and will'; (b) the use of the elliptic dual which puts one of a pair in the dual to express both, as dyávā 'heaven and earth'. This origin is probable because the dual Dvandvas are found alternating with one or both of these usages; thus mitrá-váruna 'Mitra and Varuna' appears beside both mitrá alone and mitró váruṇaḥ (or mitró váruņaś ca and mitráś ca váruņas ca); mātárā-pitárã 'mother and father' beside mātárā or pitárā and pitrė matré and other cases, the VS. (IX. 19) having pleonastically even pitárā- mātárā ca meaning 'father and mother'. The transition from the syntactical collocation divás.. prthivyás (VI. 30¹) to a dual compound is seen in divás- prthivyos of heaven and earth' (occurring four times in the RV.) where the second word is put in the dual to show clearly that an associated couple is meant. In the RV. the two duals of the compound are often separated; e. g. dyávā ha kṣámā (X. 12¹) 'heaven and earth'; dyávā yajnáiḥ prthivi (VII. 53¹); indrā no átra váruṇā (IV. 41¹)²; á náktā barhiḥ sadatām uṣāsā (VII. 425) 'let Night and Dawn seat themselves upon the litter'; indrā nú pusánā (vI. 57¹) 'Indra and Pūşan'; indrā nv àgní (VI. 59³) Indra and Agni', indra yo agni (v1. 60¹) ³; cákṣur máhi mitráyor am éti priyám várunayoḥ (VI. 51¹) 'the great, dear eye of Mitra and Varuņa comes'. In two or three examples of tmesis the dual ending appears in the first member only, while the singular remains in the second; thus mitrá... várunaḥ (VIII. 25²) and indra yó vam varuna (v1.685) 'O Indra and Varuna'. Generally, however, the two duals are in immediate juxtaposition, as indra-bŕhaspáti 'Indra and Brhaspati'; dyáva-prthivi 'Heaven and Earth'; agní-șómã 'Agni and Soma'; gen. mitráyor- várunayohs of Mitra and Varuna'. The characteristic final vowel of the first member is -a6, as uṣásā-náktä (or náktoşásā); hence it even ousts - as in ágnā-viṣṇū (AV.) ‘O Agni and Vişnu'. Beside this a there sometimes appears a in the vocative, both in tmesis, as in mitra rājānā varuṇā (v. 62³) 'O kings Mitra and Varuna' (voc. of rájānā mitrá-váruṇā, III. 567; x. 645); and when the members are joined, as I Cp. WACKERNAGEL, KZ. 23, 302 ff., REUTER, KZ. 31, 176 ff., DELBRÜCK, Alt- indische Syntax 58 (p. 98), Vergleichende Syntax, Erster Theil 41 (p. 137 f.). 2 In each of the first 6 stanzas of IV. 41 indrā and várunā are separated by one or two words of two or three syllables. 3 Also visņu agan váruṇă Vişņu and Va- rupa' in a Mantra in TB. II. 8. 45. 4 The Pada text here reads várunā; cp. indrā kó vām varuṇā (IV. 41¹). 5 Double duals in -bhyam do not appear to occur. 6 The ending -au or -äv never occurs in the first member. V. COMPOUNDS. COPULATIVES. 157 in párjanya-vātā (v₁.496), voc. of parjányā-vátā (vI. 50¹²), and always in indra- vayū¹ 'O Indra and Vayu'. The ending - appears in the first member in agni-şómau 'Agni and Soma'; and - in krátu-dákṣau (VS.) ². 261. These coordinate duals having early come to be regarded as a unit, the commonest ending of the first member, that of the nom. acc., came to be retained unaltered in other cases and in derivatives 3. Thus arose the forms mitrá-várunābhyām; mitrá-várunayos beside mitráyor-várunayos, indra- várunayos; in the AV. dyáva-prthivibhyam and dyáva-prthivyós (instead of the divás-prthivyós of the RV.). 262. In a minority of instances, but comparatively oftener in the later Samhitãs than in the RV., the first member loses its accent and only the last syllable of the final member (irrespectively of its original accent) has the acute; thus indra-pusnis (beside indrā-pūṣáṇā); somā-pūṣábhyām;, bhavā- rudráu (AV.) 'Bhava and Rudra', bhava-śarváu (AV.) ‘Bhava and Sarva'5; vātā-parjanya 'Vata and Parjanya' (parjánya-); surya-candramásā 'sun and moon' (candrá-mas-). a. In the later Samhitas there are a few examples in which the nom. sing. of stems in -t has, doubtless owing to identity in form of the final vowel with the Vedic dual ending -ā, become fixed in the first member: pitā-putráu (AV.) 'father and son'; neştă- potŕbhyām (TS. 1. 8. 18¹) 'to the Nestr and the Potr' 6. They doubtless started from syn- tactically coordinated nominatives (like divás-prthivyos beside divás prthivyás, VI. 47²7)7. 263. Dvandvas with a single accent having established themselves, the stem form began to encroach in the first member. The only two examples from RV. I.-IX, are indra-vāyú (the transition being facilitated by the more frequent occurrence of the vocative indra-vãyū) and satyänṛtė8 (VII. 49³) 'truth and untruth'. Two additional neuters occurs in book x: sāšanānaśanē 'what eats (sa-asana-) and does not eat' (an-aśana-); and ṛk-sāmábhyām 'with hymns and chant'. In the later Samhitãs this becomes the prevailing type regularly followed in new formations; prastotr-pratihartýbhyām (TS. 1.8.18¹) 'to the Prastoty and Pratihartr'; krátu-dákṣau (VS.); dakṣa-kratú (TS.), sudräryáu (VS.) ‘a Šūdra and an Arya' ⁹. 264. The stem form having established itself in the first member, the compounding of Dvandvas became freer, and not only neuters but feminines began to be admitted, as dīkṣā-tapás-os (VS.) ‘consecration and austerity'. Here, too, the final syllable of the compound has the acute; the svarita of the original word is, however, retained in brahma-rajanyàu (VS. XXVI. 2; AV. XI. 32³) 'a Brahman and a warrior'. 265. Dvandvas with plural ending are on the whole later than those with dual ending. They would first have been used to express the plural sense of the pair in question, thus sál ahur dyava-prthivih (VIII. 916) 'they speak of six heaven-and-earths'; aho-rätráni 'pairs of day-and-night'. = ¹ This Dvandva always has a even in the | are examples which may contain the stem nom. indra-vayú. form in the first member (263). 5 WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 153, also quotes soma-rudráyos (TS.), usniha-kakúbhau (MS.). 2 The dual notion is sometimes empha- sized by the addition of ubháu both', as ubhá mitrá-váruṇā; sūryā-candramasáv ubhá (AV.). 6 On tvaşti-varūtrī see WACKERNAGEL 2¹, 64 (p. 154). 7 The three divisions of Dvandvas treated above include masculines and feminines only. Neuters of similar type first appear in the Sutras, as idhmā-barhiṣī fuel and litter'. 8 This is the earliest example of a neuter Dvandva. 9 WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 155, gives some further examples from B. portions of the 3 Like jeder-manns for jedes-manns in German. BARTHOLOMAE, IF. 20, 168(Anzeiger) regards these Dvandvas as abbreviations by dropping the common ending in the first member. 4 This accentuation is probably due to the influence of collective compounds which are nearly allied to Dvandvas. Indragni, indragnibhyām, indragnyós and agnindrabhyam later Samhitas. 158 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. A transition to the use of plural Dvandvas, that is, of pairs of groups, is made by indrä-marutas 'O Indra and Maruts', where the dual notion is made up of a singular on the one hand and a group on the other. The older type of such plural Dvandvas (which express two coordinated plurals, the first member retaining its accent and the archaic ending -a, like the -a of dual Dvandvas) is represented by ángã-párūmsi 'limbs and joints' occurring in a B. passage of the TS. (II. 5. 6¹). Examples of the later type with one accent are uktha-śastráni (VS. XIX. 28) 'recitations and praises', uktha-madáni (AV.) 'recitations and rejoicings', and probably ukthärká (VI. 34¹) 'reci- tations and hymns'. The latest type of these plural Dvandvas (like that of the duals) has the stem form in the first as well as the acute on the last syllable of the final member. The only examples of this type in the RV. occur in book x: aho-ratráni² days and nights', ajaváyas 'goats and sheep', dhana-bhakṣéşu 'in riches and enjoyments'. In the later Samhitas this type becomes quite general, forming a single category with the duals; e. g. deva-manusyàs (AV. VIII. 10⁹), bhadra-pāpás (AV.) 'the good and the bad', priyāpriyāṇi (AV.) 'pleasant and unpleasant things' ³. a. The expression ámyta mártyānām (1. 269) appears to be an abridgment for amŕtānām mártyānām 'of immortals (and) mortals', amounting almost to a plural Dvandva (= amyta-martyánām) 4. 266. A few Dvandvas appear in the Samhitas with a singular ending, these being neuter only. The older type in which a dual or plural has been turned into a singular at the end, only in order to express a collective meaning, is represented in the RV. by ista-purtám 5 'what has been offered or given', originally a pl. n. in both members (*istá-purtá) which has become a singular to emphasize its collective character. Both owing to the lack of an early type of neuter Dvandvas and because of the desire to express a collective sense, nearly all the neuter Dvandvas of the later kind are singular. In most instances both members are neuter; e. g. kṛtākṛtá-m (AV.) 'what has been done and not done', cittakūtá-m (AV.) 'thought and intention' (ákūta-), bhūta-bhavyá-m (AV.) 'the past and the future', samista-yajus (VS.) 'sacrifice and sacrificial formula'; bhadra-papásya (AV.) ‘of good and evil', añjanābhyañjana-m (AV.) 'unction and inunction' (abhyañjana-), kasipūpabarhaṇá-m (AV.) ‘mat and pillow'. a. In a few instances the first member is a masculine or feminine: keśa- śmaśrú (AV.) hair and beard', işv-āyudhé (loc. sing.) 'arrows and weapons' (AV.). 267. Adjectives also occur as Dvandvas, but they are of rare occur- rence. Three types may be distinguished. 1. Adjectives of colour expressing a mixture: e. g. nīla-lohitá- 'dark-blue and red' = 'dark red'; tamra-dhūmrá- (AV.) 'red and black' = 'dark red'; aruná-babhru- (VS.) 'ruddy and yellow', dhümrá-rohita- (VS.) 'grey and red'7. ¹ Probably ukthá-arká, not uktha-arká, the gender of the first member having pre- vailed over that of the last. = 2 The gender of the first member here prevails over that of the second. 3 Some other examples from B. passages of the Samhitās in WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 157. The oldest example of a Dvandva consisting of three members is prāṇāpānodānėṣu (TS. VII. 3. 3¹) 'in the outward, the downward and the upward airs', where the plural results from the addition of three individual things (not three groups). 4 Cp. WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 157. 5 See WINDISCH in Festgruss an Böhtlingk, P. 115 ff. 6 WACKERNAGEL (2¹, 68) quotes idhmá- barhis from the MS., 'fuel and litter', which with its double accent as well as dual ending in the first member represents a still earlier type. 7 Except in these colour adjectives in the VS., the accentuation of the adjective Dvandvas is the same as that of neuter sub- stantive Dvandvas, that is, the last syllable of the final member has the acute. V. COMPOUNDS. DETERMINATIVES. 159 2. Adjectives expressing a contrast; e. g. utkūla-nikūlá (VS.) 'going uphill and downhill'. 3. Adjectives used with dual or plural substantives to express that each is an attribute of one unit of the kind; e. g. padbhyám dakṣiņa-savyábhyām (AV. XII. 128) 'with the right foot and the left'; or with the substantive to be supplied, saptamāṣṭamábhyām sváhā (AV.) ‘hail to the seventh and the eighth (Angirasa)'; agħaśamsa-duḥśamsábhyām (AV.) ‘by those plotting evil and those plotting ill'; sahnātirātráu (AV.) 'terminating with a day (sa-ahna-) and ex- ceeding a day' (ati-rātrá-). 268. As regards the order of the members in a Dvandva, the rule seems to be that the more important or the shorter word comes first; thus dyávä-kṣáma, dyáva-bhúmí, dyáva-prthivi 'heaven and earth'; súryā-másā and surya-candramásā 'sun and moon'; indra-várunā 'Indra and Varuna'; ulukhala- musalé (AV.) 'mortar and pestle'. Indra- regularly comes first in the RV. and the later Samhitas in some dozen Dvandvas*; e. g. indragní; otherwise agnī- always precedes; sóma- comes after indră- and agnī-, but before pūṣan- and rudra. The longer word comes first, perhaps, as the more important, in parjányā-vátā ³ ‘Parjanya and Vata' and in turváśa-yádū “Turvasa and Yadu'. This can hardly be the reason in sambādha-tandryàs (AV.) 'oppressions and weariness'. The shorter word comes first in mitrá-várunā, though Varuna is the more important of the two4; in rk-sāmábhyam the shorter word is at the same time the more important. 3. Determinative Compounds. 269. Classification. The large class of determinative compounds in which the first member determines or limits the sense of the last, is best divided into two main groups. In the one, the final member is a verbal noun which governs the first member in meaning, and often even in form, as a verb governs its case. In the other, the final member is an ordinary noun (either adjective or substantive), the relation of which to the first member is a purely nominal one. — a. Verbal Noun as final member. 270. The final member is often a verbal noun either not occurring as a simple word or at least not belonging to a type used as simple words: either the bare roots or a verbal derivative formed with the suffixes -a, -ana, -i, -in, -man, -van. These nouns limited to use as final members are agent nouns; e. g. havir-ád- 'eating the oblation', sam-idh- 'flaming', jyotis-ky-t-producing light', abhi-hrú-t- 'causing injury', go-ghn-á- 'cow-slaying', a-kar-á- 'scattering'; amitra-dámbh-ana- 'injuring enemies', tuvi-gr-i- 'devouring much', uru-cákr-i- 'doing large work'; bhadra-vād-in- ‘uttering an auspicious cry'; asu-hé-man- 'swiftly speeding', bhūri-da-van-6 'giving much'.- Occasionally agent-nouns limited to use as final members are formed with other suffixes: prati-div-an- 'adversary at play', vi-bhv-an- 'far-reaching' and vi-bhv-án- ‘skil- ful'; pra-py-asá- (AV.) 'swelling', sva-bhy-asá- (AV.) 'spontaneously frightened'; I This form occurs 79 times in the RV. and prthivi-dyáva only once. 2 Otherwise only agnindrábhyam (VS.) 'Agni and Indra'. Cp. the list of dual divi- nities in Vedic Mythology, Grundriss III, I A, P. 126. 3 Once also vātā-parjanyā. 4 Cp. WackernAGEL 2¹, p. 168 (middle). - 5 Appearing in its weakest form or, if ending in a short vowel, with determina- tive -t. 6 -mant and -vant occasionally appear as as vi-rúk- variations for man and -van, mant 'shining'; prana-dá-vant- (AV.) 'life- giving' (cp. WHITNEY on AV. Iv. 355); see | REUTER, KZ. 31, 560 f. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. duh-śás-u- 'malignant, vi-bhind-ú- 'splitting', pra-yiy-u- 'used for driving', go- vind-i- 'seeking cows', pari-tatn-i- (AV.) 'encompassing', pums-cal-ú- (VS.) 'prostitute'; pīva-sphā-ká-¹ (AV¹.) ‘abounding in fat', ni-há-kā- 'whirlwind'; vi- bhanj-ani- 'shattering'; pra-cet-úna- 'affording a wide prospect'; div-i-tmant- 'going to heaven'; tuvi-kūrm-i(n)- 'stirring mightily'; vasaḥ-palpul-i- (VS.) 'washing clothes'. 160 = a. The meaning of these agent-nouns restricted in use as final members is chiefly active. But in those of them which consist of the bare root (with or without the determi- native -t) it is often intransitive; e. g. namo-výdh- 'growing by adoration'; it is not in- frequently passive, as mano-yúj- 'yoked at will', su-yúj 'well-yoked'; yama-hú- 'called by entreaties', indra-pa-tama- 'most eagerly drunk by Indra', tivra-su-t- 'pressed from the fermenting mass', hrdaya-vidh- 'pierced to the heart' 2 (AV.). The passive meaning also appears in one derivative formed with -a: pari-mar-á- (TS.) 'died around' 'around whom people die'. Final members formed with -a, -ana, (i)-tu when compounded with su- or dus- also have a passive (gerundive) meaning expressive of the ease or difficulty with which the verbal action is performed; e. g. su-kár-a- easy to be done', su-mán-tu- 'easily recognisable', su-ved-aná ‘easily acquired'; dur-ap-aná- 'hard to attain'; dur-ni- yán-tu- 'hard to restrain', dur-dhár-ī-tu- 'irresistible', dž-dábha- 'hard to deceive'; also an isolated derivative with -i, dur-grbh-i- 'hard to catch', and one with -na, su-śru-na- ‘easily heard' (beside su-śrú-t- ‘hearing easily'). 271. A certain number of verbal nouns restricted to employment as final members which are formed from the simple root (with or without deter- minative t) or with the suffixes -a, -ana, -tha are nouns of action; e.g. śrad-dhà- "belief’, āšīr-dá- (VS. TS.) 'fulfilment of wishes', úpa-stu-t- 'invocation', pari-pád- 'snare', sam-nám- (AV.) 'affection'; kṣudhā-mār-á- (AV.) 'death by hunger, papa-vad-á- (AV.) 'evil cry'; deva-héd-ana- 'offence against the gods', baddhaka-móc-ana- (AV.) ‘release of a prisoner'; go-pi-thá- 'drink of milk', putra-kr-thá- ‘procreation of sons', sam-i-thá- 'conflict'. kama-pr-á- is both a noun of action, 'fulfilment of desires' (AV.) and an agent-noun, 'fulfilling desires' (RV.) ³. a. A class of secondary nouns of action is here formed by adding the suffixes -ya and -yá to agent nouns formed from the simple root (with or without -t). These are abstracts (neuter and feminine respectively); e. g. havir-ád-ya-'enjoyment of the oblation';; pūrva-páy-ya- and pūrva-pé-ya- ‘preced- ence in drinking' (pūrva-på- ‘drinking first'), nr-pay-ya- 'protection of men', bahu-pắy-ya- ‘protection of many', 'large hall', deva-yáj-ya- n. and -yaj-ya- f. 'adoration of the gods' (deva-yáj- 'adoring the gods', VS.), nr-sáh-ya- 'over- coming of men' (nr-sáh- 'overcoming men'), raja-sú-ya- (AV.) 'royal con- secration' (rāja-sú- 'creating a king', VS.), madhyama-sthéy-ya- 'standing in the middle' (madhyama-sthá- adj., VS.); su-krt-yá- ‘righteousness' (su-ky-t- ‘righteous'). 272. The close verbal connexion of these final members with the roots from which they are derived, shows itself formally. Thus they retain the palatal of the verb where the guttural would otherwise appear4. Again, agent nouns of this kind are formed from almost every kind of present stem. The following are examples of such nouns from present stems of: 1. the first class: cakram-ā-sajá- ‘stopping 5 the wheel'; 2. the sixth class: ut-tudá- (AV.) 'instigator' (tudá-ti), sam-gird- (AV.) 'swallowing' (sám girāmi). 3. stems with -cha: go-vyacchá- (VS.) 'cow-tormentor' (from a lost present stem *yaccha-) ¹For pīvas-sphāká.; the Mss. read pībasphāká-m 4 See WACKERNAGEL 2³, 76. Exceptions (Pada pībaḥ-phākám): see WHITNEY on AV. to this would be tuvi-kurmí-(n)- and divā kará- (AV.) ‘sun', if these words are derived from car fare'. 5 From á sajāmi 'I attach'. IV. 73. 2 But 'heart-piercing' (RV.). 3 Isolated examples of nouns of action formed with other suffixes are su-papt-ani- 'good flight', sam-śreş-iná- (AV.) *conflict'(?).

4. the fourth class or passive with -ya: akrsta-pacyd-'^ (AV. VS. TS.) 'ripening in unploughed ground', a-pasyd- 'not seeing', ugram-pasyd- (AV.) ^'fierce-looking', mam-pasyd- (AV.) 'looking at me', adhi-pasya- (AV. Paipp.) '^superintendent', punar-manyd- 'remembering' {mdnya-te 'thinks'), d-risanya- 'not failing' {risanyd-ti), bala-vi-jnayd- 'recognized by his strength', a-vi-dasyd- 'not ceasing' {vi dasyanti 'they cease'), a-vi-driyd- 'not bursting' {dr- 'split').

5. stems with -ay a-, vacam-mkhayd- 'stirring the voice', samudram-lhkhaya- (only voc.) ^'stirring the vat' {inkhdya-nii 'they shake'), visvam-ejaya- (only voc.) ^x<^ring air {ejdya-ti 'sets in motion)', ati-parayd- 'putting across'. 6. the

-ti

_ _ - .. „ 'reaching to the mouth' ^ {dagh-nu-yat

'may reach', K.), dura-dabhnd- (AV.) 'eluding doors' = 'not to be kept by bars and bolts' (dabhnuv-anti 'they deceive'), danu-pinvd- 'swelling with drops' {pinv-and- 'swelling'), sada-prnd- 'always giving' {prnA-ti 'fills', 'bestows'), a-mind-á<r3> (beside á-minant-) 'undiminishing' (mind-ti 'diminishes'), pra-mrna- 'destroying' (pra-mṛṇant- 'crushing', prá mṛṇa 'destroy'), a-sinvá-<r4> (beside d-sinvani-) 'insatiable', a-sunv-d- 'not pressing Soma' (beside á-sunv-ant-), '7. the sixth and seventh classes: agnim-indhd- 'fire-kindling' (indh-áte 'they kindle'), pra-krntd- (TS.iv.5.3') and vi-krntd- (VS.) 'cutting to pieces' {krnta-ti 'cuts'), bhumi-drmhd- (AV.) 'firmly fixed on the ground' (dŕmha-ta 'make firm'), ni-limpá- (AV.) a kind of supernatural being (ní limpāmi 'I besmear', AV.). 8. the root class: vrátya-bruvá- (AV.) 'calling himself a Vrātya' (bruv-ánti 'they say'). 9. the reduplicating class: anu-jighrd- (AV.) 'snuffing at' {jighranti 'smelling'), sam-pibd- (AV.) 'swallowing down' {sdm pibami, AV.) 5.

a. In a few instances verbal nouns which are final members of compounds in the RV. or the later Samhitas subsequently appear as independent words. Thus jata-vidya- 'knowledge of things', vidya- (AV. TS.) 'knowledge' 6. On the other hand, verbal nouns derived from roots without suffix, which in the RV. appear both as independent words and as final members of compounds, often^ survive in the later Samhitas in their com- pound form only; such are tier- 'racing', da- 'giver', sii- m. 'begetter', f. 'mother', siha- 'standing'. As a rule verbal nouns which occur independently have the same general meaning as when they form the final member of a compound. But those formed without any suffix generally, and those formed with -a occasionally, have the sense of agent nouns at the end of compounds, but of action nouns or of designations of things con- ceiv " - • ■ - ■ - . - - -

fiva-

Mara- 'bringing prosperity'. Sometimes the simple word has the meaning of an agent noun as well as Of an action noun; e. g. dfs- adj. 'seeing' and f. 'act of seeing'; bhiij- adj. 'enjoying' and f. 'enjoyment'; siubk- adj. 'shouting' and f. 'shout'; but at the end of a compound these three words express the agent only. Similarly grabh-a- m. 'seizer' (AV.) and 'grasp', but grava-grabh-d- 'handling the Soma stones'^.

273. Independent verbal nouns. — Several kinds of verbal nouns which are also capable of independent use occur as final member of compounds. Among these the only ones of frequent occurrence are those in -ta which are adjectives (often used as substantives) and the corresponding abstract

1 Wackernagel 21, p. 179 (bottom), refutes the view that this -ya is identical with that of the gerundive.

2 -daghna- forms the last member of several other compounds in the later Sam- hitas. See Wackernagel 21, p. 181.

3 Cp. Wackernagel 21, p. 181, note.

4 From a lost root *si-nd-ti 'satisfies'.

ace. f. 'life-giving' (beside dyur-da-, AV. VS. TS.): ddd-ati 'they give'.

6 For examples of verbal nouns which assume an independent character in the later language, see Wackernagel 21, 77 a.

7 On the origin of these verbal compounds and the relation of the final member to the independent word, see Wackernagel 2',

5 There is also a transition form (leading 78 b and note (p. 186 f.). to the later -dada-) in ayitr-ddd-am (AV.) |

Indo-arische Philologie. I. 4, . I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. substantives in -ti; e. g. puró-hita- adj. ‘placed in front, m. 'domestic priest'; puro-hiti- f. 'domestic priesthood'. I. Agent nouns. Those which are formed with -aka and -snu are compounded with prepositions only: abhi-króś-aka- (VS.) 'one who cries out', vi-lấy-aka- (VS.) ‘melter'; abhi-socayi-ṣṇú- (AV.) 'causing heat', ni-șat-snú- 'sitting firmly'. Agent nouns in -țr may be compounded with adverbs, as pura-et- ‘going before', purah-sthatý 'standing at the head', and rarely with substan- tives, as nr-pati- 'protecting men', man-dhat-¹ 'applying (his) mind', 'thoughtful man'. Agent nouns formed with -z from secondary present stems are in a few instances compounded with substantives: gir-vanasy-ú- 'fond of hymns', deva-piy-ú- (AV. VS.) ‘hating the gods', rāṣṭra-dips-ú- (AV.) ‘wishing to injure the country'. 162 2. Action nouns. A few action nouns formed with -ã from adjectives in - derived from secondary verbal stems, begin in late passages of the RV. to appear in composition with a substantive: māmsa-bhikṣ-á- (1. 162¹²) 'request for flesh', śraddhā-manasy-á- ‘faithful intent' (x.113⁹); sajāta-vanasy-á- (TS. 11. 6. 67) ‘desire to rule over relatives'. Much more common are the abstracts in -ti (corresponding to adjectives in -ta), which may be compounded with indeclinables or nouns (adjective or substantive) 2; e. g. án-uti- 'no help', á-sasti- 'curse', nír-rti- 'dissolution', sá-huti- 'joint invocation', su-uti- 'good aid'; sóma-piti- 'drinking of Soma', sóma-suti- 'pressing of Soma'. Some of these are becoming or have become agent nouns; thus jarád-așți- 'attaining great age' as well as 'attainment of old age'; vásu-dhiti- 'bestowing wealth' as well as 'bestowal of wealth'; but vásu-nīti- (AV.) only bringing wealth'. Others, even in the RV., approximate to the type of the non-verbal determinatives, as ásu-nīti- 'world of spirits', rjú-nīti- 'right guidance', devá-hiti- 'divine ordi- nance', námo-vrkti- 'cleansing for adoration', pūrvá-citti- 'foreboding': these can, however, be understood as abstracts to corresponding compounds in -ta ³. 3. Gerundives. The gerundives formed with -ya are ordinarily compounded with adverbial prepositions, as puro-nuvakyà- (sc. fc- AV.) '(verse) to be repeated beforehand'. In the later Samhitas a noun here sometimes appears as first member: nīvi-bhāryà- (AV.) 'to be worn in a skirt', prathama-vāsyà- (AV.) 'worn formerly'. The Proper Names kunda-páyya-, puru-mayyà, vrsti- hávya-, if they are formed with the gerundive suffix -ya, would be examples from the RV.4.-Gerundives formed with -anīya and -enyas are compounded with prepositions and a(n)- only: a-mantraniya- (AV.) ‘to be asked'; sam- carénya- 'suitable for walking on', a-dvisenyá- 'not malevolent'.—Gerundives in -tva are not compounded at all except with a(n)-. 4. Participles. Besides prepositions and a(n)-, only indeclinable words occurring in connexion with verbs are found compounded with participles (exclusive of the past passive participle): thus alala-bhávant- 'murmuring' (waters) and jañjana-bhávant- 'crackling' (flame), astam-yánt- (AV.) 'setting' and astam-esyant- (AV.) ‘about to set', á-punar-dīyamāna- (AV.) ‘not being given back', avis-krnvänd- 'making visible', dur-vidvāms- ill-disposed, sú- vidvāms- 'knowing well'. I From manas- through *manz-dhātý-. 2 The verbal force is strongest when the preceding substantive has the sense of an object. 3 As devá-hiti- 'act of ordaining by the gods' beside devá-hita- ordained by the gods'. 4 The compounds ama-väsyà- (AV.) sc. ratri- night of the new moon', eka-vadyá- |(AV.) ‘uttering a single sound', a kind of spectre, and var-kāryā- (1. 884) are obscure in their formation. 5 A few gerundives in -tavya begin to be compounded with prepositions or particles in the B. portion of the TS. and MS.: pra- vastavyàm (TS.) 'one should go on a jour- ney'; a-bhartavyá- (MS.) 'not to be borne', sv-ètavyam (TS.) 'easy to go'. 163 a. By far the commonest verbal nouns occurring as final member are the past participles in -ta, which are compounded with nouns as well as prepositions and other indeclinables. The meaning is mostly passive. It is, however, sometimes active, but in the RV. almost exclusively when a pre- position precedes, as úd-ita- 'risen'; when a noun precedes, only in sárga- takta- 'speeding with a rush' and sárga-pratakta- ‘darting forth with a rush'. In the AV. a noun appears also in uda-plutá- 'swimming in the water'; occa- sionally even transitively governing the first member in sense: krtá-dviṣṭa- (AV.) 'hating what has been done' (by another) ¹. b. The past participle in -na is less frequent and occurs in the RV. only compounded with prepositions, a(n)- and su-; e. g. pári-cchinna- ‘lopped around'; á-bhinna- 'not split'; sú-purna- 'quite full'. But it is found a few times in the later Samhitãs with a preceding substantive: agni-nunna- (SV.) 'driven away by fire', resmá-cchinna- (AV.) 'rent by a storm'; and with active (transitive) sense gara-gīrṇá- (AV.) 'having swallowed poison'. 5. There are besides some verbal adjectives in -ra or (after a vowel) -tra, -la and -ma, the first of which occurs compounded with nouns as well as prepositions: á-sk-ra- 'united'², ni-mrg-ra- ‘attached to', tanú-śubh-ra- ‘shining in body', hári-scand-ra- 'shining yellow'; vi-bhr-tra- 'to be borne about in various directions'; á-mis-la-, ni-mis-la-, sám-mis-la- 'commingling'; áva-kṣā-ma- (AV.) 'emaciated', úc-chus-ma- (TS. 1. 6. 22) 'hissing upwards', ní-sus-ma- (TS. 1. 6. 22) 'hissing downwards'. 6. Comparatives and superlatives in -īyāms and -iştha having originally been verbal adjectives are found in composition with prepositions and sám- when they still retain their verbal meaning: úd-yamīyāms- 'raising excessively', pári-ṣvajīyāms- (AV.) 'clasping more firmly', práti-cyavīyāms- 'pressing closer against', ví-kledīyāms- (AV.) 'moistening more'; a-gamistha- 'coming quickly, śám-bhavistha- 'most beneficial. V. COMPOUNDS. DETERMINATIVES. First member in verbal determinatives. 274. a. Prepositions. At the beginning of determinatives prepositions are employed in accordance with their use in verbal forms; e. g. pra-ni- and prá-nīti- 'furtherance', pra-net- 'leader', prá-nīta- ‘furthered', pra-není- 'guiding constantly. Even in the many instances in which the corresponding verbal com- bination has not been preserved, it may be assumed to have existed; e. g. in abhi-pra-múr- 'crushing' and abhi-pra-bhangin- 'breaking'. Occasionally, how- ever, the preposition has a meaning which otherwise occurs only before non- verbal nouns; e. g. ati-yajá- 'sacrificing excessively'. A preposition belonging to the second member is once prefixed to the first in sam-dhana-ji-t (AV.) 'accumulating (= sam-ji-t-) 'wealth'. b. Adverbs. Various kinds of adverbs occur in this position, as puro- yávan- 'going before', akṣṇaya-drüh- 'injuring wrongly'; amutra-bhuya- (AV. VS.) 'state of being there' (i. e. in the other world). The privative a(n)- though belonging in sense to the final member always precedes the first; e. g. án- agni-dagdha- 'not burnt by fire'; á-paścãd-daghvan- 'not remaining behind'; á-dāra-sṛ-t (AV.) ‘not falling into a crack'. c. Nouns. The first member, when a noun, expresses various relations to the last. ¹ Cp. WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 195; but also WHITNEY on AV. VII. 113¹. 2 From sac- 'be associated'. 3 In TS. II. 5. 44 (B.) ati-yaj- means 'to pass over in sacrificing'. 11* I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. It expresses: 1. the object, which is the prevailing meaning when the final member is an agent noun or an action noun; e. g. ab-ji-t- 'winning waters', aśva- hayá 'urging on steeds', nr-pati- 'protecting men', vája-sāti- 'act of winning booty', vrtra-hátya- n. 'act of slaying Vṛtra'. When the final member is a verbal noun formed from kr- 'make', the first member does not necessarily express the product, but may mean the material with which the activity is concerned; thus hiranya-kārá- (VS.) is not 'gold-maker' but 'worker in gold', 'goldsmith'. 2. the agent when the last member has a passive sense; e. g. indra-pá- tama- ‘most drunk by Indra', sóma-sita- ‘excited by Soma'; occasionally also when the final member is an action noun, as devá-hiti- 'ordinance of the gods', parna-sada- (AV. VS.) ‘fall of leaves', mitra-túrya- (AV.) ‘victory of friends'. 164 3. the instrument, the source, or the locality when the final member is an agent noun or a past passive participle; e. g. ádri-dugdha-² ‘milked with stones', aritra-párana- 'crossing with oars'; gó-jata- 'produced from kine', tīvra-su-t- 'pressed from the fermenting mass'; uda-plutá- (AV.) 'swimming in the water, áhar-jata- (AV.) 'born in the day', puru-bhi- 'being in many places', bandhu-kşi-t- 'dwelling among relatives', pŕśni-ni-preșita- 3 'sent down to earth'. 4. in an appositionally nominative sense, that as or like which the action of the final member is performed; e. g. iśana-ky-t- 'acting as a ruler', purva-pá- 'drinking first', vamá-jata- 'born as one dear' = 'dear by nature'; dhara-vaká- 'sounding like streams', syená-juta- 'speeding like an eagle'. 5. in the sense of a predicative nominative before a past participle, or a predicative accusative before an agent noun expressive of 'saying'; e. g- bhaksám-krta- (TS.) 'enjoyed', stóma-tasta- 'fashioned as a hymn of praise'; vratya-bruvá- (AV.) 'calling oneself a Vratya'. 6. adverbially the manner in which an action is done, sometimes by means of a substantive, more often by means of an adjective; e. g. rtv-ij- 'sacrificing at the proper time', that is, 'regularly', sárga-takta- 'speeding with a rush'; ašu-pátvan- 'flying swiftly', dhruva-kṣi-t- (VS.) ‘dwelling securely', satya- yáj- 'sacrificing truly'; with a numeral in dvi-já- (AV.) 'twice-born'. 275. Before a verbal noun a nominal first member very often appears with a case-ending4, generally with that which the corresponding verb would govern in a sentence. The accusative is here the commonest case, the locative coming next, while the other cases are rarer. A singular case- ending (the acc. or inst.) may here indicate a plural sense; e. g. áśvam-isti- 'seeking horses', puram-dará- 'destroyer of forts', śúneșita- 'driven by dogs' (súnā-). Plural (acc.) endings sometimes occur, but dual endings are never found in these compounds. The accusative case-ending is very common, generally expressing the object of a transitive verb, as dhanam-jaya- 'winning booty'. But it also ex- presses other senses, as that of the cognate accusative; e. g. subham-ya-(van)- 'moving in brilliance'; or of an adverbial accusative, e. g. ugram-paśyá-5 1 WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 198, quotes loka-| the body it expresses the sense of 'with jit-am svargám (AV. IV. 348) as showing that reference to', as bāhú-juta- 'quick with the the first member was felt to have an accu- arms'. sative sense = 'winning the heavenly world' (svargám lokám); but the Paipp. Ms. has the reading svargyam, which WHITNEY regards as better, translating world-conquering, heaven-going'. 3 The local sense here is that of the accusative of the goal. 4 Cp. LINDNER, Nominalbildung p. 28. 5 Occasionally the -m is inorganic, as in maksum-gamá- and alum-gá- (AV.) 'going swiftly'. In patam-gá- bird', patam-probably 2 When the first member is a part of V. COMPOUNDS. DETERMINATIVES. (AV.) 'looking fiercely'; or of a predicative accusative, e. g. ayakṣmam-káraṇa- (AV.) 'producing health', śrtam-kartý- (TS. III. 1. 44) 'making cooked'. The acc. pl. occurs in ka-cit-kará- 'doing all manner of things', páśva-işti-² 'desiring kine', vipas-cit- 'understanding eloquence', vipo-dhá- 'granting eloquence', huras- cit-3 'intending evil'4. a. The accusative form is commonest before agent nouns ending in -a or - which begin with a single consonant and the first syllable of which is short; that is, them here appears in a syllable in which rhythmic lengthening would be allowed 5. This accusative form is the regular rule in the RV. when the stem of the first member ends in -a, being found before -kara- 'making', -caya- 'collecting', -jaya- 'conquering', -tara- 'overcoming', -dara- 'cleaving', -bhara- 'bearing', ruja- 'breaking', -sani- 'winning', -saha- 'over- whelming'; e. g. abhayam-kará- 'procuring security'. The only exceptions to this rule in the RV. are aśva-hayá- 'urging on steeds', sukra-dúgha- 'emitting clear fluid'. In the RV. the ending -im also occurs in pusțim-bhará- 'bringing prosperity' and harim-bhará-6 bearing the yellow-coloured (bolt)'; and -um inorganically in makṣum-gamá- ‘going quickly'. In the later Samhitās also occur iram-madá- (VS.) 'rejoicing in the draught', duram-gamá- (VS.) 'going far', devam-gamá- (TS.) 'going to the gods', yudhim-gamá- (AV.) 'going to battle', višvam-bhará- (AV.) 'all-sustaining', sakam-bhará-7 (AV.) ‘bearing ordure'8 b. The accusative form in -am is not uncommon before a final member with initial vowel (coalescence of the two vowels being thus avoided); e. g. cakram-asajá- 'obstructing the wheel', visvam-invá- 'all-moving', ásvam-isti- 'desiring horses', vācam-īnkhayá- ‘word-moving', samudram-īnkhaya- (only voc.) 'stirring the vat', visvam-ejayá- 'all-exciting'; in -im: agnim-indhá- 'fire-kindler'; in -ām: tvám-ahuti- (TS.) 'offering oblations to thee'. 2 c. The accusative form is common when the final member is formed from a present stem, owing to the close connexion of such verbal nouns with the verb; e. g. dhiyam-jinvá- 'exciting meditation', ugram-paśyá- (AV.) 'looking fiercely', mam-paśyá- (AV.) '‘looking at me'. d. Apart from the conditions stated above (a, b, c) the accusative case- ending rarely occurs in the first member of verbal determinatives; e. g. vanam-káraṇa-, a particular part of the body; dhiyam-dhá- 'devout', śubham- yá-(van)- 'moving in brilliance'⁹. a. In the great majority of instances the first member, if it has the accusative case-form, ends in -am, mostly from stems in -a, but also from monosyllabic consonant stems (pur-am- etc.) ¹⁰, and from one stem in -ī (dhiy-am-). Otherwise there are three or 2 pašvás acc. pl. 3 Here huras might be a genitive as Vcit- governs that case as well as the acc. 165 represents IE. petn-; while in puram-dhi- | nation of nam-cayá- and rna-cit- 'paying a 'fertile woman' and vŕşan-dhi- bold', the debt', khajam-kará- and khaja-kŕt- 'causing origin of the nasal is doubtful; cp. WACKER- the din of battle', dhanam-jayá and dhana- NAGEL 2¹, p. 202. ji-t- 'winning booty', janam-sahá- 'overcoming In B. this predicative accusative some-beings' and vrata-sāhá- 'conquering crowds'. times comes to have the value of a predi- 6 Beside kavi-vrydhá- 'prospering the wise'. cative nominative when compounded with a 7 Here the acc. of an a-stem is substituted gerundive or a derivative of bhu-, as śrtam- for sakán-. kŕtya- (TS.) to be made cooked', nagnam- bhavuka- (TS.) 'becoming naked'. 8 The compound narám-dhisa- (VS.) is of doubtful meaning and irregular accent. 9 For several other examples occurring in Brāhmaṇa passages of the later Samhitās see WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 207 d, e. ¹0 In hyd-am-sáni- ‘winning the heart' the neuter hyd- is treated as if it were a masc. or fem. 4 puro-há 'destroying forts' may contain an acc.; also işa-stut- praise of prosperity', which the Pada analyses as iṣaḥ-stút. 5 How much the use of these forms is dependent on rhythm is seen in the alter166 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. four in -im (agnim- etc.), one in -um (makṣum-), and two pronominal accusatives in -ām (mām-, tvām-). Polysyllabic consonant stems never have the accusative case-ending in the first member ¹. 276. The locative case-ending is in the RV. almost limited to em- ployment before agent-nouns formed from the simple root with or without determinative -t: agre-gá- 'going before', agre-gi- (VS.) 'moving forwards', agre-ni- (VS.) 'leader', agre-pá- 'drinking first', agre-pú- (VS.) 'drinking first', ange-stha-² (AV.) 'situated in a inember of the body', ṛte-já-³ 'produced at the sacrifice', krcchre-śri-t- 'running into danger', gahvare-şthá- (VS.) ‘being at the bottom', divi-ksi-t- 'dwelling in heaven', divi-yáj- 'worshipping in heaven', divi-śrí-t (AV.) 'sojourning in heaven', divi-sád- (AV.) 'sitting in heaven', dure-dis visible afar, dosani-śris- (AV.) 'leaning on the arm', rathe-súbh- 'flying along in a car', rathe-sthá- 'standing in a car', vane-ráj- 'shining in a wood', vane-sáh- 'prevailing in woods', sute-grbh- 'taking hold of the Soma', hrdi-spŕs 'touching the heart' 4. 2. The RV. has only two examples of a locative before an agent noun formed with the suffix -a: divi-kṣayá- ‘dwelling in heaven', vahye-sayá- ‘resting in a litter'5. There are several others in the later Samhitas: agre-vadhá- (VS.) 'killing what is in front', talpe-sayá- (AV.) ‘resting on a couch', divi-cará- (AV.) 'faring in heaven', divi-stambhá- (AV.) 'supported on the sky', dūre-vadhá- (VS.) 'far-striking', harā-śayá-6 (MS. 1. 27) 'resting in gold'. In the AV. also occurs an example of the locative before an agent noun formed with -in: parame-sth-in- 'standing in the highest (place)'. 3. The locative plural is much rarer than the singular in the first member: apsu-kṣi-t- ‘dwelling in the waters', apsu-jä- born in the waters', apsu-ji-t- 'van- quishing in the waters', apsu-sád- 'dwelling in the waters', apsu-váh- (SV.) 'driving in water', apsú-samsita- (AV.) ‘excited in the waters', gosu-yudh- 'fighting in (= for) kine', prtsu-túr- 'conquering in battles', bhareşu-ja- 'pro- duced in fights', hrtsv-ás- 'piercing to the heart'. a. In these locative compounds the second member is most commonly -stha- or -sthā- in the RV., while the first member is most usually agre-, dūre. or vane-. The locative in -e is the predominant one, even displacing-i in pathe-sthắ- 'standing on the road' beside pathi-sthắ- (AV.). 277. The instrumental case-ending occurs several times in the first member of verbal determinatives: kṣama-cará- (VS.) ‘being in the ground', gira-vŕdh- 'rejoicing in song', dhiyä-júr- 'aging in devotion', yuvá-datta- "given by you two', yuva-nita- "led by you two', yuşma-datta- ‘given by you', yuşmá- nita- 'led by you', súneșita- 'driven by dogs' (súnā). When the stem of the first member ends in a there is some doubt whether - here represents the instrumental ending or lengthening of the vowel7; thus saphā-rúj- may mean 'breaking with the hoof' or 'hoof-breaker"; and in yuvā-yúj- 'yoked by you two' the vowel may be simply lengthened. In divā-kará- (AV.) ‘sun' the first member is an old instrumental used adverbially³. a. The examples of the ablative case-ending are rare: dakṣiṇāt-sád- 2 There are several other locatives com- pounded with -sṭhā-. I akan- substitutes the acc. of an a-stem; 5 In suté-kara- 'active in (offering) Soma', above p. 165, note 7. the accent shows that the final member has an adjectival, not a verbal sense. In the name matari-svan- the first member is inter- preted in RV. III. 29¹¹ as a locative; cp. RICHTER, IF. 9, 247, note; MACDONELL, Grundriss III. IA, p. 72 (middle). 3 There are several other locatives com- pounded with -ja-. 4 In nare-şthắ- (RV¹.), an epithet of the car, the first member may be a locative (Sāyaṇa), but it may also be a dative of ný- (BR., GRASSMANN), serving for a man to 6 In VS. v. 8 hari-sayá; hara- here is the locative of hári-. stand on'. 7 Cp. WACKERNAGEL 2¹, 56. 8 See WACKERNAGEL 2¹, 213 a, note. V. COMPOUNDS. DETERMINATIVES. 167 (MS. II. 63) 'sitting in the south'; divo-já- 'produced from heaven', divo-dúh- (SV.) 'milking from the sky', divo-rúc- 'shining from the sky'. b. The ending of the genitive would naturally appear only before deri- vatives from verbs governing the genitive. There seem to be no certain examples: divá-ksas- 'ruling over the sky' (divás) however seems probable ³. b. I. Ordinary Adjective as final member. 278. Ordinary adjectives which are not of a verbal character may appear as final member of determinatives much in the same way as past participles in -ta and -na (273, 4). But adjectives ending in -z are almost exclusively compounded with the privative a(n)- and prepositions; e. g. an-āśú- ‘not swift', án-rju- 'dishonest', á-dāśu- 'impious', á-bhīru- 'not terrible'; prāšů- “very (prá) swift' (aśú-). The only final members otherwise compounded are -vasu- 'rich' in vibhá-vasu- 'radiant' and other compounds, and -raghu- 'swift', in máde- raghu- 'quick in exhilaration'. a. The first member may be a substantive in the relation of a case to the last; e. g. tanít-subhra 'shining in body', yajñá-dhīra- 'versed in sacrifice', vakmarája-satya- 'faithful to the ordainers of hymns', visvá-sambhu- 'salutary for all'. The relation is sometimes expressed by the case-ending: the locative in gávi-sthira- (AV.) 'strong in kine (gávi)' as a name, máde-raghu- 'quick in exhilaration', suté-kara- 'active in (offering) Soma', sumná-āpi- 'united in affection (sumné)'; instrumental in dhiya-vasu- 'rich in devotion', vidmanápas- working (apás-) with wisdom (vidmána)'. The first member may also appositionally express a comparison as representing a type: śúka-babhru- (VS.) 'reddish like a parrot'¹³. 2 b. The first member may be an adjective qualifying the final member in an adverbial sense; thus aprūmi-satya (voc.) 'eternally true', urdhvá-prśni-4 (VS.) 'spotted above', try-àrușa- ‘reddish in three (parts of the body)', mahā- nagní-5 (AV.) 'courtezan' ('very naked'), mahá-mahi-vrata- 'ruling very mightily', mahá-vatūrin- 'very broad, visvá-ścandra- ‘all-glittering¹6. c. Adverbs and particles often appear as first member; e. g. an-asi- 'not swift', anyáta-ení- (VS.) ‘variegated on one side (anyátas)’, evára- 'quite (evá) ready (ára-)', duḥ-śéva- 'unfavourable', púnar-nava- 'renewing itself', sató-mahānt- ‘equally (sa-tás) great, sató-bṛhatī- (VS.) ‘the equally great' (a metre), satyám- ugra- 'truly mighty', sú-priya- (AV.) ‘very dear'. d. Several prepositions appear as first member, mostly with their original adverbial meaning; e. g. áti-krsna-7 (VS.) 'very dark'; á-miśla-tama- 'mixing very readily'8; upottamá- (AV.) 'penultimate'; ni-dhruvi- ('fixed down') 'per- severing', nis-kevalya- (VS.) 'belonging exclusively'; präsí- 'very swift', pra- ¹ But it has also been otherwise explained; 4 Here the adjectival stem is used for the cp. WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 213 c, note; who adv. urdhvám. also quotes á-kasya-vid- 'knowing nothing' from the MS. 5 From this is formed the m. mahá-nagná- (AV.) 'paramour'. 6 The meaning of sadhv-arya- "truly faith- ful'(?), which occurs only once, is doubtful; cp. WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 237 (top). 7 ati in the sense of 'very' does not occur in the RV., but in the later Samhitãs it is the commonest of the prepositions com- pounded with adjectives. 2 The word jätu-sthira- probably contains an old instrumental 'naturally solid'; in nabhā-nédiṣṭha- nearest in kin' as a name, the first member though looking like a loca- tive, probably represents an IIr. stem nabhā-; cp. RICHTER, IF. 9, 209. The compounds a-şama-, an epithet of Indra, and ghasé- ajra (VS.) are Bahuvrihis. 3 A transition to this compound use appears in máno jáviştham (RV. vi. 95) 'very swift as thought'. - 8 Very slightly mixed', GELDNER, VS. 3, 181. - a-tura- 'suffering' is obscure in origin. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. sardha (voc.) 'bold'; ví-mahī- ‘very great', vi-şama- (VS.) ‘uneven', vi-sadria- 'dissimilar, vy-en- 'variously tinted' (dawn); sám-vasu- dwelling together', sám-priya- (VS.) 'mutually dear'. 168 b. 2. Ordinary Substantive as final member. I 279. Determinatives with ordinary non-verbal substantives as their final member are not common in the earliest period of the language. In the first nine books of the RV., except the frequent compounds in -pati- and -patnī, there are not many more than three dozen examples 2; the tenth book has quite two dozen more, and the AV. seven dozen more. The first member is frequently a substantive also. Its relation to the final member seems to be limited to the genitive sense in the Samhitās. This genitive sense appears when the final member is a word expressive of relationship, or -pati- husband' or 'lord'; e. g. raja-putrá- 'king's son', mrtyu- bándhu- 'companion of death', vis-páti lord of the tribe'. It sometimes ex- presses the material, as dru-padá- 'post of wood', hiranya-rathá- 'car of gold' or 'car full of gold'. In deva-kilbişá- 'offence against the gods' we have an example of an objective genitive. There seems to be no instance in the RV. of a Proper Name appearing as the first member of a determinative in the genitive sense 3 except in indra-sená- (x.102²) Indra's missile'4, which compound is itself perhaps a Proper Name 5. In camasádhvaryu- (AV.) 'the priest of the cups', the first member expresses quite a general genitive sense of relation 'the priest who is concerned with the cups'. -= 280. As in determinatives with verbal noun as final member, the case- ending may appear in the first member. But it is less common here, and owing to the purely nominal character of the final member, is almost restricted to the genitive. The ending of this case is very common before -pati- 'lord' or 'husband': amhas-as-pati- (VS.) ‘lord of distress', N. of an intercalary month, gná-s-páti-6 husband of a divine woman', já-s-páti- ‘lord of the family', byh-as-páti- and bráhmaṇ-as-páti-'lord of devotion', mánas-as-páti- lord of mental power', ván-as-páti-8 lord of the wood', 'tree', vãc-ás-páti- lord of speech', vástos-páti- 'lord of the dwelling', subh-ás-páti- 'lord of splendour', sádas-as- páti-9 lord of the sacrificial seat'. According to the analogy of these com- pounds which end in -s-pati-, were also formed from a-stems rta-s-pati- (only voc.) 'lord of pious works' and rátha-s-páti- 'lord of the car'. The word dám-pati- may stand for *dám-s-pati-¹0 lord of the house' (dám-, the gen. pl. of which, dam-ắm, occurs). Bahuvrihis with ordinary substantives | from this word after the etymology had as final member were common from the been forgotten, as conversely the m. sapátna- beginning; hence combinations which appear 'rival' was formed from sa-pátni co-wife'. as Bahuvrihis in the older period, are often only found later as Tatpuruṣas, the latter being thus occasionally affected by the formal peculiarities of Bahuvrihis. 7 *bh-here is synonymous with bráhman-, bráhmaṇas-páti- being a parallel and explana- tory formation. On byhas-páti- and cognate compounds see OTTO STRAUSS, Brhaspati im Veda (Leipzig 1905), p. 14-17. 2 See WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 241 (97 note). | 3 If this compound is a Proper Name, it is the only instance with the stem-form in the first member; but the genitive case-ending appears in the first member of a few deter- minative Proper Names; see below, 280 a. 4 'Indra's missile' (BR.), 'Indra's army' (GRASSMANN). 8 van 'wood' appears also in the pl. G. van-ám, L. vám-su. 9 It is unnecessary to assume the existence of a stem sad to explain sádas-pátí- and sát-pati- since the stem sadas- occurs; nor is radh- necessary to explain radhas-pati- (only voc.) as rádhas- is frequent. 5 This is the opinion of GELDNER, VS. 2, 1, and of DELBRÜCK, Vergl. Syntax 3, p. 202. 6 An anomalous f. gnás-pátni- was formed | Cp. WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 249 e, note. 10 PISCHEL, VS. 2, 93 ff., 307 ff., rejects any connexion between dámpati- and dám- 'house'. V. COMPOUNDS. DETERMINATIVES. 169 a. These compounds in -páti- are treated by the Pada text in three different ways: I. gnáspáti-, bŕhaspáti-, vánaspáti-, vispáti- (and vispálni-) appear as simple words; 2. gnáḥ- páini-, jáh-páti-, sáci-páti-, rta-pate (voc.), radhas-pate (voc.), and those with a single accent (except višpáti) as compounds separated by the Avagraha sign; 3. all other doubly accented compounds (e. g. bráhmaṇas-páti-) as two separate words; even ráthas-pátis is written ráthaḥ | pátiḥ | as if ráthaḥ were a nom. sing. I 2 a. Otherwise the genitive ending appears only two or three times in the RV. in Proper Names: divo-däsa- 'Servant of heaven' (?), śúnaḥ-sépa- 'Dog's tail', and (with gen. pl.) nára-śámsa- (for *nárām-śámsa-) 3 'Praise of men', an epithet of Agni. The VS. has also rayas-posa- 'increase of wealth' in rāyas-poṣa-dá- 'bestowing increase of wealth' and rāyas-poṣa-váni- ‘procuring increase of wealth'. b. Other case-endings are very rare in such determinatives. The locative appears in svapne-dusvapnyá- (AV.) ‘evil dreaming in sleep'4; the instrumental in vācá-stena- ‘thief by speech', 'one who makes mischief by his words'; the dative in dasyave-vṛka- (voc.) 'Wolf to the Dasyu', N. of a man; and possibly dásyave sáhah (1. 36¹8) may be meant as a name with double accent. 281. In a few instances the first member is a substantive used appo- sitionally to express sex or composite nature: purusa-mrgá- (VS.) 'male antelope'; úlüka-yatu- 'owl demon' (= demon in form of an owl), śusulika- yatu- 'owlet demon'; purusa-vyāghrá- 'man-tiger', a kind of demon, vṛṣá- kapi- 'man-ape'. 282. An adjective may appear as first member determining the sense of the following substantive. This type, which is called Karmadhāraya by the Indian grammarians, is uncommon in the Samhitãs. Among the oldest are candrá-măs-5 '(bright) moon' and purná-mas-a- (TS. III.4.4¹) 'full moon'. Besides these occur eka-vīrá- 'unique hero', krsna-sakuni- (AV.) 'raven'7, nava-jvārá- 'new pain', maha-grāmá- 'great hosť, mahā-dhand- 'great booty', maha-virá- 'great hero's, sapta-rsáyas 'the Seven Seers', N. of a group of ancient sages (beside the separate words saptá sayaḥ and sayaḥ saptá in Books I-IX), sapta-grdhráḥ (AV.) 'the seven vultures'⁹. a. A variety of Karmadhāraya is that in which the first member expresses a part of the last: adhara-kanthá- (VS.) 'lower part of the neck', ardha-devá- 10 'demi-god', ardha-masá- (AV. VS.) 'half-month', madhyám-dina- 'midday'; also with change of gender: agra-jihvá- (VS.) n. 'tip of the tongue (jihvá-)'; with the suffix -a: ardha-rc-á- (AV. VS.) ‘hemistich', pūrvahn-á- 'forenoon'". 283. Prepositions frequently occur as first member, all except prá in their ordinary adverbial senses. Those which are thus used in the RV. I See WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 241 (97 a a, note). 2 This name occurs once with tmesis, súnaš cic chépam (v. 27). 3 Cp. naram ná sámsa- (1. 1739 etc.) and śámso narám (VI. 242); see WACKERNAGEL 21, p. 248 d, note. 4 hradé-caksus 'mirrored in the lake' is regarded by GELDNER (VS. 1, 173) as a Tat- puruşa 'eye in the lake'. For one or two doubtful examples of locative pl. see WACKER- NAGEL 2¹, p. 249 (bottom). 5 That this is a very old combination is shown by the fact that más- 'moon' occurs almost exclusively in compounds (súrya-másā and purná-mās, SB.), only two or three times alone (though often in the sense of 'month'), and is therefore obsolescent in the RV. 6 In the later Samhitãs candrá- comes to - mean 'moon' as an abbreviation of candrá- mās-. 7 With change of meaning from black bird'. 8 In K. appears the dative višva-devāya, the expression viive devaḥ having become a Karmadhāraya. 9 Translated by WHITNEY (AV. VIII. 9¹8) as a Bahuvrīhi, 'seven-vultured'. 10 ardhá half' is here used in a figurative sense. ¹¹ pitā-mahá- (AV. TS. VS.) and tata-mahá- (AV.) ‘grandfather' and prá-pitamaha- (VS. TS.) and pra-tatamaha- (AV.) great grand- father' (only voc.) are probably not Karma- dharayas, but formed in imitation of mahā- mahá- which appeared to be a gradation of mahánt-; cp. WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 255, note. 170 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. are ádhi 'over', ní 'down', pári 'around', prá 'forward', 'front part of'2, 'extreme' (of high degree), 'great' (in names of relationship), práti ‘against', ví'asunder'³, sám 'together (also sa- in the same sense); and in the later Samhitās, antár 'between', ápa 'away', á 'at hand', úd 'up', úpa 'beside', úpari 'above. The following are examples in the alphabetical order of the prepositions: ádhi-pati (AV. VS.) 'over-lord', ádhi-patnī- (AV. VS.) 'sovereign lady', ádhi-bhojana- ‘additional gift', adhi-rājá- 'supreme king'; antar-deśá- (AV.) 'intermediate region', antaḥ- pátrá- (AV.) inner (= interior of the) vessel'; ápa-rupa- (AV.) 4 'absence of form', 'deformity'; á-pati- (VS. MS. 1. 27) 'the lord here'; *ut-surya- 'sunrise' in otsūryám (AV.) ‘till sunrise' (ā-utsūryám); upa-patí- (VS.) 'paramour' (lit. 'sub-husband'); upari-sayaná (AV.) 'elevated couch'; ni-dhána- (AV.) 'conclusion', ni-pakṣati- (VS.) 'second rib', ni-pādá- ‘low ground', ny-áhna-5 (AV.) 'close of day'; pári-pati- 'lord (of all) around', pari-vatsará- 'full year'; pra- gāthá- (VS.) 'fore-song', a kind of stanza, pra-dís- 'region' and (AV.) 'inter- mediate quarter', pra-dhána- 'prize of battle', pradhvaná- ('forward course', ádhvan-) bed of a river', prártha- (AV.) 'preparation', 'implement'; prá-pada-6 'tip of the foot', prá-uga- 'forepart of the shafts (of a chariot)'7; prá-napāt- 'great-grandson', pra-tatamaha- (AV.) and prá-pitamaha- (VS. TS.) 'great- grandfather'; pra-div- (AV.) 'third (or fifth) heaven', prá-patha- 'distant path', prá-maganda- arch-usurer', prá-vīra- 'great hero', práyus- (MS. 1. 54) 'long life' (áyus); prati-janá- (AV.) 'adversary', prati-divan- 'adversary at play'; vi-dis (VS.) 'intermediate region', vi-madhya- 'middle', vi-manyu- '"longing', ví-vac- 'opposing shout', 'contest', vy-ódana- (RV¹.) 'different food'9; sa-pátnī- 'co-wife', sam-grāmá- (AV.) 'assembly', 'encounter', sam-anīká- 'battle-array' ¹0, sam-bándhu- 'akin', sam-vatsará-¹¹ 'full year'. IO 284. Other indeclinables sometimes occur as first member, but very rarely in the RV. They include a few adverbs and the particles a(n)-, dus-, su-, kim-, ku-: pasca-dosá- (VS.) 'late evening', puró-agni- (VS.) 'fire in front'; a-mítra- 'enemy', á-hotr- (AV.) 'incompetent Hotr'; duc-china- 'calamity'¹²; sú-brāhmaṇa- (AV.) 'good Brahman', sú-bhesaja- (AV. TS.) 'good remedy', su-vasaná- ¹3 fair garment'; kim-purușá- (VS.) a kind of mythical being, kú- śara- (RV¹.), a kind of reed. 4. Bahuvrihi Compounds. 285. The term Bahuvrihi, employed by the Indian grammarians to designate this type, is perhaps the most convenient name for these secon- dary adjective compounds, as it represents their general character both in form and meaning. For the final member is practically always a sub- stantive, and the relation of the first member to the last is mostly attributive Without perceptibly changing the meaning of the final member. 6 Once prá-pad- in AV. 7 Probably for prá-yuga-. 8 From manyú- 'zeal'. 9 This is Sayana's explanation (vividhe 2 This and the following meanings do not occur in the combination of frá with verbs. 3 Expressing separation, extension, deri-'nne) of the word in VIII. 52⁹. vation. 10 From ánīka- 'front'. 11 sám in this compound expresses com- pleteness. 12 Cp. šunám 'with success'. On the Sandhi see p. 31, note 4. 13 Though vasana- has a concrete sense here, the compound may have arisen when 4 In apa-kāmá- ‘aversion' the final member is a verbal noun. There seem to be no cer- tain instances of this kind of compound with ápi: cp. WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 259 , note. 5 In ny-artha- 'destruction' the second member is a verbal noun. On the relation of ny-àrbuda- (AV. VS.) and ny-àrbudi- (AV.) the word had a verbal meaning. to árbuda- and árbudi-, see WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 260 (top). (Karmadhāraya), less commonly dependent (Tatpurușa), and very rarely coordinative (Dvandva). The best name otherwise is 'possessive'^[35], as this is their meaning in the vast majority of instances. In a few examples, how- ever, the more general sense of 'connected with' (which may usually be ex- pressed more specifically) is required to explain the relation between the substantive and the Bahuvrihi which agrees with it; thus ásva-prstha- 'borne on horse-back', devá-psaras- ‘affording enjoyment for the gods', parjánya-retas- 'sprung from the seed of Parjanya', visvá-krsti- 'dwelling with all peoples', visvá-nara-^[36] belonging to or existing among all men', vīrá-pastya- ‘belonging to the abode of a hero', šatá-śärada- 'lasting a hundred autumns', śúra-vīra- (AV.) 'characterized by heroic men' 'making men heroic' (amulet).

286. Attributive Bahuvrihis. The commonest form of Bahuvrihi is that in which an attributive noun is the first member. It is most frequently an adjective, as ugrá-bahu- 'powerful-armed', urvy-uti-^[37] 'giving wide aiď, jīvá-putra- 'having living sons', śukrá-varṇa- 'bright-coloured'^[38]. The first member is also often a past passive participle in -ta or -na, the action expressed by which is usually performed by the person denoted by the sub- stantive with which the Bahuvrihi agrees; e. g. práyata-dakṣina- 'he by whom the sacrificial fee has been presented', ratá-havis- 'who offers an oblation'^[39]. The action is, however, not infrequently supposed to be performed by others, always in the case of hata 'slain'; e. g. hatá-vrsn-i- 'whose hus- band has been slain', hatá-mātr- 'whose mother has been slain'. Both senses appear in rātá-havya- 'he by whom' and 'to whom offerings have been made'. An outside agent is sometimes expressed by an additional member at the beginning of the compound, as jīvá-pita-sarga- 'whose streams have been drunk by the living"^[40]. A present participle occasionally occurs as first member; e. g. ā-yád-vasu- (AV.) and sam-yád-vasu- (AV.) 'to whom wealth comes', bhrájad-rsti- 'having glittering spears', rúsad-vatsa- 'having a shining calf', sucád-ratha- 'having a brilliant car'^[41]; also a perfect-participle in dadys- aná-pavi- 'whose felly is visible', yuyujaná-sapti- 'whose steeds are yoked'. a. The first member is further often a substantive used predicatively; e. g. áśva-parna- 'horse-winged' = 'whose wings are horses' (car); indra-satru- ,whose foe is Indra'; tad-id-artha-^[42] 'having just that as an aim', drónāhāva- ,whose pail (ahāvá-) is a trough', siśná-deva- 'whose god is a phallus', súrodaka- (AV.) 'whose water is spirit' (súrã-). The final member is here sometimes a comparative or superlative (including pára-) used substan- tively: avaras-pará-^[43] (VS.) 'in which the lower is higher' 'topsy-turvy'^[44], ásthi-bhuyams- (AV.) 'having bone as its chief part' 'chiefly bone', indra- jyestha- 'having Indra as chief', 'of whom Indra is chief', yamá-śrestha- (AV.) 'of whom Yama is best', sóma-śreṣṭha- (AV.) ‘of which Soma is best'. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. A comparison is sometimes implied between the first substantive and the second: varsájya (AV.) 'whose rain is like butter', vrksá-keśa- 'tree-haired' 'whose trees are like hair' 'wooded' (mountain). 172 = = The first member further sometimes expresses the material of which the second consists; e. g. rajatá-nabhi- (VS.) 'whose naval is (made of) silver'; hiranya-nemi- 'whose fellies are (made of) gold'; or something closely connected with and characteristic of it, as niyúd-ratha- 'whose car is (drawn by) a team'. 287. Dependent Bahuvrihis. The first member is dependent on the last in the sense of a case-relation, the case-ending being sometimes retained. a. It has often a genitive sense, as páti-kama- (AV.) ‘having desire for a husband'; with genitive ending, rāyás-kāma- 'having a desire of wealth'. Here the first member often implies a comparison (when it never has the case- ending): agní-tejas- (AV.) ‘having the brightness of fire', 'fire-brighť', įkṣa-grīva- (AV.) 'having the neck of a bear' (demons), gó-vapus- 'having the form of a cow', jñāti-mukha- (AV.) 'having the face of (= like) relatives', máno-javas- 'having the swiftness of thought' 'swift as thought', mayúra-roman- 'having the plumes of peacocks' (Indra's steeds). — - b. In a few instances it has the sense of, and then always the ending of, the instrumental: á-giraukas- 'not to be kept at rest (ókas-) by a song (girá)', krátvā-magha- 'constituting a reward (gained) by intelligence', bhāsă- ketu- 'recognisable by light' 2.. c. The locative sense is more frequent, being often accompanied by the case-ending: asánn-isu- 'having arrows in his mouth', diví-yoni- 'having origin in heaven'; also several formed with dūre- 'in the distance', as dūré- anta- 'ending in the distance', dūré-gavyūti- (AV.) 'whose sphere is far away' 3. There are further examples in which the last member has the locative sense when it is a part of the body and what is expressed by the first member appears in or on it: aśru-mukhí- (AV.) 'having tears on her face', 'tear-faced', kīlálodhn-í- (AV.) 'having sweet drink in her udder', ghrtá-prstha- 'butter-backed', pátra-hasta- (AV.) 'having a hand in which is a vessel', mani- grīvá- 'having pearls on the neck', mádhu-jihva- 'having a tongue on which is honey', vájra-bahu- 'having an arm on which is a bolt'. 288. Coordinate Bahuvrihis. -No example is found in the RV. and hardly any in the other Samhitas of the first and last members of Bahuvrihis being coordinated in sense. The VS. has stóma-prstha- 'containing Stomas and Prṣṭhas'; also áhar-divá (XXXVIII. 12) 'daily', which is a kind of Dvandva Bahuvrīhi, being formed from the adverb áhar-divi ‘day by day'. The form somendrá- 'belonging to Soma and Indra', occurs only in B. passages of later Samhitas (TS. MS. K.). 289. Indeclinables as first member.-In a number of Bahuvrihis the first member is not a noun, but an indeclinable word, either a preposition or an adverb. a. Prepositions are common as first member of Bahuvrihis, expressing the local position of the final member in relation to the substantive with which the Bahuvrihi agrees. Some sixteen prepositions are thus used, the most frequent being vi which occurs as often in the RV. as all the rest put together. They are áti 'beyond', ádhi ‘on', antár ‘within', ápa 'away', abhi ¹ An accusative in sense and form appears | not a Bahuvrīhi with ápas- 'work'; cp. 278 a in tvám-kama- 'having a desire for thee'. and 91 B. 2 The compound vidmanápas 'working 3 On a few doubtful instances of such with skill' (vidmána) is probably a determi-locative compounds see WACKERNAGEL 2¹, native formed with the adj. apás- 'working', p. 278 (bottom). V. COMPOUNDS. BAHUVRĪHIS. 173 'around' and 'toward', áva ‘down', 'away', á 'near', úd 'upward', úpa ‘near', ni 'down', nis ‘away', pári ‘around', prá 'in front', 'very', práti ‘againsť, ví 'apart', sám 'together'. Of these úpa is used thus in the RV. only, while antár, áva, ní appear in the later Samhitas only. The following are examples of compounds thus formed in the alphabetical order of the prepositions: áty-ūrmi- 'overflowing', áti-cchandas- (VS.) 'having redundant metres' (verse); ádhi-nirnij- 'having a garment on', ádhy-aksa- 'having an eye on', 'overseer'; antar-davá- (AV.) 'having fire within'; ápodaka- 'waterless', apa-rtú- (AV.) 'un- seasonable'; abhi-vīra- and abhi-satvan- 'having heroes around', abhi-rupa- (AV.) ‘beautiful', abhi-şená- 'directing arrows'; ava-kesá- (AV.) 'having hair hanging down', áva-toka- (AV. VS.) 'miscarrying'; á-deva- 'having the gods near', 'devoted to the gods', á-manas- (AV. TS.) 'kindly disposeď'; út-saktha- (VS.) 'having the thighs raised', úd-ojas- 'highly powerful'; upa-manyú- 'having zeal at hand', 'zealous', ipa-vasu- 'bringing riches near'; ní-manyu- (AV.) 'whose anger has subsided', ni-vakṣas- (TS. v. 6. 23¹) 'having a sunken breast', ni-kūlá- (VS.) 'going down hill', ni-kilbișá- ‘deliverance from sin' ('that in which sin has subsided'); nír-jarāyu- (AV.) ‘having cast its skin', nir-maya- 'powerless', nir-hasta- (AV.) ‘handless'; pari-mará- (TS.v.6.21¹) 'having death around' round whom people have died', pari-manyú- 'very angry'; pra-śrigá- (VS. TS.) 'having prominent homs', prá-tvakṣas- ‘very energetic'; prá-maņas- (AV.) 'very thoughtful'; práti-rūpa- 'having a corresponding form', ‘like', prati- vartmán- (AV.) 'having an opposite course', práti-veśa- 'neighbour' ('living opposite'); vi = 'apart': vi-karná- (AV.) 'having ears far apart', ví-sakha- (AV.) 'branched', vy-àmsa- 'having the shoulders apart', 'broad-shouldered'; = 'extensive': vi-manas- 'wide-minded', 'sagacious', ví-hayas- 'of extensive power'; 'divided': vy-adhvá- (AV.) 'having a divided course' = 'being midway between zenith and earth'; = 'various': vy-àilaba- (AV.) 'making all kinds of noises'; 'divergent': vi-pathi- 'following wrong paths', vi- vrata- 'refractory'; 'distorted': vi-griva- 'having a twisted neck', vy-anga- (AV.) 'having distorted limbs'; = 'different': ví-rupa- 'having a different form', vi-vacas- (AV.) 'speaking differently'; 'devoid of', 'less': vi-maya- 'devoid of magic', vy-ènas- 'guiltless'; sám-hanu- (AV.) 'striking the jaws together'. = — = b. Adverbs with a local meaning, which are akin to prepositions, also frequently appear as first member of Bahuvrīhis, being generally speaking equivalent in sense to predicative adjectives. Examples of such Bahuvrīhis in the alphabetical order of the adverbs are the following: adhás 'below' : adhó- varcas- (AV.) 'powerful below'; ánti 'near': ánti-mitra- (VS.) 'having friends at hand', ánti-sumna- (AV.) 'having benevolence at hand', ánty-úti- 'having aid at hand'; avás 'down': avó-deva- 'attracting the gods down'; āré 'afar': āré-agha- 'having evil far-removeď, āré-śatru- (AV.) 'whose foes are far away'; itás 'hence': itá-uti- 'helping from hence'; ihá 'here': ihéha-matr- 'whose mothers are, the one here, the other there'; ihá-kratu- (AV.) ‘whose will is hitherward', ihá-citta- (AV.) 'whose thought is hitherward'; ŕdhak ‘apart': ŕdhan-mantra- (AV¹.) 'having a special sacred text'^[45]; kuhayá 'where?': kuhayā- krti- (only voc.) 'where active?'; daksina-tás 'on the right' : daksinatás-kaparda- 'having a coil of hair on the right'; nicá 'downward': nicá-vayas- 'whose strength is low'; purás 'in front' : puro-rathá- 'whose car is in front', puro- vasu- (TS. III. 2. 5¹) 'preceded by wealth' (only voc.); pracá 'forward' : praca- iihva- 'moving the tongue forward, prācā-manyu- (only voc.) 'striving forward'. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. a. Bahuvrihis are also formed with a few adverbs of another kind as first member: itthá-dhi- 'having such thought', 'devout', nána-surya- illuminated by various suns', púnar- magha- (AV. TS.) 'repeatedly offering oblations', purudhá-pratika- 'having various aspects', sadya-uti- 'helping at once'¹. There are also several formed with sahá-, sumád-, smád-2 'together with', as sahá-gopa- 'having the cowherds with them', sahá-puruşa- (AV.) 'accom- panied by the men', sumáj-jäni- 'accompanied by his wife', sumád-gu- (AV.) 'accompanied by the cows', smád-abhisu- provided with reins', smád-ista- having an errand', smád- ūdhan- 'provided with an udder'. 174 c. Certain particles frequently appear as the first member of Bahu- vrihis. These are the privative a- or an-, ku-3 expressing depreciation, dus- 'ill', su- 'well'; e. g. a-pád- 'footless', a-sapatná- 'having no rivals', an-udaká- 'having no water', 'waterless'; kú-yava- 'causing a bad harvest', dus-pád- 'ill-footed'; su-parná- 'having beautiful wings'. 290. Bahuvrihis are very frequently used as m. (sometimes f.) sub- stantives in the sense of Proper Names, in many instances without the adjectival sense occurring at all; thus byhád-uktha- m., as the N. of a seer and adj. 'having great praise'; brhád-diva- m., N. of a seer (brhad-divá- f., N. of a goddess) and adj. 'dwelling in high heaven'; but priyá-medha- m. ('to whom sacrifice is dear') and vāmá-deva- m. ('to whom the gods are dear') only as the names of seers. a. Bahuvrīhis are further not infrequently used as neuter substantives with an abstract and a collective sense, especially when the first member is the privative particle a- or an- and sárva- 'all'; e. g. a-satrú- 'free from foes', n. (AV.) 'freedom from foes', a-sapatná- ‘having no rivals', n. (AV.) 'peace', a-sambādhá- (AV.) n. 'non-confinement', a-skambhaná- (AV.) n. 'lack of support', an-apatyá- 'childless' (AV.), n. 'childlessness', an-amitrá- (AV.) 'foeless', n. (AV. VS.) 'freedom from foes'; sarva-rathá- 'the whole line of chariots', sarva-vedasá- (AV. TS.) 'whole property'; ni-kilbişá- n. ‘deliverance from sin', pitr-bandhú- (AV.) 'paternal kinship', matṛ-bandhú- (AV.) ‘maternal kinship', rikta-kumbhá-4 (AV.) 'empty-handedness', su-mrgá- (AV.) ‘good hunting' 5. b. A special category of Bahuvrīhis used as substantives are those in which the first member is a numeral from dvi- 'two' upwards. They ex- press a collection or aggregate and are singular neuter7 except those formed. with -ahá- 'day', which are singular masc.; e. g. tri-yugá- n. 'period of three lives', tri-yojana- (AV.) n. 'distance of three Yojanas', try-udayá- n. 'threefold approach to the altar', daśangulá- n. 'length of ten fingers', dasantaruṣyá- n. 'distance of ten stations', dvi-rajá- (AV.) n. 'battle of two kings', panca- yojana- (AV.) n. 'distance of five Yojanas', sad-ahá-(AV. TS.) m. 'series of six days'. These numeral collectives always end in accented -á³. 291. Origin of Bahuvrihis. Considering that Bahuvrihis, which are adjectives, are far commoner than the corresponding determinatives, which are substantives, it cannot be assumed that the former always passed through The Bahuvrihi compound ävir-rjika- is n. 'safety' (adj. 'free from danger'), and vi of uncertain meaning; see WACKERNAGEL hrdaya- (AV.) ‘lack of courage'. 2¹, p. 287 (middle). 2 Compounds formed with these three words might also be explained as belonging to the governing' class. 6 These are called Dvigu by the Hindu grammarians, and are classed by them as a subdivision of Tatpurusas. 7 A few numeral collectives are determi- natives used in the pl. and the original gender: saptarsáyas 'the seven seers', sapta- grdhrás 'seven vultures' (AV.); tri-kadru-ka- pl. 'three soma-vessels' (from kadrú- f.). 8 With the suffix-ya is formed sahasrahn-ya- n. (AV.) ‘a thousand days' journey'. 3 Also the cognate kim- in kim-šilá- (VS. TS.) (land) 'having small stones'. 4 See WHITNEY's note on AV. XIX. 84. 5 Accentuation of the final syllable (as in the cognate singular Dvandvas) prevails in these n. Bahuvrihis; exceptions are á-bhaya-, V. COMPOUNDS. GOVERNING COMPOUNDS. 175 the process of transmutation from the latter. They must in the vast majority of instances have been formed directly and independently in conformity with the type of these secondary adjectives which had come down from the IIr. period. WACKERNAGEL (2¹, 112) adopts the view that the origin of Bahu- vrihis is not to be explained by transmutation from determinatives, but from the predicative or appositional use of groups of words characterizing a sub- stantive. This use he exemplifies by the following quotations from the RV.: urúḥ kákṣo ná gāngyáḥ (vi. 45³¹) 'like the broad shoulder dwelling on the Ganges', that is, for *uri-kakṣaḥ 'Broad-shoulder' as a Proper Name; sá jayase sáho mahát (v.116) 'thou art born a great power' (=*maha-sahaḥ 'one having great power'); tvácam kṛṣnắm arandhayat (1. 1308) 'he delivered over the black skin' (that is, 'those having a black skin', 'the black-skins'); drighāya cid vácasa anavāya (vI. 62⁹) 'to Anava, deceitful speech', that is, 'who utters deceitful speech'³; and narám .. śámsaḥ (11. 34°) 'praise of men' as repre- senting an earlier stage than nárā-śámsa- ‘receiving the praises of men' as a Bahuvrihi. Appositional Bahuvrīhis, he thinks, similarly arose from explanatory clauses, as indra-jyeṣṭhā deváḥ 'the gods having Indra as their mightiest' from deváh indro jyésthah 'the gods Indra their mightiest'. The first step here would have been assimilation in case and number to the main substantive, involving change to a compound (with stem-form and single accent), followed by assimilation in gender. The change to the Bahuvrihi had already become the rule in the pre-Vedic period. 5. Governing Compounds. 292. In a considerable number of compounds the first member governs the last in sense, being either a preposition (prepositional adverb) or a verbal noun. These compounds being adjectives are allied to Bahuvrihis. I. In the prepositional group the first member is a preposition or adverb capable of governing a case. There are about twenty examples in the RV. In some instances they seem to have arisen from the corresponding syntactical combination, as ádhi-ratha- n. 'wagon-load' from ádhi ráthe (x. 64¹2) 'on the wagon'. In other instances they seem to have originated from the corresponding adverb; thus the adjective in pra-div-ā ketúnā (v.608) 'with long-existing light' has been changed from the adverb pra-divas 'from of old' to agree with a substantive in the instrumental. The ending of the second member has been preserved for the most part only when it was -a; otherwise the suffix -a or -ya is generally added. Like Bahuvrīhis, compounds of this type may become neuter substantives; thus upānas-á- 'being on the wagon', n. (AV.) 'space in a wagon'. a. All prepositions which govern cases (except áva) as well as prá (though it never governs a case), besides several adverbs capable of being used with a case, are employed as first member in these compounds 4. The following are examples of prepositional governing compounds: ati-matrá- (AV.) 'beyond measure', ati-ratrá- ‘lasting overnight', áty-amhas- (VS.) ‘beyond the reach of distress', áty-avi- 'running over the wool'; ádhi-gart-ya- 'being on the car-seat, adhi-gav-á- (AV.) 'derived from cows'; adhas-pad-á- ‘being 2 On substantives used instead of adjec- tives cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 89. ¹ Cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 88; IF. | similar in form to the prepositional Bahu- quite 18, 63 ff. vrihis; the meaning, however, is different, as in the latter the preposition does not govern the following member, but refers adverbially to the substantive with which the Bahuvrīhi agrees. 3 Cp. drog ha-vác- 'uttering deceitful speech'. 4 This type of governing compound is under the feet', adho-aksd- 'remaining below the axle'; dnu-path-a- and dnu- variman- (AV. VS.) 'along the road', anu-kamd- 'according to wish', dnu- vrata- 'obedient'; dntas-path-a- 'being within the path'; api-prSita- 'being on (= accompanying) the breath', api-sarvard- 'bordering on night' (JdrvarT-); abhi-dvu- 'directed to heaven', abhi-rastra- 'overcoming dominion'; a-Jaras-d-"-

'occurring every month'; updri-duMna- 'la.issda.bove the gionnd', updri-martya- 'being above men'; urdhvd-nabhas- (VS.) 'being above the clouds', urdhvd-barhis- (VS.) 'being above the litter'; tiro-ahn-ya- ('being beyond a day' =) 'belonging to the day before yesterday'; pari-panth-in-'^ ('lying around the path') 'adver- sary', pari-hastd- (AV.) ('put round the hand') 'hand-amulet'; paro-matra- ('being beyond measure') 'excessive', parS-ks-a- (AV.) ('lying beyond the eye') 'invisible'; puro-gav-d- ('going before the cows') 'leader'; prati-kamya- (AV.) 'being in accordance with desire'; sam-gayd- 'blessing the household'.

2. In verbal governing compounds the first member is either an agent noun or an action noun governing the last member as an object. The abnormal position of the verbal form before the object in this class is probably to be explained by the first member having originally been an imperative, which usually has this position. These compounds are an old formation, two types going back to the Indo-European period, and one to the Indo-Iranian. They are adjectives, but the final member never adds a compositional suffix except in siksa-nar-d- 'helping men'. Three types are to be distinguished.

a. The first member consists of a present stem or the root, which probably represents an imperative<r3>; of this type there are few examples: trasd-dasyu- m., N. of a man ('terrify the foe'), rada-vasu-<r4> (only voc.) 'dispensing wealth', siksa-nard-<r4> 'helping men', sthi-rasman-<r5> 'loosening bridles' ^

b. Examples of the second type are more numerous. Here the first member ends in -at, but the participle, being formed from present stems in -a, -d or -aya, which appears in these compounds, in a few instances does not occur in independent use. This type, which is almost entirely restricted to the RV., is also Iranian. It seems to have taken the place of the older one (a), which owing to its form was apt to be confused with Bahuvrihis though differing from them in meaning. The form which they assumed was probably aided by the analogy of Bahuvrihis with a present participle as their first member, like sucdd-ratha- 'having a brilliant car', which are formed from intransitive verbs, while those in the governing com- pounds are of course transitive. Examples of this type are the following: rdhdd-ray-^ ('increasing wealth') m., N. of a man, and rdkdd-vara-^[46] 'increasing goods', ksaydd-vira^ 'ruling men', codaydn-mati-^ 'stimulating devotion', /(ZwaV-'"

1 Occurs only in the dative as an advevb meaning 'up to old age'.

2 Formed with the suffix -in which is not properly attached to compounds; cp.WACKER- NAGEL 21, 53 (p. 121 bottom).

3 See Brugmann, IF. 18, 76; Delbruck, Vergleichende Syntax 3, 174; Jacobi, Com- positum und Nebensatz (1897), 46 — 82; Wackernagel 21, p. 315.

4 Rhythmically lengthened for ;-arfa-,«te-.

5 The Bada has sthdh-raiman-. The meaning

is doubtful; it may be a simple Bahuvrihi; 'having firm bridles' (Grassmann).

r6 krpa-nlda- would be another example if it means 'arranging his abode', but the meaning of the first member is doubtful.
r8 From kṣáyati 'rules'.
r9 From codáyati 'urges'.
r10 Jamdi- a palatalized form from gam- 'go'. V. COMPOUNDS. SYNTACTICAL COMPOUNDS.

agni (going to Agni'), N. of man, tarád-dveşas- 'overcoming foes', drāvayát- sakha- 'speeding the comrade', dharayát-kavi- 'supporting the wise' and dhārayát-kṣiti-3 'supporting men', bharád-vaja- ('carrying off the prize') m., N. of a man, and a-bharád-vasu-4 'bringing wealth', mamhayád-rayi- 5 'lavishing wealth', mandád-vira-6 'gladdening men', *vidád-asva-7 'possessing steeds', vidád-vasu-³ ‘winning wealth', śrāvayát-pati- 'making his lord famous', and śrävayát-sakhi-9 ‘making his friend famous', sanád-rayi- 'bestowing possessions' and sanád-vāja-*º 'bestowing booty', sādád-yoni-¹ ‘sitting in one's place', sprhayád- varna-¹2 'striving after lustre'. Two such governing compounds are once com- bined in such a way that the final member common to both is dropped in the first: patayán mandayát-sakham (1. 47) 'causing his friend to fly (patáya-) and to be glad (mandáya-)¹³. c. In the third type, which goes back to the Indo-European period ¹4, the first member is a noun of action variously accented. There are some half-dozen examples in the RV.: dati-vara- 'giving treasures', pústi-gu- ('rearing kine') m., N. of a man, rīty-ap-s 'causing waters to flow', vīti-radhas- 'enjoying the oblation', viti-hotra-'enjoying the sacrifice', vrsti-dyīv- ‘causing the sky to rain' ¹6. 6. Syntactical Compounds. 293. There are some irregular formations in which words not in coordi- nate, attributive, dependent or governing relation are compounded owing to constant juxtaposition in the sentence. I. 1. The relative word yát (abl.) 'in so far as' is compounded with a superlative in RV. m. 53²¹: utíbhiḥ ... yac-chresthábhiḥ¹7 'with the best possible aids', lit. 'with aids in so far as (they are) the best. The adverb yād-rādhyam (II. 388) as quickly as possibie', lit. 'in so far as possible', is analogous. 2. The initial words of a text begin to be compounded in the later Samhitās as a designation of that text; thus ye-yajāmahá- (VS.) in the nom. pl. m. means the text beginning with the words yé yájāmahe ¹8. 18 177 3. Phrases, almost always consisting of two words, used in connexion with certain actions are compounded; thus aham-uttará-¹9 (AV.) 'dispute for precedence', from the phrase used by each disputant ahám úttarah 'I (am) higher'; mama-satyéşu 'in disputes as to ownership', in which every one says máma satyám (it is) certainly mine'; mam-paśyá- (AV.) as the name of a plant used by a woman to secure the love of a man with the words mám pasya 'look at me'20. Similarly in connexion with persons, as kuvit-sa- 'some I From tára-ti 'overcomes'. 2 From drāváya- causative of dru- 'run'. 3 From dharáya- causative of dhr- 'sup port'. 4 From bhára-ti 'bears'. 5 From mamháya- causative of mamh- be great'. 6 From mánda-ti 'gladdens'. The SV. has the wrong variant vandád-vira-. 7 To be inferred from the patronymic váidadašvi-. 8 From vidá-ti 'finds'. 9 From śrāváya- causative of śru- 'hear'. 1⁰ From sána-ti or saná-ti 'wins'. 11 Lengthened for sadád- from sáda-ti 'sits'. 12 From sprhaya-ti .‘desires'. 13 On the doubtful examples arcád-dhuma-, krtád-vasu, pratád-vasu, bhuvad vásuḥ (VIII. 1937), vyşad-anji- (voc.) see WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 319 note. Indo-arische Philologie. I, 4. 1 14 See WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 320 (bottom). 15 This is the only example recognized by BR. as belonging to this type; GRASS- MANN explains them all as Bahuvrihis. 16 BRUGMANN, IF. 18, 70 f., explains these compounds as having originated in impera- tives, while JACOBI, Compositum und Neben- satz p. 64 f., thinks the first member re- presents an original 3. pers. sing. ¹7 In AV. VII. 311 yavac-chresthábhis is a corrupt variant. Compounds formed with yavat do not otherwise occur till the Sūtras. as a 18 In the TS. also occurs idám-madhu- m. designation of the text idám evá sāraghám mádhu. This kind of compound becomes common in the ancillary literature when particular hymns are referred to. 19 Used in the locative only. 20 One or two doubtful examples are dis- cussed by WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 327 (top). 12 178 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. one' from the phrase kuvít sá is it he?'. This type is more commonly based on phrases used by people about themselves; thus áham-sana (voc.) 'rapa- cious', that is, one who says ahám saneyam (dhánāni) 'may I obtain (wealth)'; aham-pūrvá- ‘eager to be first', that is, one who says ahám púrvaḥ (syām) 'I (should be) first'; kim-tvá- (VS.) 'asking garrulously' that is, one who con- tinually says 'what (are) you (doing)?'. VI. DECLENSION. BENFEY, Vollständige Grammatik 707-780. WHITNEY, Grammar 261-526. 294. General character.- Declension means the inflexion of nominal stems by means of endings which express the various relations represented by what are called cases. The stems belonging to the sphere of declension are most conveniently divided, owing to difference of meaning, form, and use, into nouns, pronouns, and numerals. Fronouns have to be treated separately because they have certain peculiarities of inflexion, besides to some extent lacking the distinction of gender. Numerals again show other pecu- liarities of form as well as partial lack of gender. Nouns are divided into substantives as names of things and adjectives as names of attributes. But as no definite line of demarcation can be drawn between substantive and adjective in any of the classes of declension in the Vedic language, these two categories are nowhere treated separately in the present work. I. Nouns. LANMAN, Noun-inflection in the Veda, JAOS. vol. x (1880), p. 325-600. 295. Owing to considerable divergencies of inflexion, nominal stems are best grouped in the two main divisions of consonant and vowel de- clension. Stems ending. in semivowels form a transition from the former to the latter. The stems contained in the two main classes have further to be sub-divided, owing to difference of derivation and, in part, consequent variety of inflexion, into radical and derivative stems. a. Like other Aryan tongues, the Vedic language distinguishes in declen- sion the three genders, masculine, feminine, and neuter. It also distinguishes three numbers, the singular, dual, and plural, the dual being in full and regular use b. There are eight cases: nominative, vocative, accusative, instrumental, dative, ablative, genitive, locative, all in regular and unrestricted use. The same ending, however, is to a limited extent employed to express the sense of two and sometimes of three cases. Thus the eight cases of the dual have among them only three endings; in the plural the single ending -bhyas does duty for both dative and ablative; while in the singular the same ending -as appears for both ablative and genitive in all but the a-declension. c. The normal endings of cases are the following: Singular: nom. in. f. -s, n. none; voc. of all genders, none; acc. m. f. -am, n. none; inst. -ā, dat. -e, abl. gen. -as, loc. -i. Dual: nom. voc. acc. m. f. -ā, -au, n. -ī, inst. dat. abl. -bhyām, gen. loc. -os. Plural: nom. voc. acc. m. f. -as, neut. -i; inst. -bhis, dat. abl. -bhyas, gen. -ām, loc. -su. ¹ RV. VIII. 619; cp. ahám sánā V. 75². a But while the employment of the dual is generally strict, the plural is often used instead of the dual of natural pairs in the 'hieratic' parts of the RV.; see BLOOM- FIELD, Johns Hopkins University Circular for 1905, p. 18 f., OLIPHANT, ibid. p. 22-31.

d. A distinction is often made in the stem between strong (or full) and weak (or_ reduced) case-forms. It appears in its full development only in derivative consonant stems, affecting the suffixes -am'; -an, -man, -van; -ant, -mant, -vani; -tar; -yams; -varns. The strong form of the stem appears in the masculine nom. voc.^ ace. singular and dual, and in the nom. voc. plural; and in the neuter nom. voc. ace. plural only. The weak form of the stem appears in the remaining ' cases. But in the first four and in the last of the above suffixes the weak stem which appears before endings with initial consonant is further weakened before endings with initial vowel.

e. The way in which the normal endings are attached to the strong and the weak stem with accompanying shift of accent, may be illustrated by the inflexion of the stem ad-ant- 'eating' in the masc:

Singular: N. ad-dn. V. dd-an. A. ad-dntam. I. ad-at-a. D. ad-at-l Ah. G. ad-at-ds. L. ad-at-L

Dual: N. A. ad-dnt-a, -au. V. dd-ant-a, -au. I. D. Ab. ad-dd-bkyam. G. L. ad-at-ds.

Plural: N. ad-dnt-as. V. dd-ant-as. A. ad-at-ds. I. ad-dd-bhis. D. Ab. ad- dd-bhyas. G. ad-at-S.ni. L. ad-dt-su.

The neuter differs only in the N. A. V. of all numbers : Sing. : N. A. ad-dt; ■ V. dd-at. Du.: N. A. ad-at-i. PL: N. A. ad-dnt-i.

A. Consonant Stems.

296. Among these stems there are none ending in gutturals 3 and only two ending in the cerebral d. Those which end in the labials /, bh, m are fairly numerous. The majority end in dentals, the only class of consonants in which every sound contained in the group {t, th, d, dh, n) is represented. Of the semivowels, y is represented by one stem, v by three stems, and r by a large number of stems. There are many stems ending in the sibilants s, s, s, and several in the breathing A as representative of both a new and an old palatal.

I. Palatal Stems.

297. I. Radical stems in -c. — All uncompounded stems (being of course monosyllabic) are, with very few isolated exceptions, feminine substantives. The exceptions are: tvdc- 'skin', otherwise f., occurs twice in the L. sing, tvaci as a m.; drc-, in its only occurrence, I. sing, arc-d, is a m. adj. in the sense of 'shining'; and kri'mc-, 'curlew' (VS.) is a m. sub- stantive.

Compounds, as being adjectives, are often m.; but excepting those formed with anc- the only n. is a-pfk (from pre- 'mix'), used adverbially. Compounds ending in -anc^[47] regularly distinguish strong and weak forms. This distinction elsewhere appears to a limited extent only in compounds ending in the three roots vyac- 'extend', vac- 'speak', sac- 'accompany': the first by nasalization in uru-vydncam^ 'far-extending', the other two by lengthening the radical vowel in several compounds.

r1 Though in origin a radical element, añc- is practically a suffix; cp. 298.

r2 The voc. sing., however, generally assumes a somewhat shortened form owing to the accent invariably shifting to the initial syllable in this case.

r3 The gutturals as finals of nominal stems having become the new palatals c,j² and h² (as distinguished from the old palatals j¹ and h¹).

r5 Through the influence of compounds formed with -añc, like praty-áñcam.

12* 180 Inflexion. The forms actually occurring, if made from vắc- f. 'speech', would be the following: Sing.: N. V. vák. A. vắcam. I. vācă. D. vācé. Ab. G. vācás. L. vāci. Dual: N. A. V. vắcă and vắcau. I. vagbhyám (VS.). A. vácas and vācás. I. vägbhís. D. vagbhyás (VS). G. và cắm. Plur.: N. V. vácas. Ab. vägbhyás (AV.). a. The forms actually occurring are: Sing. N. f. ýk (AV.) ‘stanza', tvák 'skin', vák 'speech', súk (AV. VS.) 'flame', srúk 'ladle'; ni-mrúk (AV.) 'sunset', puruṣa-vák (VS. XXIV. 33) 'human- voiced', puro-rúk (TS.VII. 3. 13¹) forward light', sam-vák (VS. IX. 12) 'argument'. m. krún (VS. XIX. 43) 'curlew'; anrta-vák (AV.) 'speaking untruth', upa-prk 'adhering to', tri-śúk (VS. XXXVIII. 22) 'having triple light', yatá-sruk 'extending the ladle', surya-tvak (AV.) ‘having a covering (bright) as the sun', híranya- tuak 'coated with gold'. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. A. f. cam, tvácam, rúcam (VS. TS.) 'lustre', vácam, śúcam (AV.), sicam 'hem', srúcam (AV.); ā-sicam 'oblation', vi-múcam 'unyoking', surya- tvacam. m. amho-múcam 'delivering from distress', ádrogha-vacam 'free from treacherous speech', kúya-vacam 'speaking ill', tanu-rúcam 'brilliant in person', dhánarcam ‘shining (rcam) with booty', puro-rúcam 'shining in front', madhu-pŕcam 'dispensing sweetness', mydhrá-vacam 'speaking injuriously', su- ricam shining brightly', su-vácam 'very eloquent', súrya-tvacam (Kh. Iv. 6³). With strengthened stem: uru-vyáñcam; satya-vácam 'truth-speaking'; apatya- sácam 'accompanied with offspring', abhi-şácam 'accompanying', drona-sácam 'clinging to the trough', dhama-sácam 'keeping his place', rati-şacam 'bestowing gifts'. n. (adv.) ā-pŕk 'in a mixed manner'. — I. f. rcá, tvacá, mrcă 'injury', rucá, vācá, Sucá, sicá, srucă; puro-růcā (VS. xx. 36) 'forward light', su-rúca. - m. arcá 'shining'; uru-vyáca, súrya-tvaca. D. f. rcé (VS.XIII. 39), tucé ‘offspring', tvacé (AV.), rucé, vācé (VS.xxII. 23), sucé (VS. XXXIX. 12); uru-vyáce (AV.). m. amho-múce (TS. 1. 6. 123), údyata- sruce 'extending the ladle', yatá-sruce, visva-súce 'all-enlightening'. Ab. f. tvacás, srucás (AV. VS.); ni-mrúcas. - G. f. rcás, tvacás, vācás; vi-mucas (napāt, V.). - m. puru-rucas 'shining brightly', su-rúcas. — L. f. tvací, vaci, sruci; a-túci 'evening', ud-ýci 'end', ni-mrúci, vi-vāci 'crying aloud'. m. tvací 'skin' (Ix. 693, 101¹). V. m. ákṛtta-ruk 'possessing unimpaired lustre³ (x. 84¹). Du. N. A. V. f. vácau, sicau; ghrta-pica 'sprinkling fatness', tanu-rúca. With strengthened stem: satya-vácă. m. krúñcau (VS. xxx. 6); tanu-rúca, yatá-srucā, su-vácā; sam-pŕcau (VS. IX. 4) 'united'. I. m. ati-rugbhyam (VS. xxv. 3) 'fetlocks'. Pl. N. f. cas, pŕcas 'food', rúcas, vắcas, sícas (AV.), srúcas; a-picas ‘filling' (vII. 40⁹)², divo-rúcas 'shining from heaven', ni-mrúcas (AV. VS.), vi-múcas (AV.), V. bhadra-vacas 'speaking auspiciously'. m. dudhrá-vācas 'speaking confusedly', yatá-srucas, vasu-ricas bright as the Vasus', vi-picas (VS. XIX. 11) 'parted', vi-vacas, sam-sicas (AV.) 'shedding together', sam-picas (VS. XIX. 11), Su-rúcas, su-vácas, sūktá-vācas ‘uttering good speech', V. surya- tvacas. With strengthened stem: abhi-şácas, áyajña-sacas 'not performing sacrifice', drogha-vácas 'speaking maliciously', V. nr-şacas 'befriending men', — - AV. once (XIX. 42²) with wrong accent 2 According to BR., infinitive of á-pre- 'satiate oneself'. srucás. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. ranya-vácas speaking agreeably', rayi-şácas 'possessing wealth', rāti-sácas, satya-vácas, smád-rati-şacas 'attended by liberal men', hari-şácas 'occupied with the tawny (Soma)'. A. f. rúcas, vacas and (once) vacás, súcas (AV.), sicas (AV.), srúcas and (once) srucás (AV.); dur-vácas (AV.) having a bad voice', mrdhrá-vacas. su-rúcas. m. an-fcas 'hymnless', a-rúcas 'lustreless', mrdhrá-vacas, vádhri- vācas 'talking idly', ví-vacas. I. f. rgbhís. Ab. f. rgbhyás (AV.) D. f. srugbhyás (VS. II. 1). G. f. rcắm, tvacám (AV.); madhu-pŕcām (AV.). 298. Stems in -añc. A considerable number of compounds is formed by adding as final member the root añc- 'bend', which almost assumes the character of a suffix 'expressing the meaning of '-ward'; e. g. práñc- (= prá-añc-) 'for-ward'. Strong and weak forms are regularly distinguished, the nasal which appears in the former being always lost in the latter. If -añc is preceded by a word ending in i or u, the syllables ya and va thus produced are further weakened to ī and u before vowel endings, and if bearing the accent, shift it to those endings2; e. g. Sing. A. m. pratyáñcam, N. n. pratyák, G. praticás. In these compounds -añc is added to words ending in 1, ẵ, with which it coalesces : adharánc- 'tending downward' (ádhara-) 3, ápañc- 'backward' (ápa), arvánc- hitherward' (arvá-), ávāñc- downward' (áva), asmatranc- turned toward us', ghrtánc-4 filled with ghee' (ghrtá-), devánc- 'directed toward the gods' (devá-),, páranc- 'turned away' (pára), pránc- 'forward' (prá), visvánc- 'universal' (visva-)5, satránc- 'going together' (satrá) 6. 2. -i: akudhryàñc-7 'going nowhere' (aku-dhri-), asmadryàñc- turned towards us' (asmad-ri-)1, údañc-8 turned upward' (ud), kadryánc-7 (turned towards what' (kád-), tiryánc- 'going across' (tiri-)9, dadhyánc- 'sprinkling curds' (dádhi-), devadryàñç-7 turned towards the gods' (devá-), nyánc- 'turned down' (ni), pratyáñc- turned towards' (práti), madryàñc-7 'turned towards me' (mad-rí-), vişvadryanc- 'going, everywhere' (vişu-a-dri-), śvityánc- 'whitish’ (śvit-i-), sadhryànc-7 'coming together' (sa-dhri 'the same goal'), samyánc- 'going together' (sam-i-). 3. -u: anváñc- 'going after' (ánu), rjváñc- ‘moving straight forward' (rjú-), visvañc- 'going in all directions' (visu-), svánc- 'going well' (s). The two feminines puruc-i- 'abundant' and urūc- 'far-reaching' presuppose similar stems (*puru-áñc- and *uru-áñc-). Inflexion. 299. These stems are inflected in the m. and n. only, as they form a f. in -ī from the weak or contracted stem, e. g. práñc-, £. prác-í-; pratyáñc-, f. pratic-t. The only cases occurring in the pl. are the N. A. and in the du. the N. A. and L. 181 The forms actually found, if made from pratyánc-, would be as follows: Sing. N. m. pratyán, n. pratyák. A. m. pratyáñcam. I. praticá. D. praticé. Ab. G. praticás. L. pratici. Du. N. A. m. pratyáñca, pratyáñcau (AV.), n. pratici. L. m. praticos. Pl. N. m. pratyáncas. A. m. praticás and praticas (AV.). a. The forms actually occurring are the following: Sing. N. m. adharán (AV.), ápan, arván, ávăn (TS. III. 2. 5³), údań (AV.), 1 Cp. WHITNEY 407; LINDNER, Nominal- | bildung, Addenda p. 167, prefers to treat -añc as a suffix. 2 The accent is similarly shifted to the suffix -ī with which the f. of these stems is formed (cp. 86 B 11, p. 87)). This rule of accentuation applies to the RV. only, not to the later Samhitãs; cp. A. pl. below (p. 182). 3 With shifted accent. 4 In this and some other of these com- pounds only the weak unnasalized form of the stem occurs. 5 With shift of accent. ó The f. narāc-í- (AV.), N. of a plant, is doubtless based on a similar stem formed from nára- 'man', with shift of accent. 7 The suffix -ri- in these compounds perhaps spread from sadhri-añc- (the dh also to akudhryāñc-), while the d of deva-dryàñc- and visvadryàñc- may be due to the pro- nominal forms mád- and asmád-. 8 The weak stem udic- being formed as if from *úd-i-anc-. 9 tiri appearing instead of tirás- 'across' from which the weak stem tiráśc- (— tirás-ac-) is formed. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. tiryáň (AV.), dadhyán¹, nyàn, párāň (AV.), pratyánª, práň, visvan, sadhryàn (AV.), su-prán. n. Nearly all the following forms are used adverbially: akudhryak, adharák (AV.), ápāk, árvāk and arvák (AV.), asmadryàk, údak, tiryák (AV.), nyak, párāk (AV.), pratyák, prák, madryàk, visvak, visvadryak, sadhryàk, samyák ³. A. m. adharáñcam (AV.), anváñcam (AV.), ápāñcam (AV.), arváñcam, údañcam, tiryáñcam (VS. x. 8), nyàñcam, párāñcam (AV.), pratyáñcam, práñcam, madryàñcam, visvañcam, samyáñcam, sváñcam. I. m. arvácā. - n. devadrica, satráca; used adverbially with shifted accent: tiraścá, nīcá, prācáª. D. m. dadhice, śviticé. Ab. m. praticás. G. m. dadhīcás, visvácas 5. L. m. práci. Du. N. A. m. ápāñcau (AV.), arváncă and arváñcau (AV.), vişvancau (AV.), sadhryàñcā, samyáñcā and samyáñcau (AV. VS.). - n. pratici, samīci (VS. 1. 31, TS. IV. I. 32). L. m. vísucos. Pl. N. m. adharañcas (AV.), ápañcas (AV.), arváñcas, asmatráñcas, asmadryancas, údañcas, rjváñcas, tiryáñcas (AV.), párañcas, pratyáñcas, práñcas, visvañcas, svityáñcas 7, sadhryàñcas, samyáñcas, sváñcas. 182 11 - A. m. adharácas, anucás and anúcas (AV.), ápācas, arvácas, ávācas, údīcas, nicas (AV.), párācas, praticás and pratícas (AV.), prácas, vísūcas, satrácas. 300. Radical stem in -ch. — Only one stem ending in ch, which occurs in a single form as a noun, has been found. This is made from the root prcch-. 'ask', in the compound N. du. m. bandhu-pŕcch-a 'asking after kinsmen'. The D. and A. of the same stem also appear as infinitives in the forms prcché 'to ask', sam-pŕcche 'to greet'; vi-prccham and sam-pŕccham to ask'. 301. Stems in radical j. - These stems are inflected in all three genders alike. The neuter would of course differ in N. A. V. dual and plural, but these forms do not occur. When uncompounded these stems are f. substantives except yúj- and ráj-, which appear as m. also; bhráj-, which occurs as a m. adj. as well as a f. substantive; áj-, which is found once (AV.) 8, and vij- twice as a m. only. Neuter cases occur from bháj-, yúj-, ráj- and vrj- as final members of adj. compounds, but no distinctively neuter forms (N. A.V. du. pl.) are met with even here. The only stem showing traces of the distinction of strong and weak cases is yúj-, which has the nasalized form yinj- beside the unaltered stem in the N. A. sing. and du. In the N. sing. the , when derived from a guttural, appears as k, but when it represents an old palatal, it becomes the cerebral ț except in ytv-ij⁹ 'priest'; but before the su of the L. pl. both alike to become k. IO 1 On the doubling of the è before vowels, | 6 The weak form arvácas seems to be see LANMAN 456. used for arváñcas in VII. 48¹. 2 pratyánk- before s- in TS. 1. 8. 211. 7 A transition form, N. m. śviticáyas (x.467) Svityáncas, is made from an i stem śvitīci- based on the regular f. śviticí-. 3 The forms tvadrík, madrík and madryadrík, yuvadrik, 'towards thee, me, you', are doubtless shortened forms of -dryák, which pronunciation is favoured by the metre in some instances: LANMAN 456 (bottom). 8 In AV. XIX. 505, where the reading ájam is somewhat doubtful; see WHITNEY'S note. 4 pracá is probably used adverbially in III. 315 also. As an adj. the form, being a compound, would be accented prácā. 5 N. of a demon, formed with -añc, from vişva-, an extension of visu-, as in viṣva-dryàñc-. 9 Which is derived from yaj- "sacrifice': rtu-ij- 'sacrificing in due season'. 10 See above 34, I. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. Inflexion. 302. Sing. N. 1. with -k: m. yun¹ (VS. x. 25) 'associate'; a-bhúk 'not having enjoyed', ardha-bhák (AV.) 'sharer', rta-yúk 'duly harnessed', tv-ik 'priest', ghrtá-nirnik 'having a garment of fat', candrá-nirnik 'having a brilliant garment', para-vrk 'outcast', bhi-şák² 'healing', šatá-bhisak (AV.) ‘requiring a hundred physicians', sam-výk 'overpowering', sa-yúk 'companion', hiranya- srak (AV.) ‘having a golden garland'. f. úrk (VS. IV. 10) 'vigour', nir-nik 3 'bright garment', híranya-nirnik. -n. N. A. sv-á-vrk 'easily acquired', su-yúk 'well-joined' (adv.). 2. with -t: m. bhrát4 'shining', rát 'king'; eka-rát 'monarch', jana-rát (VS. v. 24) 'lord of men', vane-rát 'shining in a wood', vi-bhrát 'resplendent', vi-rát 'ruling far and wide', viśva-bhrát ‘all-illuminating'; satra-rắț (VS. v. 2) 'king of a Soma sacrifice', sam-rát 'universal ruler', sarva-ráț (VS. v. 24) 'ruler of all', sva-rát 'self-ruler'. With anomalous loss of the final of the root and retention of the N. -s: áva-yas5 (1. 1625), a priest who offers the share of the oblation (ava-yắj-). — f. rất ‘mistress’; vi-rất. - With anomalous loss of the final of the root (yaj-) and retention of the N. -s: ava-yás6 'share of the sacrificial oblation' (1. 173¹²). - bhrājá-s (IX. 170³). - A. m. ájam (AV.) 'driver', yúñjam, yújam; rtv-ijam, jyestha-rájam 'sovereign', tri-bhújam (AV.) 'threefold', deva-yájam (VS. I. 17) 'sacrificing to the gods', para-výjam, púşkara-srajam (VS. II. 33) 'wearing a lotus wreath', purva-bhájam 'first sharer', prtanájam 'rushing (-ájam) to battle', prathama- bhájam receiving the first share', pratar-yújam 'yoking early', bhi-sájam (VS. XXVIII. 9), yuvā-yújam 'yoked by both of you', ratha-yújam 'yoking to a chariot', vi-rájam, śaphā-rújam 'destroying with hoofs', satya-yájam 'worshipping truly', sam-rájam, sa-yújam, su-tyájam ‘easily letting loose', su-yájam 'worshipping well', su-yújam 'well-yoked', su-srájam (AV.) ‘wearing a beautiful garland', sva-rájam, sva-výjam 'appropriating to oneself'. f. árjam, tújam 'offspring', bhújam 'enjoyment, bhrájam (VS. IV. 17) 'splendour', srájam ‘garland'; upa- spijam8 (x. 88¹8) 'emulation', nir-nijam, pari-výjam 'avoiding', pra-yújam (VS. XI. 66) 'impulse', mano-yújam 'yoked by thought', vi-rájam, sahásra- nirnijam 'having a thousand adornments', sva-rájam (AV.). - - I. m. yuja; bhi-ṣájā (VS. AV.), mano-yújā, vaco-yúja 'yoked by a mere word', sa-yuja (AV.), sahásra-nirnija, su-yája (VS. TS.) 'good sacrifice', su-yújā. f. urjá, tujá, bhrājá ‘lustre'; nir-nija, mano-yújä (AV.), vi-rájā. n. svatra-bhája 'strengthening'. D. m. yujé (AV.); mrtá-bhraje⁹ (AV.) ‘whose virility is dead', rakṣo-yúje 'associated with demons', vi-ráje (VS. AV.), sam-ráje, sva-ráje¹0. — f. urje, tujé¹¹, bhujé; nir-nije. Ab. m. yujás; vi-rájas. f. nir-nijas. G. m. sam-rájas, sva-rájas. f. ūrjás, bhrajás ¹² (AV.) ‘virility', yujás; pra-yújas 'team', ratna-bhájas 'dispensing gifts', vi-rájas (AV.) -n. sva-rajas. 12 1 For yunk; cp. VPr. Iv. 104. 2 Probably 'one who conjures', cp. in the later language, abhi-sajati 'utters au impre- cation'; cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 8, bottom; ÜHLENBECK, Etymologisches Wör- terbuch, rejects this etymology in favour of a derivation connected with Av. -bis 'healing'. - 5 See LANMAN 463. 6 See above 66 c ß (p. 61). 183 - 3 From nir-nij- 'wash out'. 4 There is also the transition form (V. 467) from tuj-i-. 7 Strong form (301). 8 According to Sayana, used adverbially in the sense of 'emulously'. 9-bhraj is probably a reduced form of bhraj: cp. the later meaning of téjas- 'lustre'. 10 There is also the transfer form bhrājaya (VS. VIII. 40) for the bright one'. 1 There is also the transfer form tujaye 12 Probably a reduced form of bhráj 'lustre'. Cp. WHITNEY on AV. VII. 90². I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. VEDIC GRAMMAR. - L. m. áśva-nirniji 'adorned with horses'. - f. sam-sýji 'collision'. V. m. ghŕta-nirņik, sam-rāṭ. Du. N. A. V. m. yúñjā¹, yújā; ṛtv-ijā, tanū-tyájā ‘risking one's life', puru-bhuja (V.) 'enjoying much', púşkara-sraja, prātar-yújā, brahma-yuja "harnessed by prayer', bhi-sája, mano-yúja (VS. AV.), vaco-yúja, sam-rájā, sa-yújā, sākam-yújā joined together', su-yújā; anu-vŕjau (AV.) a part of the body near the ribs, apna-rájau 'ruling over wealth' (apna- = apnas), bhi-sajau (V.), sam-rájau, sa-yújau (AV.), su-yújau (AV.). f. aśva-yújau (AV.) 'harnessing horses'. D. m. bhi-ságbhyām (AV.). G. m. sam-rajos. Pl. N. m. yújas; ā-yújas (AV.) ‘joining on', rtv-íjas, V. rtv-ijas (AV.), krtá-dhvajas ‘furnished with banners', giri-bhrájas ‘glittering on the mountains', ghrtá-nirnijas, tanu-tyájas, divi-yájas worshipping in heaven', dur-yújas 'difficult to be yoked', nih-sijas 'pouring out', pitu-bhájas enjoying food', pūrva-bhájas, prtanájas (-ajas), pra-yújas (AV.), brahma-yújas, bhi-sájas, mano- yujas, mitra-yújas joined in friendship', ratha-yújas, varsá-nirnijas 'clothed with rain', vama-bhájas ‘partaking of goods', višva-sýjas (AV.) 'all-creating', sam-rájas, V.sam-rājas, su-yújas, sva-yújas ‘allies', sva-rájas, hárita-srajas (AV.) 'wearing yellow garlands'. f. úrjas, tújas, bhújas; abhi-yújas 'assailants', go-bhájas 'bestowing cows', nir-nijas, prkṣá-prayajas 'in which oblations begin to be offered', pra-yújas, vi-rájas (VS. xvII. 3), stana-bhújas 3 'enjoying the udder', sv-ā-yújas ‘easy to yoke'. 184 A. m. vijas 'stakes' (at play); ádhi-nirnijas 'covered over', ašva-yújas, catur-yújas 'yoked as (a team of) four', sapha-rújas, sa-yújas, su-yújas. f. tújas, bhújas, srájas; abhi-yujas. I. m. aruna-yúgbhis 'furnished with ruddy (rays)', ṛta-yúgbhis, vi-yúgbhisª (AV.), su-yúgbhis, sva-yugbhis. - D. f. pra-yúgbhyas (VS.xxx. 8) 'impulses'. Ab. m. bhi-şágbhyas (AV.) — G. m. rtv-ijam, bhi-şájām. - f. urjám, bhujám; nír-majām 5. — L. f. srakṣú; pra-yákşu (AV.) 'offerings'6. 303. Stems in derivative -j. - There are seven m. and f. adjectives or substantives formed with the suffixes -aj and -ij: á-svapnaj- 'sleepless', trsnáj- 'thirsty', dhrsáj- 'bold', sanáj- 'old'; us-j 'desiring', bhur-ij- f. 'arm', van-ij- m. 'trader'. There is also the n. ásrj-7 'blood', which is of obscure etymology, but the of which is probably a reduced suffix. The forms occurring are the following: - Sing. N. m. usik, vaník. - n. ásrk.- A. m. uśíjam, trsnájam, vanijam (AV.)— I. usijä (VS. xv. 6) 'ghee'. D. m. trsnáje, vanije.-G. m. usijas. Du. N. f. sanájā. — G. f. bhurijos. - L. f. bhurijos. Pl. N. m. usijas, trsnájas, á-trsnajas, dhṛṣájas, á-svapnajas. — f. ušijas.- A. m. usijas. - I. m. usigbhis. - D. m. usigbhyas. G. ušijām. — 1 Strong form (301). 2 Occurring once (x. 68¹), bhraj- being a reduced form of bhraj-; cp. D. m. mrtá-bhraje, G. f. bhrajás (AV.); cp. p. 183, notes 9 and 12. 3 The Pada text reads stana-bhújas. 4 See WHITNEY's note on AV. VII. 4¹. 5 A word of doubtful derivation and meaning, occurring only once (VIII. 4²0). - 2. Cerebral Stems. 304. There is only one doubtful derivative stem in -t, raghát-, which occurs in the single form ragháțas (AV. VIII. 72), possibly a mistake for raghávas 'swift'. 6 The corresponding form is pra-yátsu in TS. iv. I. 8¹ and VS. xxvII. 14. 7 Cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 559, 560. 8 See LANMAN 466, and WHITNEY, note on AV. VIII. 724. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. 185 There are besides only two radical stems ending in -d, id-¹ 'praise', and id-² 'refreshment'. Of the former occurs only the sing. I. īḍá; of the latter only the sing. I. idá and the G. idás ³. 3. Dental Stems. 305. Stems ending in all the dental mutes as well as the nasal are of frequent occurrence except those in th. There are radical stems ending in each of the dentals, but no derivative stems in th or -dh. The distinction of strong and weak appears with slight exceptions only in the derivative stems in -ant and -an. 306. Stems in radical -t. The only four monosyllabic stems occurring are feminine substantives: dyút- 'splendour', nýt- 'dancing', pýt- ‘battle', vŕt-4 'hostile array'. There are also two reduplicated stems, which are primarily adjectives: cikit- 'knowing' (Vcit-) and didyút- 'shining'. The rest are com- pounds, used mostly in the masculine or feminine. Neuter cases occur from only four of them: aksi-pát- 'falling into the eye', án-apā-vrt- 'not turning away', tri-výt 'three-fold', sam-yát-5 'continuous'. Inflexion. The forms occurring would, if made from tri-vŕt-, be as follows: Sing. N. m. f. tri-výt (also n.). A. m. f. tri-výtam.. - I. m. f. tri-vŕta (also n.). D. m. f. tri-výte. - Ab. G. m. f. tri-vŕtas. - L. n. tri-výti (AV.). Du. N. A. m. f. tri-vŕta, tri-vŕtau. L. f. tri-vŕtos. Pl. N. A. m. f. tri-vŕtas. — I. n. tri-výdbhis (AV.). — G. m. f. tri-vŕtām. - L. f. tri-vŕtsu. - V. m. f. tri-vrtas. - The forms actually ocurring are the following: Sing. N. m. ana-výt 'not returning', ábandhu-krt (AV.) 'not cutting off kin', eka-výt (AV.) ‘one-fold', 'simple', cikit 'knowing', tri-výt (VS. x. 10) 'triple', pra-výt (VS. xv. 9), manaś-cit 'thinking in the mind', mula-kit (AV.) 'cutting roots', vipas-cit 'inspired', vi-vŕt (VS.xv.9), visu-výt 'rolling in various directions', sa-výt (VS. xv. 9), su-výt 'turning well'. f. cit (VS.Iv.19) 'thought'; apa-cit (AV.) a noxious insect, didyút 'shining', vi-dyút 'flashing'. - n. eka-vịt (AV.), tri-výt: as adv. aksi-pát ‘a little' and ánapa-vrt 'unremittingly'. - — A. m. a-citam 'unthinking', eka-výtam (AV.), ghrta-ścútam ‘sprinkling ghee', tri-výtam, duś-citam (AV.) 'thinking evil', madhu-ścútam distilling sweetness', vipaś-citam, visu-výtam, su-vŕtam, huras-citam 'plotting deceit'.- f. dyútam, vŕtam; a-vŕtam turning home', ghrta-ścútam, vi-cŕtam 'loosening', vi-dyútam, vipaś-citam, sam-yátam, sam-výtam (AV.) 'approach', sam-crtam 'union'. I. m. tri-vŕta, vipas-cita (VS. IV. 32), su-vŕtā. — f. dyutá, vṛtá; a-cita 'attention', ghrta-scuta, tri-vŕta, pra-cáta 'with concealment' (adv.), vi-dyútā.- n. sam-yáta, tri-vŕta (AV.). - D. m. a-cíte, tri-výte (VS. xv. 9), pra-výte (VS. xv. 9), vipaš-cíte, vi-vŕte (VS. xv. 9), sa-výte (VS. xv. 9), su-dyúte. f. vi-dyúte. Ab. m. tri-výtas (VS. XIII. 54), vi-dyútas7. f. didyútas. ¹ Cp. above 17, 5. 2 Derived from s 'refreshment' which is of very frequent occurrence; cp. above P. 35, note 1. 3 This form is regarded by GRASSMANN in one passage (VII. 47¹) as an A. pl.: cp. LANMAN 466. 4 vŕt- occurs once in the dual as a fem. ad- jective. -1 — 5 From yat- 'unite'. 6 From krt- 'cut'; but it may be 'not relative-making' (kr-t); see WHITNEY's note on AV. IV. 19¹. 7 The Ab. didyót (TS. 1. 8. 14¹) and vidyot (VS. xx. 2) are probably irregular formations. due to parallelism; cp. LANMAN 468. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. G. m. tri-vŕtas, vipaś-citas, sa-cítas ‘wise', su-dyútas ‘shining beautifully'. - f. vi-dyútas. · L. n. tri-výti (AV.). Du. N. A. V. m. vipas-cita (V.), isu-kŕta' (1. 184³). — f. výtau; a-výta, madhu-ścita, vi-cŕtau (AV.). - L. f. vi-crtos (AV.). - Pl. N. m. a-výtas, rsti-vidyutas 'glittering with spears', eka-vŕtas (AV.), ghrta-ścitas, dus-citas (AV.), vi-dyútas, vipas-citas, sam-yátas, surya-svitas 'bright as the sun', svá-vidyutas 'self-lightning', hraduni-vŕtas bringing hail'. - V. rsți-vidyutas, vi-dyutas. N. f. apa-citas (AV.), ā-vŕtas (AV.), upā-vŕtas (VS. AV.) 'return', ghrta-ścútas, ghrta-ścyútas (VS. XVII. 3), madhu-ścútas, madhu-ścyútas (VS. XVII. 3), vi-dyútas, sam-yátas. ·V. ápa-citas (AV.). A. m. a-citas, a-dyútas 'lacking brightness', ghrta-ścútas, vipaś-citas, huras- citas. f. nýtas (AV.), vŕtas; tri-vŕtas (AV.), dakṣiṇa-vŕtas, didyútas, puru- vŕtas (AV.) 'moving in various ways', madhu-ścitas, vi-dyútas, visu-vŕtas (AV)., sam-yátas, sam-vŕtas (AV.). f. apa-citām (AV.), vi- I. n. tri-výdbhis (AV.). - G. m. vipas-citām. dyútām (AV.). — L. f. prtsú². · 307. Stems in determinative -t. Derivative nominal stems are formed from nearly thirty roots ending in the short vowels i, u and y by means of the suffix -t3. The roots adding it are i- ‘go', kr- ‘make', kṣi- ‘dwell', gu- 'sound', ci- '‘pile', 'note', cyu- ‘move', ji- ‘conquer', dhr- 'hold', dhvr- ‘injure', pi- 'swell', pru- 'flow', bhr- 'bear', mi- 'fix', yu- 'join' and 'separate', ri- 'flow', ur- 'cover', sri- ‘resort', śru- ‘hear', su- 'press', sr- 'flow', stu- 'praise', spr-'win', sru- 'flow', hu- 'sacrifice', hr- 'take', hvr- or hru- 'be crooked'. Two other roots, gam- 'go', and han- 'strike', are modified so as to end in short a (representing the sonant nasal) before adding the suffix: -gá-t and há-t. These stems are mostly m. and f. Neuter cases are very rare, occurring from five or six stems only. The inflexion is exactly the same as that of the stems in radical -t. 186 - - - I isu-kyteva here may, however, be a D. sing. for işukyte va; see LANMAN 468. With double ending once (1. 1294) bytsú-șu. 2 - Inflexion. 308. Sing. N. m. with -krt: anukama-kŕt 'acting according to desire', abhisti-krt 'giving help', aji-kŕt 'instituting a contest', īsana-krt 'acting as a lord', ṛṣi-kŕt 'making into a seer', khaja-kŕt 'causing the din of battle', iyotiş-krt 'causing light', tanu-kit 'preserving life', pathi-kit 'path-making', puru-kit 'doing much', purva-kit (VS. xx. 36) 'active from of old', bhadra- krt 'bestowing blessings', uloka-kŕt 'procuring free space', vayas-kŕt 'creating youthful vigour', varivo-kŕt 'bestowing freedom', vijesa-kŕt 'procuring victory', su-kŕt 'acting well', steya-kŕt 'committing theft', syona-kŕt 'causing comfort', svista-kŕt (VS. 11. 9) 'offering right sacrifice'; with jit: apsu-jít 'con- quering in the waters', ab-jit 'winning waters', abhimāti-jít (VS. XXVII. 3) 'conquering foes', aśva-jít 'winning horses', rta-jít (VS. xvII. 83) winner of right, go-jit 'winning kine', dhana-jit 'winning booty', ranya-jit winning in battle', ratha-jit ‘winning chariots', višva-jít 'all-conquering', samsrsta-jít 'con- quering combatants', satya-jít (VS. xvII. 83) "winner of truth', satrā-jit ‘wholly victorious', samarya-jit 'winning battles', sahasra-jit 'conquering a thousand', sena-jit (VS. xv. 19) 'conquering armies', svar-jít 'winning heaven', hiranya-jit 'winning gold'; with other roots: acyuta-kşit (VS. v. 13) 'dwelling immovably'; acyuta-cyút 'shaking what is firm³; á-dāra-sṛt (AV.) ‘not falling into a crack'; a-kṣit 'dwelling'; rna-cit 'avenging guilt', rta-cit 'observing sacred order'; 3 This suffix -t partakes of the character of a root determinative, as roots in -i-u-r are hardly ever used without it as nominal stems. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. 187 kilbisa-sprt 'removing sin'; ksatra-bhŕt (VS. xxvII. 7) 'holder of sway'; carşani- dhít 'preserving men'; dirgha-śrut 'heard afar', deva-śrut (VS. XXXVII. 18) 'heard by the gods'; dhana-sprt 'winning booty'; dhruva-ksit (VS. v. 13) 'dwelling firmly'; pari-hrút 'overthrowing'; pūta-bhŕt (VS. xvIII. 21) a kind of soma vessel; bhara-bhrt 'bearing a load'; mada-cyút 'reeling with excite- ment'; madhu-sút 'emitting sweetness'; yakşa-bhŕt 'supporting pursuers' (?), vajra-bhyt 'wielding a thunderbolt'; vaja-sýt 'running for a prize'; sapatna-ksit (VS. I. 29) 'destroying rivals'; suparṇa-cit (VS. xxvII. 45) 'heaped up like the bird Suparna'; soma-sút 'pressing Soma'; sva-sit 'going one's own way'; havana- śrut 'hearing invocations'. f. upa-bhrt (VS. II. 6) 'sacrificial ladle'; upa-mit 'prop'; rta-cit; pari-srút (VS.XIX. 15) 'fermented liquor'; praſasta-kŕt 'bestowing praise'. N. A. n. višva-jít; dirgha-śrút, nava-gát (AV. TS.) 'first-bearing', purītát (VS. XXXIX. 9) 'pericardium'; as adverbs: upa-stút 'invoked', dyu-gát 'going to heaven', sa-kŕt ('one-making') 'once'. - — A. m. adhi-kṣitam 'ruler', adhvara-kŕtam (VS. 1. 24) 'performing sacrifice', arno-výtam 'enclosing the waters', uktha-bhŕtam 'offering verses', uda-prútam 'swimming in water', rna-cyútam ‘inciting to (fulfil) obligations', carṣaṇī-dhŕtam, tīvra-sútam 'pressing pungent (juice)', trsu-cyútam 'moving greedily', dirgha- śrútam, duş-kŕtam 'acting wickedly', dveso-yútam 'removing hostility', dhana- jitam (VS. XI. 8), dhana-spŕtam, nadi-vŕtam 'stream-obstructing', pari-srutam 'flowing around', prātar-jitam 'conquering early', mada-cyútam, mithu-kŕtam 'fallen into trouble', vayas-kŕtam (VS. III. 18), vāja-jitam (VS.11.7) ‘winning spoil', śravo-jitam 'winning renown', sam-jitam 'conqueror', satya-dhvŕtam 'perverting truth', satrā-jitam (VS. xi. 8), sahas-kŕtam (VS. III. 18) 'bestowing strength', sāma-bhŕtam ‘bringing chants', su-kŕtam, svar-jítam, svista-kŕtam (VS. xxI. 47), havana-śrutam, havis-kŕtam 'preparing the oblation'. f. aram-kŕtam 'making ready', upa-prútam flowing near', deva-śrútam, ni-yitam 'team', pari-srútam. I. m. abhi-jitā (VS.xv. 7) ‘victorious', upari-průtā (VS. vII. 3) 'falling from above', carşani-dhŕta, brahma-kŕta 'offering prayers', soma-súta. f. ni-yútā, pari-sruta (VS. XIX. 83), pari-hurtd2 (vIII. 476) deceiving'. D. m. aram-kŕte, duş-kŕte, dharma-kŕte 'establishing order', brahma-kŕte, su-kŕte; ab-jíte, ašva-jite, urvarā-jite ‘winning fertile fields', go-jite, dhana-jíte, nr-jite 'conquering men', višva-jite, satra-jite, svar-jíte; giri-kşíte ‘dwelling in mountains', parvata-cyúte ‘shaking mountains', soma-bhrte (VS. v. 1) 'bringing Soma'. Ab. m. pari-srútas (VS. XIX. 75) 'foaming', brahma-kŕtas, sarva-hútas 'offered completely'. f. abhi-hrútas 'injurious'. G. m. carşani-dhŕtas, vāja-jítas (VS. IX. 13), vīrya-kŕtas (VS. x. 25) 'doing mighty deeds', sam-jitas, su-kŕtas, havis-kŕtas. - f. isa-stutas3, deva-stutas 'praising the gods', pari-srútas (AV.). L. m. mada-cyúti, gojiti, vasu-jiti (AV.) 'winning goods', sam-dhana-jiti4 (AV.) 'winning booty together'. V. m. acyuta-cyut, uru-krt 'making wide', rta-cit, khaja-krt, puru-krt, rana-krt 'causing joy', vandana-śrut listening to praise', vāja-jit (VS. 11. 7), sahasra-jit, hávis-kṛt (VS I. 15). - f. upa-bhrt (AV.), rástra-bhrt (AV.) 'bearing sway'. The second part of the word may be derived from tan- 'stretch' like -ga-t- from gam- 'go'. 2 With anomalous accent; but the form may be L. of pari-hurti-, the normal accent of which would be pári-hayti-; see LANMAN 502 (bottom). - = 3 işa- iş 'refreshment', BR.; but the Pada text reads işah-stútas, and GRASSMANN regards işa işah (before st-) as G. of is-. 4 Instead of *dhana-sam-jiti. 1 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Du. N. A. V. m. go-jítā, divi-kṣitā 'dwelling in the sky', pari-kṣitā 'dwelling around', mada-cyútā, su-śrútā 'hearing well', havana-śrútā, V. páthi-kṛtā (AV.); á-duş-krtau, krsna-prútau 'moving in darkness', sa-kŕtau (AV.) 'acting at once', sa-ksitau 'dwelling together', su-kýtau (AV.), bhadra-kŕtau (AV.), su-śrútau (AV.). — f. ugra-jítau (AV.) 'fierce-conquering' (name of an Apsaras). G. f. su-kytos, pari-ksitos. 188 Pl. N. V. m. cítas (VS. 1. 18) 'heaping up', hrútas 'stumbling-blocks'; with -kŕt: aram-kŕtas, īśāna-kŕtas, karma-kŕtas (VS. III. 47) ‘skilful in work', dudhra-kŕtas 'boisterous', dus-kŕtas, dhanya-kŕtas preparing grain', brahma- kŕtas, yajña-niṣ-kytas preparing the sacrifice', vayas-kŕtas, su-kŕtas, havis-kŕtas; with cyút: dhanva-cyútas shaking the ground', dhruva-cyútas ‘shaking the immovable', parvata-cyútas, mada-cyútas; with -kṣit: apsu-kṣitas ‘dwelling in the waters', upa-kṣítas ‘dwelling near', vraja-ksitas (VS. x. 4) 'resting in their station', sa-kṣítas; with other roots: adhva-gátas (AV.) ‘travellers', arthétas“ (VS. x. 3) 'swift', uda-prútas, urdhva-citas (VS. 1. 18) 'piling up', kṛcchre-śrítas 'undergoing danger, gräma-jitas 'conquering troops', carşani-dhŕtas, jana- bhŕtas (VS. x. 4) 'supporting people', divi-śrítas (AV.) going to heaven', deva- śrutas (VS. VI. 30), dveso-yútas, ni-gútas 'enemies', pari-citas (VS. xII.46) "piling up around', pitu-bhŕtas 'bringing food', pūrva-citas (VS. XXVII. 4) ‘piling up first', mano-dhŕtas 'intelligent, V. vāja-jitas (VS. IX. 9), vi-citas (VS. IV. 24) 'sifting', visva-bhŕtas (VS. x. 4) 'all-nourishing', satya-śrutas 'hearing the truth', satrā-jitas, su-kŕtas (VS. xxxIII. 16), su-śrůtas, soma-sútas, sva-sýtas, havana- śrútas. - f. mitas 'posts', stútas 'praises'; uda-prútas, ni-yutas, pari-srútas, pitu-bhŕtas, sam-hátas 'layers', sa-srútas 'streaming'. — N. A. n. dirgha-śrút 'far- renowned' appears to be used as a n. pl. in agreement with vratá (vIII. 25¹7)³. - - - A. m. hrútas and hrutás4 (AV.); a-pítas ‘not swelling', go-jitas, jyotis- kŕtas, dus-kŕtas, ni-gútas, mada-cyútas, su-kŕtas. - f. ritas 'flowing'; úpa-stutas 'invocations', dirgha-śrútas, ni-yútas, bali-hŕtas 'paying tribute', varuna-dhrútas 'deceiving Varuna', vi-sýtas 'flowing asunder', sa-srutas. I. m. soma-súdbhis. - f. antariksa-prúdbhis 'floating over the atmosphere', ni-yúdbhis. D. m. isu-kýdbhyas (VS. xvI. 46) 'arrow-makers', dhanus-kŕdbhyas (VS. XVI. 46) 'bow-makers', pathi-kŕdbhyas, bandhu-kṣidbhyas 'dwelling among kinsmen'. Ab. n. tanu-ký dbhyas. G. m. agni-hotra-hútām (AV.) 'offering the oblation to Agni', işu-bhŕtām (AV.) 'archers', mantra-kŕtam 'composers of hymns', su-kŕtām. f. abhi-hrútām, upa-citām (VS. XII. 97) a kind of disease, upa-mítām (AV.), ni-yútām, pari- mitām (AV.) ‘rafters', prati-mítām (AV.) ‘props', ratha-jítām (AV.). L. m. su-kŕtsu. - Derivative Stems in -vat, -tāt, -it, -ut and secondary -t. 309. The following stems are formed with the suffix (1) -vat 5: arva-vát- f. 'proximity', a-vát- (AV.) f. 'proximity', ud-vát- f. 'height', ni-vát- f. 'depth', parā-vát- f. ‘distance, pra-vát- f. ‘height, sam-vát- f. ‘region’; (2) -tā76: upará-tat- f. 'vicinity', devá-tat- f. 'divine service', vrká-tat- f. 'wolfishness', satyá-tāt- f. 'reality', sarvá-tāt- f. ‘totality'; (3) -it: taḍ-it- £. ‘contiguous', div-it-7 ¹ dhanya-kŕtas in the Pada text. 2 That is, 'going (it) to the goal' 233- (ártha-). 3 See LANMAN 503 (bottom), and 474 on the N. A. pl. n. 4 With irregular accent. 5 See above, secondary nominal derivation, Cp. above 215 a. 7 In this word the suffix -it probably con- sists of the root i- 'go' with the primary (determinative) - (307). 189 'going to the sky', yoş-it- f. 'young woman', roh-it- f. 'red mare', sar-it- f. 'stream', har-it- f. 'fallow'; (4) -ut: mar-út- m. 'storm-god'; (5) with secondary -t: the two neuters yakr-t-¹ (AV.) 'liver', śákr-t-2 'excrement', and perhaps the etymologically obscure m. nápāt³ 'descendant', all three of which are supple- mented in the weak cases by the stems yakán-, śakán- and náptr- respectively. The inflexion of this group of stems is the same as that of the radical -t stems. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. I NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. Inflexion. 310. Sing. N. m. taḍít, tánū-nápat 'son of himself', nápāt, prá-napāt 'great-grandson'. - f. parāvát, pravát, rohit, sarit (VS. XXXIV. 11). - n. yákrt (VS. AV.), śákrt. A. m. tánū-nápātam, nápātam. - f. arvavátam, paravátam, pravátam, yoşitam, rohitam (AV.), samvátam (AV.). I. m. divita. f. udváta, devátata, nivátă, pravátā, nivátā, pravátā, satyátātā ¹, sarvátātā ¹, harita. D. f. devátāte. There is also the transfer form avirat-e (from a-vira-ta- 'lack of sons'). Ab. f. arvāvátas, udvátas³, nivátas³, parāvátas, pravátas, samvátas. G. f. pravátas. L. f. arvāváti, uparátāti, devátāti, parāváti, vrkátāti. V. m. tanu-napat, napat. Du. N. A. V. m. nápata. - f. harita. G. f. haritos. - Pl. N. m. nápatas, marútas, haritas.f. avátas (AV.), udvátas, taditas, parāvátas (AV.), pravátas, yoșitas (AV.), saritas, haritas. A. m. marútas. - f. udvatas, nivátas, parāvátas, pravátas, yoșitas (AV.), rohitas, samvátas, sarítas, haritas. I. m. marúdbhis. - f. pravádbhis. - D. m. marúdbhyas. Ab. m. marúdbhyas. G. m. marútām. - f. pravátām. L. m. marútsu. - f. udvátsu, nivátsu, pravátsu. V. m. indra-marutas 'O Indra and the Maruts', napātas, marutas. Participial Stems in -at and -ant. 311. Participles in -at are almost limited to the present active form of stems made with reduplication, viz. those of the third class (457) and of intensives (545). The old reduplicated participle (from ga- 'go') jágat- 'going', 'living', is used chiefly as a n. substantive meaning 'the animate world'. The analogy of these participles is followed by a few others formed from un- reduplicated stems: dás-at- 'worshipping', sás-at- 'instructing'7; also dákṣat- and dháksat-, the aor. participle of dah- burn'. A few others, again, originally participles, having come to be used as substantives, have shifted the accent to the suffix: vah-át-8 'stream', veh-át-9 (AV. VS.) f. 'barren cow', vagh-át-¹0 m. 'sacrificer', srav-át- f. 'stream'; like the regular participle sáśc-at- (from sac- 'accompany'), which as a substantive becomes saśc-át- m. 'pursuer'. In 1 Cp. Lat. jecur. 2 Cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 559. 3 The suffix may here have been a pri- mary - added to the root pā: cp. LEU- MANN'S etymology (1888), Festgruss an Böht- lingk 77 f.; BRUGMANN 2, p. 366. 4 These forms might be locatives of devátāti-, satyátāti-, sarvátāti-. 5 These forms might be A. pl. 6 Perhaps marut in evayá-marut. 7 LANMAN 505, would place dăsat- “in- juring here, but there is no evideuce, as only a weak case, dásatas G. sing., occurs. 8 But váh-ant- 'carrying'. 9 The derivation of this word is obscure. 10 In one or two passages vāghát- still retains its participial sense. 11 But sráv-ant- 'flowing'. 190 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. VEDIC GRAMMAR. I this class masculines are frequent, but only about half a dozen neuter forms occur, and the feminines are limited to three substantives and the adjective a-saścát 'unequalled'. The inflexion is like that of the radical -t stems, the accent never shifting to the endings. Inflexion. 312. Sing. N. m. 1. reduplicating class ³: cíkyat, jáhat, júhvat, dádat, dádhat, bápsat (Vbhas-), bíbhyat, bibhrat. 2. intensives: kánikradat and kánikrat, kárikrat (kṛ- ‘do') and (ā-)cárikrat (AV.), ghánighnat and jánghanat (√han-), cániścadat (Vscand), cárkrsat, cákasat (√kaś-), cékitat (√cit-), iárbhurat, jágrat, távitvat, dárdrat, dédiśat, didyat, dávidyutat, dódhuvat, dávidhvat, nánadat, nánnamat, pánīphaṇat, bháribhrat, mármrjat, mármrsat, mémyat, rárajat, rérihat, róruvat, várīvrjat, vávadat, vévidat, vévișat, śóśucat, sánisyadat (Vsyand-), syand-), séşidhat. 3. non-reduplicating verbs: väghát, śásat; aor. dákşat and dháksat. N. A. n. 1. jágat, dávidyutat, pépisat, yoyuvat (AV.).- N. f. vehát (AV. VS.). A. m. 1. á-saścatam (1. 1129), dádatam, bibhratam. - 2. kárikratam (AV.), gánigmatam, didyatam, nánadatam, pánipnatam, róruvatam (AV.). - f. a-saścátam (II. 32³); vehátam (AV.). - — I. m. dádatā, śśśucatā. - f. a-saścáta. n. jágata (AV.). D. m. 1. jújoşate, júhvate, dádhate, bibhrate, sáścate. — 2. ghánighnate. 3. vagháte. - n. 1. jágate (AV.). Ab. m. 2. kánikradatas. - G. m. 1. jigatas, dádatas, dádhatas, bápsatas.- 2. júnghnatas, táritratas, dódhatas, vévisatas.-3. vaghátas, śásatas, dhákṣatas (aor.). n. 1. jágatas. 2. a-várvṛtatas (AV.), vávadatas. - L. n. jágati. - - Du. N. A.V. m. a-saścáta, bápsata, bibhrata; táritratā; śásatā; dádhatau, bíbhratau. f. a-saścátā. - G. m. pipratos. I The f. of the regular participles is formed by the suffix -. 2 But á-sascant-ī from sáścat-. 3 See below, Verb, 461. There occurs once an anomalous N. pl. with -ant from a reduplicated stem: vavydh- ántas. See below, Perfect, 492, note on vávy dhváms-. Pl. N. m. 1. júhvatas, titratas, dádatas, dádhatas, pipratas, bápsatas, bibhratas, sisratas. - 2. kárikratas, jágratas, jóhuvatas, dávidhvatas, didhyatas, dódhatas, nónuvatas, mármrjatas, sóśucatas.- 3. dáśatas, vāghátas.—f.a-saścátas, vahátas, sravátas. A. m.I. jákṣatas (√ghas-). — 2. jágratas (AV.), dódhatas (AV.), śáśvasatas, śóśucatas (AV.). - f. saścátas; sravátas. r I. m. 2. nánadadbhis, pópruthadbhis, vávadadbhis, śáśvasadbhis. 3. vaghádbhís. G. m. jágatām, bíbhyatām (AV.); vāghátām. — f. sravátām. V. m. jagatas, väghatas. 313. Participles in -ant are formed from all present stems (except those of the reduplicating class and of intensives and the few others that follow their analogy), from all future stems, and from aorist stems. Their analogy is followed by rkánt- 'weak', pŕsant- 'spotted', brhánt- 'great', rúsant- 'brilliant', which have lost their participial function; also by dánt-5 m. 'tooth'. The adjective mahánt- 'great', having lost its original participial meaning deviates from the participial declension in lengthening the vowel of the suffix in the strong forms. In the inflexion of this group the distinction between 5 This word is probably an old pres. participle of ad- 'eat', with prehistoric loss of the initial a like s-ánt being' from as- 'be' (25, 1). The RV. has one transfer form, N. dánta-s (starting from the A. dánt-am); the AV. has others, dántās and dántais. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. strong and weak forms is regularly made, -ant appearing in the former only and being reduced to -at in the latter, which shift the accent, if resting on the suffix, to the ending. These participles are declined in the m. and n. only, as they form a special f. stem in -ī'. The m. and n. forms are the same, except of course in the N. A.; the former are very frequent, the latter rare. Inflexion. 314. The forms occurring, if made from bhávat- 'being', would be as follows: — Sing. N.m. bhávan². - n. bhávat. ·A. m. bhávantam. ·I. m. n. bhávatā. - D. bhávate. Ab. m. n. bhávatas. - G. m. n. bhávatas. - L. bhávati. Du. N. A. V. m. bhávantā and bhávantau. — n. bhávatī. D. bhávad- bhyām. G. m. n. bhávatos. - - - — - · Pl. N. m. bhávantas. n. bhávanti. A. m. bhávatas. I. bhávadbhis. D. m. bhávadbhyas. Ab. m. bhávadbhyas. G. m. n. bhávatām. L. m. n. bhávatsu. Forms actually occurring are the following. It is unnecessary to enumerate all the m. N. and A. forms, as in the RV. alone 228 forms of the N. sing., 121 of the A. sing., and 166 of the N. pl.3 occur. Sing. N. m. Examples are: árcan, sidan; ghnán, yán, sán; pásyan; icchán; krnván, sunván; bhanján; jānán; jandyan; yúyutsan; karişyán. Also dán, 'tooth'; maháns. — n. anát, ásato, ismát, éjat, ésat7, kulayáyat, cárat, citáyat, trpát, dhrsát, pátat, patáyat, minát, yát, raghuyát, várdhat, samsat, siksat, su&yat, sát, sunvát; adj. brhát, mahát, risat; aor. sáksat (Vsah-); fut. bhavisyát (AV.). As adv. with shift of accent: dravát 'swiftly' (dru- 'run'), drahyát 'firmly' (irregular formation from drh- ‘be firm'). 191 - - 4 Occurring also in several compounds a-dán 'toothless', etc. ; ubhaya-dam (AV. v. 19²) must be emended to -dann. 5 mahám in II. 24¹¹, IV. 23¹, IX. 1097 is A. m. Examples are: cárantam; yántam, uśántam, sántam; yúdhyantam; vidhántam; krnvántam; prñcántam; grnántam; dítsantam; dántam; brhántam, mahántam. I. m. á-ghnata, ávatā, á-sunvata, cáratā, jānatá, tujatá, púṣyatā, bhindatá, vanuşyată; đată, śyāvá-datā (AV.) 'dark-toothed', brhatá, mahatá, rúsatā. n. á-drpyata, d-sredhata, á-hedata, ásata, usatá, gavyatá, tvāyatá, dhṛṣatá (adv.), śucatá, śravasyatá, samaryatá, sumnāyatá; brhatá, mahatá, rúšatā. D. m. I. from stems accented on the suffix: avasyaté, aśvāyaté, isayaté, isudhyaté, iṣūyaté, uśaté, ṛjūyaté, ṛtāyaté, kṛṇvaté, gavyaté, grnaté, juraté, jānaté, tvāyaté, devayaté, dvișaté, dhiyāyaté, dhūnvaté, prnaté, prcchaté, brahmanyaté, mahayaté, mānavasyaté, yajñāyaté, yaté, vanvaté, vidhaté, śrnvaté, śravasyaté, sakhiyaté, saté, siñcaté, sunvaté, stuvaté; rhaté, brhaté, mahaté; fut. avisyaté. n. sucaté, sanāyaté. 2. from stems accented on the radical or the penultimate syllable: á-ghnate, a-codáte⁹, á-minate, árcate, árhate, yakşate, cárate, cétate, tárate, ¹ On the difference in the form of this f. | regarded by BENFEY as N. sing. m. (Göttinger stem see 201, 377, 455, 461, etc. Nachrichten 1878, p. 190). 2 On the Sandhi of such nominatives see LANMAN 506. 3 Lists of the participle stems will be found below under each of the conjugational classes, under the secondary conjugations, and under the future. 6 For á-sat (VII. 104¹2); the Pada reads ásat. 7 The Pada reads ā-iṣat (X. 89¹4). 8 Once (IV. 514) with lengthened initial for á-sat-a 'not being', also once ásatas (VII. 1048); the Pp. has ásatā and ásatah. See GRASS- MANN, Wörterbuch, under á-sat. 9 Wrong accentuation (in v. 44²) for á-codate; see LANMAN 508 (top). I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. VEDIC GRAMMAR. tŕsyate, dásate, pácate, pipișate, púsyate, yájate, yúdhyatz, rájate, rísate, vádate, śámsate, sárdhate, síṣāsate, háryate; a-dáte 'toothless'. Ab. I. m. kṛnvatás, prṇatás, vanusyatás; brhatás. - n. brhatás, mahatás. - 2. m. á-bhunjatas, á-vadatas, jighamsatas, risatas. — n. á-satas. 192 G. m. I. arātīyatás, undatás, ušatás, rghayatás, rtayatás, krnvatás, kṣiyatás, gṛṇatás, tujatás, turatás, turaṇyatás, tvāyatás, durhaṇīyatás, dvișatás, dhṛṣatás, pitūyatás, prṇatás, brahmanyatás, minatás, mișatás, yatás, rudhatás, vapusyatás, vidhatás, śucatás, satás, saparyatás, sunvatás, stuvatás, huvatás; brhatás, mahatás; fut. karisyatás. 2. á-ghnatas, á-juryatas, á-bhunjatas, árcatas, á-sunvatas, inakṣatas, cáratas, cétatas, jáyatas, járatas, jighamsatas, jijyasatas, jivatas, túrvatas, tŕsyatas, didāsatas, drávatas, dhámatas, dhrájatas, piyatas, bhúşatas, yúdhyatas, ririkṣatas, rébhatas, váyatas, várdhatas, vénatas, śárdhatas, śócatas, siṣāsatas, sidatas, hársatas; rúśatas. n. 1. krpayatás, prāṇatás², mișatás, yātás, satás; brhatás, ma hatás. 2. ásatas ¹, cáratas, bhávatas, vénatas, sişasatas; rúšatas. L. m. I. yati, sunvati; mahatí. - 2. iráyati, ubhaya-dati (AV.). n. 1. mahatí. 2. á-sati. Du. N. A. V. a) forms in -ā. I. accented on the suffix: aśnánta, irajyánta, uśánta, gmánta, gavyánta, daśasyánta, diśánta, duhánta, pantā, punántā, prñcántā, bhujántā, minántā, miṣántā, yántã, yấntä, vanvántā, vasnay- ánta, vājayánta, vy-ánta, urdhánta, śrṇvánta, sánta, saparyánta, sumnayántā; brhánta, brhantā (V.), mahántā. 2. accented on the penultimate or ante- penultimate: á-mardhantā, á-yatantā, árhantā, iṣayantā, kṣáyantā, cárantā, codáyanta, janáyantā, járanta, drávanta, dhámanta, paráyanta, pipantā, mádantā, rádantā, vádantā, vápantā, váhantā, vājáyantā, vénantā, sádantā, sápantā, sáhantã, sádhantī, háyantā. — - b) forms in -au. I. aśnántau, tirántau, yántau, vrdhántau, sántau; mahántau. — 2. işáyantau, kríḍantau, kşáyantau, mádantau (AV.), yájantau, rájantau. N. A. n. yati; brhatí. D. m. mṛḍayádbhyām; mahádbhyām. G. m. járatos. - n. sam-yatós (AV.) 'going together'. Pl. N. m. From the very numerous forms occurring the following may be quoted: mádantas; ghnántas, yántas, sántas; pásyantas; icchántas; bhindántas; krnvántas; grnántas; devayántas, vajayántas; dipsantas5; aor. krántas 6, bhidántas'; pŕsatas (VS. xxIv. 11), mahāntas³. - V. uśantas; mahantas. - N. A. n. sánti9; brhánti (AV. VIII. 93), mahánti. A. m. I. usatás, rghayatás, grnatás, tarusyatás, tvāyatás, prnatás, prtanyatis, bhandanayatás, manāyatás, yatás, rudatás, vanusyatás, vajayatás, vidhatás, śṛṇvatás, śravasyatás, śrudhīyatás, sakhīyatás, satás, sasatás, stuvatás; brhatás, mahatás; datás. 2. á-prnatas, á-prayucchatas, árcatas, kşáyatas, dhávatas, dhrájatas, pátatas, rayatas, ríşatas, rúrukṣatas (√ruh-), vádatas, vrádhatas, sárdhatas, sisrpsatas; syavá-datas (AV.). On the accent see 90 B c. The dative of ad-ánt- 'eating', would be ad-at-é. 2 That is, pra-anatás. 3 For ásatas according to the Pada text. 4 Aor. participle of gam- 'go'. In one passage (I. 122¹¹) the Pada reads gmánta; the sense seems to require the pl. gmántas. See LANMAN 509. 5 Desiderative of dabh- 'injure'; cp. LAN- MAN 508 (gen. masc.). 6 gmántas should perhaps be read for gmánta in 1. 122¹¹. 7 On the anomalous N. pl. perf. participle, vavydhántas, see above p. 190, note 4. 8 ubhaya-datas in x. 90¹0 is perhaps a metrical shortening for -dantas; cp. LANMAN 509 (bottom). The AV. has the transfer form dántās; cp. p. 190, note 5. 9 The Pada text reads sánti; see RPr. IX. 25. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. I. m. á-nimisadbhis, á-prayucchadbhis, á-sredhadbhis, uśádbhis, citáyad- bhis, tujáyadbhis, devayádbhis, dhávadbhis, patáyadbhis, rébhadbhis, vádadbhis, vajayádbhis, vrájadbhis, sucádbhis, sucáyadbhis, śubháyadbhis, sócadbhis; brhádbhis, mahádbhis, rúśadbhis; dadbhis. n. sucáyadbhis, stanáyadbhis; brhádbhis, mahádbhis, rúšadbhis. D. m. usádbhyas, kṣúdhyadbhyas, gṛṇádbhyas, tväyádbhyas, pásyadbhyas, präyádhhyas, vádadbhyas, váhadbhyas, sunvádbhyas; brhádbhyas, mahádbhyas; dadblyás (AV.). - Ab. m. para-yádbhyas. G. m. 1. adhvarīyatám, uśatám, rjūyatám, gṛṇatám, ghnatám, juratám, devayatám, dvişatám, yatám, yatám, vanusyatám, vajayatám, satrūyatám, Sravatam, śravasyatám, sakhiyatám, satám, sasatám, sunvatám, stuvatám, sthätám², brhatám, mahatám; datắm (AV.). -2. á-sunvatam, cáratām, jáyatām, nýtyatam, pátatām, vivāsatām, śárdhatām. - n. rathirayátām ³. L. m. grnátsu, devayátsu, patáyatsu, mahátsu. — n. júryatsu. - 193 Stems in -mant and -vant. 315. As these two suffixes have the same sense, that of 'possessing', and are inflected exactly alike, the stems formed with them are best treated together in declension. These stems are used in the m. and n. only 4, as they form a separate f. by adding -ī to the weak stem. They are inflected like the participles in -ant except that they lengthen the vowel of the suffix in the N. sing. m. and never shift the accent from the suffix to the ending in the weak cases. Strong and weak forms are as strictly distinguished as in the ant stems 5. The regular vocative of these stems ends in -mas and -vas in the RV., but the AV. has neither in any in- dependent passage, and the VS. has only bhagavas and patnīvas. The RV. has also three vocatives in -van, and the AV. adds five others; but no voc. in man occurs. Three stems in -vant and one in -mant have case-forms supplementing the inflexion of stems in -an and forming transitions from the latter declension to the former. Thus from maghávant- bountiful' alone are formed the pl. I.: maghávadbhis, D. maghávadbhyas, L. maghávatsu; also the N. sing. maghávān beside the usual magháva from maghávan-; from sáhavant- the N. sáhāvān beside saháva; from yúvant- 'young', the A. n. yivat beside the N. m. yuva; from varimánt- the I. m. sing. varimátā beside forms from varimán- 'width'7. Inflexion. 316. Sing. N.m. I. from stems in -vant: akṣaṇván³, agniván, áñgirasvān, ánnavan, á-pavīravan, ámavan, árvān, asírvan, iḍāvān, iṣávān, ŕghāvān, etávān, kaksivan, kṣapávan and ksápavan, ghŕnīvān, jánivan, tápasvan, tarṣyávān, távasvān, táviṣīvān, távān, tuvīrávānº, tvávān, damsánāvān, dákṣiṇā- ¹ The AV. (XI. 337) has the transfer form| krátumatā (x. 59¹), N. du. m., indrāvatas (IV. 274), N. pl.; see LANMAN 516. dántais. 2 From the aor. stem sthắt- 'standing'. 3 With irregular accent on the suffix in- stead of the ending, from rathira-yát-. 6 In AV. XIX. 348 the Mss. read bhagavas which is emended to samábhavas in the printed text. 4 In two or three instances the m. form seems to be used for the f., as havismatā (1. 128²) and ráthavate (1. 122¹¹); see LAN- MAN 515 (bottom). 7 On the other hand, árvant- 'steed', has two forms representing a transition to the -an declension: N. árvā, A. árvāṇam. 8 On the Sandhi of these forms, see LAN- MAN 517. 9 Probably for *tuvi-ráva-vān. 5 There seem, however, to be two or three instances of a weak form used instead of a strong: kşumáti (IV. 218), A. pl. n., Indo-arische Philologic. I. 4. 13 194 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. vān², dátravān, dánavān, dásvān, durháṇāvān, devávān, devávān, dyumnávān, námasvān, niyútvan, nilavan, páyasvān, pavitravan, pávīravan, pastyavan, piramdhivan, pūṣaṇván, prajávān, práyasvān, pravátvān, prahávan, bhagavan, maghávan, matávän, matsarávan, mánasvān, marútvān, máhasvān, māyávān, mahinavan, mehánāvān, yáśasvan, yatumávan, rábhasvan, rásavan, reván, vājavān, vājinīvān, vivakván, vivásvān, výṣaṇvān, vŕṣṇyāvān, śácīvān, śarádvān, śáśvan, śipravan, siprinīvān, símīvān, sákhivan, sabhávān, sárasvān, sáhasvān, sahávan and sáhävan, sutavan, sūnrtávān, staván², svadháván, svádhitīvān, soằrvăn, hárivān, hitivān, hemya văn. 2. From stems in -mant: abdimán, ávimān, aśánimān, íṣumān, udanimán, rbhumán, kakúdman, krátuman, garútman, góman, tiviṣmān, tvástrman, tviṣīmān, dyumán, dhrájimãn, nadanumán, parašumán, pašumán, pitumán, barhişman, madhumān, vásumān, virukmän, vrstimán, śárumān, sociṣmān, susumán, havismān, hírīmān. N. A. n. 1. apāṣṭhávat, ámavat, arcivát, áśvavat, áśvāvat, ātmanvát, avýtvat, iravat, ŕghavat, etávat, ksáitavat, gopávat, grábhanavat, ghrtávat, candrávat, távat, tokávat, tvávat, dákṣinavat, dyumnávat, dhānávat, dhvas- manvát, námasvat, nílavat, nrvát, padvát, páyasvat, pastyàvat, pŕsadvat, prajávat, barhánavat, yávat, yuvat3, ráthavat, rásavat, revát, vayúnavat, vayúnavat, vájavat, vipŕkvat, vivásvat, visávat, virávat, śatávat, saphávat, śáśvat, sahásravat, sáhasvat, sinavat, svarvat, híranyavat. 2. abhiştimát, rbhumát, ketumát, krátumat, kṣumát, gómat, jyótismat, tviṣimat, dasmát, dánumat, dyumát, nidhimát, pašumát, pitumát, puştimát, mádhumat, manyumát, yávamat, rayimát, vásumat, svastimát. A. m. 1. apidhắnavantam, apūpávantam, árvantam, ášvāvantam, asthan- vántam, atmanvántam, indrasvantams, úrjasvantam, úrnavantam, etávantam. énasvantam, ójasvantam, ómanvantam, omyávantam, kakṣívantam, ghrtávantam, dásvantam, devávantam, dhānávantam, dhívantam, nrvántam, padvántam, párasvantam, prajávantam, bhásvantam, marútvantam, mähişvantam, rátna- vantam, revántam, vapávantam, vayávantam, vájavantam, váravantam, vivas- vantam, vīrávantam, výsanvantam, śatávantam, śáśvantam, sacanávantam, sárasvantam, hárivantam, hástavantam, híraṇyavantam. 2. rbhumántam, kánvamantam, ketumántam, kṣumántam, gómantam, jyótismantam, távişimantam, dyumántam, nidhimántam, pitumántam, bándhu- mantam, bhānumántam, mádhumantam, vásumantam, váśīmantam, vrstimántam, śrustimántam, havişmantam, hótrmantam. I. 1. m. árvatā, áśvāvatā, udanvátā, ŕkvatā, kakṣívatā, niyútvatā, nṛvátā, marútvatā, yáśasvatā, revátā, viśvádevyāvatā, viṣūvátā, śubhrávatā, sáhasvatā.— n. etávată, candrávatā, prajávatā, barháṇāvatā, vivásvatā, sūnṛtávatā, hárit- vatā, śáśvatā. 2. m. gómatā, jyótismatā, divítmatā, dyumátā, bhṛṣṭimátā, varimátā, vásumatā, virúkmatā, haviṣmatā. n. divitmatā, virúkmatā, haviṣmatā; as adv. śáśvatā7. D.I.m. árvate, ášvāvate, kakṣívate, dákṣiṇāvate ‘adroit' and 'bestowing gifts', datváte, dásvate, niyutvate³, pūṣaṇváte, marútvate, mávate, yuvávate, ráthavate, 1 Representing two words: I. 'dexterous' 6 Transfer form from the an stem (dáksina- right hand'); 2. 'possessing sacri- varimán-. fical gifts' (dákṣiṇā-). 7 See LANMAN 518 (bottom). 8 Erronously unaccented (1. 135¹). 2 To be read stāván 'thundering', from Vstan-; see GRASSMANN, s. v. 3 Transfer form from the -an stem yúvan-. 4 Also the Amredita compound fásvac- 9 The f. ráthavatyai should perhaps be read for ráthavate in I. 122¹¹, as the latter form agrees with a f. substantive, and the former is favoured by the metre; cp. LANMAN 519. chaśvat. 5 With the N. s anomalously retained. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. vivásvate and vivasvate, śácīvate, śáśvate, sáhasvate, sünṛtávate, svarvate, hárivate. -n. padváte, reváte, sáśvate. 2. m. gómate, cákşusmate, tvísīmate, divitmate, dyumáte, barhismate, havismate. Ab. 1. m. tvávatas, vivásvatas, vŕṣṇyāvatas. G. I. m. árvatas, áśvavatas, kaksivatas, jávatas, tvávatas, dadhanvátas, dásvatas, devávatas, dhivatas², niyútvatas, nrvátas, prajávatas, marútvatas, mávatas, mehánāvatas, yáśasvatas, revátas, váyasvatas, vájavatas, vivásvatas and vivasvatas, vīrávatas, śácīvatas, šáśvatas, sárasvatas, sáhasvatas, sutávatas, súravatas, svadhávatas, hýsīvatas. n. etávatas, yávatas, visüvátas, śáśvatas. 195 2. m. kṣumátas, gómatas, dyumátas, havismatas. — n. gómatas. L. I. m. árvati, dákṣinavati 'bestowing gifts', nrváti, pastyavati, yáśas- vati, vánanvati, vivásvati and vivasvati, šaryanavati. - n. áśvāvati, śímīvati, svárvati. 2. m. gómati. V. m. I. The normal form in vas³ occurs in sixteen examples: ṛṣīvas, gnavas, tavisivas, niyutvas, patnīvas (VS.), bhagavas (VS. TS.), marutvas, rayivas, vajrivas, vīravas, saktīvas, sacīvas, sarasvas, sahasvas, svadhavas, harivas. Of the later V. ending in -van, the RV. has three examples: arvan, satavans, savasavan. In the AV. the following five additional forms occur: marutvan, vājinīvan, vrsnyavan, svadhavan, harivan6. The MS. has patnīvan7.-2. There are six examples of the form in -mas: tuvişmas, dyumas, bhanumas, mantumas, sucişmas, havişmas. No vocative form in -man occurs. Du. N. A. V. m. 1. with -ā: ángirasvantā, ánasvantā, árvantā, indra- vantā, káśāvantā, kéśavantā, dhármavantā, námasvantā, niyútvantā, pavitra- vanta, marútvantă, mitrávárunavantā, vájavantā, vísnuvanta, vydcasvantā, śáśvanta, sáptivanta; with -au: asthīvántau, yávantau (AV.), rómaṇvantau, sáhasvantau (AV.), V. svádhāvantau (AV.). 2. arcimántā, rbhumánta, krátumanta, vadhúmanta. ▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬ Ab. 1. m. asthīvádbhyam. G. I. m. vajinīvatos, símīvatos, sárasvatīvatos. Plur. N. V. m. 1. akṣaṇvántas, ánasvantas, ámavantas, árvantas, ášvā- vantas, ašírvantas, ídavantas, indravantas, indravantas (TS. IV. 7. 14¹) ¹0, úrjas- vantas, énasvantas, kaksivantas, kárṇavantas, ghrtávantas, casálavantas, dákṣiṇāvantas 'bestowing gifts', dámanvantas, dúvasvantas (VS.xvI. 63), dráviņas- vantas, dhívantas, námasvantas, niyútvantas, nrvántas, pátnīvantas, padvántas, páyasvantas (VS.xx1.42), pavítravantas, pájasvantas, puștávantas, pūṣaṇvántas, prajávantas, práyasvantas, pravátvantas, bhágavantas, marútvantas, máhasvantas (VS.XXI.42), yajñávantas, vacanávantas, váyasvantas (VS.III. 18), vármaṇvantas, virávantas, vrcívantas, śáktīvantas, śáśvantas, símīvantas, sáptīvantas, sutá- vantas, srkávantas (TS. IV. 5. 11²), svadhāvantas (V.), svàrvantas, himávantas, hýsivantas. 2. anjimántas, áyuşmantas (TS.), isumantas, rstimántas, ksumántas, jyótis- mantas, tvástrmantas (VS.xXVII. 20), tvísimantas, dyumántas, mádhumantas, 4 In II. 15 gnavas should probably be read gnāvas as a vocative. I 'containing curds'; cp. LANMAN 513. | 5 The Pada text reads fata-van; cp. RPr. 2 Also the Amredita compound dhivato-IX. 10. dhīvatas. 3 Elsewhere ten vocatives in -zas and -mas occur: five from perfect participle stems in -vāms: khidvas, cikitvas, titirvas, dīdivas, midhvas; four from stems ending in -van: ylāvas, evayāvas, prātaritvas, matariśvas; and pumas from pumāms. There are also two in-yas from comparative stems in -yāms: ojiyas and jyāyas. 6 These two forms occurring in passages taken from the RV. are substituted for marutvas and harivas of the RV. 7 That is, patnīvāsn. 8 The mysterious form sátapantā (X. 1065) should perhaps be corrected to śátavanta = fata-vantā? 9 The weak form krátumatā seems to be used for krátumantā in x. 59¹. 10 The weak form indrāvatas seems to be used for indrāvantas in IV. 27¹. 13* I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. midhúsmantas, yávamantas, rayimántas, vadhúmantas, vášīmantas, síśumantas, sthivimántas, harsumántas, havişmantas. 196 N. A. n. 1. ghrtávānti. — 2. pašumánti. The Padapatha reads -anti³ in these forms, and the lengthening of the vowel seems to be metrical 2. The weak form ksumáti (used with yüthá) seems to be used for ksumánti in IV. 2¹8. A. m. 1. árvatas, indravatas, rtviyavatas, krśanávatas, jánivatas, tápas- vatas, tṛṣyávatas, tvávatas, nrvátas, pátnīvatas, párasvatas (VS. xxIv. 28) 'wild asses', pastyàvatas, posyávatas, prajávatas, bhangurávatas, yášasvatas, yātumá- vatas, rábhasvatas, rayivátas, revátas, vánanvatas, vrcívatas, saryanavatas, śáśvatas, simīvatas, sutavatas, sunrtávatas, híranyavatas, hésasvatas. 2. rtumátas (VS. xix. 61), gómatas, jyótismatas, dyumátas³, prástimatas, mádhumatas, vadhúmatas, virúkmatas, sūnumátas, svastimátas. I. I. m. árvadbhis, dákṣiṇāvadbhis, pátnīvadbhis, maghávadbhis 4, rábhas- vadbhis, revádbhis, vájavadbhis, śáśvadbhis, símivadbhis, sutásomavadbhis. n. ghṛtávadbhis. 2. m. rstimádbhis, krīdumádbhis, gómadbhis, barhis- madbhis, bhanumádbhis, vidyúnmadbhis, havismadbhis. - n. mádhumadbhis. D. 1. m. důvasvadbhyas (VS. IX. 35), bhágavadbhyas(AV.), maghávadbhyas+, májavadbhyas (AV.), sómavadbhyas (AV.). 2. m. asimádbhyas (VS.XVI. 21), isumadbhyas (VS. xvI. 22), mātṛmádbhyas (AV.), yītumádbhyas. n. vibhu- mádbhyas. - - - G. m. 1. árvatām, dákṣiṇāvatām, datvátām (AV.), bhangurávatām, yātumā- vatām, śáśvatām, šímīvatām, sutávatām, himávatām (AV.). - 2. gómatām (AV.). L. m. I. ámavatsu, árvatsu, maghávatsu, yuşmávatsu. — 2. dyumåtsu. - 4 Stems in radical -th. 317. There are only three stems in th: káprth-5 n. 'penis', path-6 m. path', with its compound su-páth- 'fair path', and abhi-śnáth- adj. 'piercing'. Among them these three furnish examples of all the cases in the singular, but there are no dual forms, and in the plural only the A. and G. occur. Sing. N. káprt; A. káprti; I. pathá, supátha; D. pathé (VS.);¸ Ab. pathás, abhi-śnáthas; G. pathás?; L. pathí. - Pl. A. pathás ¹; G. pathám ¹¹. Stems in radical -d. 318. About a hundred stems ending in d are made in the form of compounds (only seven being simple stems) from the twenty roots ad- 'eat', kṣad- 'divide', chad- 'cover' and 'please', pad- 'go', mad- 'be exhilarated', sad- 'sit', syad 'move on'; chid 'cut off, nid 'revile', bhid- 'cleave', vid- 'know', vid- 'find'; ud- 'wet', nud- 'push', mud- 'rejoice', rud- 'weep', sud- 'enjoy', sūd- ¹ As also in the only N. pl. 1. of the but it is suffixal if the word is connected present part. in -ant, sắnti (314). The SV. with Lat. caper (cp. UHLENBECK, Etymo- also has the short č. logisches Wörterbuch, s. v.). With this possible exception there are no derivative stems in th. 6 This stem supplements pánthā- and pathi-. 2 Cp. LANMAN 521. 3 In VI, 1714 the Padapāṭha reads dyumóta indra as dyumátaḥ; GRASSMANN explains it as a D. dyumáte agreeing with rayé. On the other hand dyumánta[h] in AV. XVIII. 157 should probably be emended to dyumátah; cp. WHITNEY's note, and LANMAN 5214. 7 kaprthá-m occurs once as a transfer form. 8 Once (1. 1299) nasalized before a vowel pathám a-. 4 Forms transferred from the van de- clension. 9 Once (11. 24) with the radical vowel lengthened, pāthás. 10 Accented as a weak form. 5 The derivation of this word is uncertain: 11 The transfer form pathinám also occnrs the th is radical if the word is derived in TS. IV. 2. 55. from prath- 'extend' (see GRASSMANN, s. v.); | 1 VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. 197 'put in order'; trd- 'pierce', mrd 'crush'. Of these roots only seven occur as monosyllabic substantives: nid- 'contempt', bhid- 'destroyer', vid- 'knowledge', úd- ‘wave', múd- ‘joy', mrd- 'clay', being f., and pád- 'foot', m. There is also the monosyllabic n. hyd- 'heart' ². Strong and weak forms are not distinguished except in pád-; and the inflexion is the same in all genders except, of course, the N. A. n. du. and pl. á. The following pecularities or irregularities of this declension are to be noted. 1. The weak reduplicated present stem dád- of dā- ‘give', is once treated as a root in the form ayur-dád-am (AV.) 'giving long life'. - z. The vowel of mád- is lengthened in sadha-mád- 'drinking companion', and soma-mád- 'intoxicated with Soma', of both of which, however, only strong cases occur. The vowel of pád- is lengthened not only in the strong cases, but occasionally in others also: dvipắt, N. sing. n., beside dvipát, D. dvipá de 3, L. pl. dvipatsu, while the N. pl. m. is once dvipádas (AV.). 3. The euphonic combination is irregular in the I. pl. of pád- which is padbhís4 beside the Ab. du. pad- bhyám. 4. The stem hrd- is found in weak cases only. Its place is taken in the N. A. sing. pl. by hyd-aya-, which is also used in other cases (hŕdayat, hýdaye, hýdayeşu), though in the RV. almost entirely in late passages. 5. There are a few transitions to the a-declension in the inflexion of these stems. Starting from the strong A. pâd-am are formed the N. sing. páda-s and the N. pl. pádās, both in late passages of the RV.6. Similarly, starting from the A. sadha-mád-am are formed the locatives sadha-made and sadha-madeşu. Beside nid-ás, the ordinary Ab. of nid-, the form nídāyās occurs once. Inflexion. 319. The inflexion of these stems is identical with that of the radical -t stems. The forms actually occurring, if made from pád- 'foot', and -vid- m. f. n. 'finding', would be as follows: Sing. N. pát, -vít. — A. pádam, -vidam. - n. -vít. I. padá, -vidā. D. padé, -víde. – Ab. padás, -vidas. G. padás, -vidas. - L. padi, -vidi.---- V. (sárva)-vit. Du. N. A. V. páda, m. f. -vidā. — I. padbhyám. - Ab. padbhyám. - G. padós. — L. padós. - Pl. N. pádas, m. f. -vidas. — A. padás, m. f. -vidas. I. padbhís (AV.), -vidbhis. - D. -vidbhyas. G. padám, -vídām. - L. patsú, -vítsu. a. The forms actually occurring are the following: Sing. N. m. 1. with lengthened vowel: pád- with its compounds and sadha-mád-: pát (AV.); a-pát, éka-pat, éka-siti-pät (VS. xxIx. 58) 'having one white foot', cátuṣ-pāt, tri-pát, dvi-pắt and dví-pāt (AV.), višvátas-pāt, šiti-pát (AV.), sárva-pāt (AV.), sahásra-pat; sadha-mắt (1v. 21¹) and the abnormal sadha-más7 (VII. 187). -

- 2. with unchanged vowel, being compounds ending in various roots: from ad-: agdhát (TS. III. 3, 8²), karambhát, kravyát, visvát, havyát; from chad-: prathama-cchát8; from pad- : anu-pát (VS. xv. 8) 'coming to pass'; from chid- ukha-cchit; from bhid-: adri-bhít, ud-bhit, gotra-bhít, pur-bhit; from vid-: á-ksetra-vit, aśva-vít, kratu-vít, kṣetra-vít, gatu-vit, go-vít, dravino-vit, Compounds formed with vid and -sad are the commonest. 2 The strong form of this word, hard-, appears in composition with dus- and su-. Another word for 'heart', śrád- (Lat. cord-) n. occurs only in the A. sing. with the verbs ky- and dhà-. 3 The lengthening here is, however, metrical. - 4 Owing to the confusing influence of the I. pl. padbhis from páš 'look'. 5 Its high grade form -hārd occurs in the N. sing. m. 6 Probably also the A. sing. m. páñca- padam; see LANMAN 471². 7 See above 55. 8 'appearing first', 'typical' (x.81¹); accord- ing to Sāyaṇa from chad- 'cover' = ='covering first'. 198 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. nabho-vit, nātha-vit (AV.), pašu-vit (AV.), purāṇa-vit (AV.), prajā-vit (AV.), rayi-vit, vaco-vit, vayuna-vit, varivo-vít, vasu-vít, visva-vit, vira-vít (AV.), śruta-vit, sarva-vít (AV.), svar-vít, hiranya-vit; from sad- : adma-sát, antarikṣa- sát, upastha-sát, rta-sát, turanya-sát, daksina-sát (VS. xxXVIII, Io), durona-sát, duvanya-sát, prāgharma-sát, vara-sát, uyoma-sát, su-sam-sát; camu-sát, dru-sát, nợ-sát, vedi-sát, suci-sát. Also su-hắrt* (AV. II. 75) “friendly’. f. 1. a-put. 2. a-cchát (VS. xv. 5), pra-cchát (VS. xv. 5) 'covering'; su-yaz'asit (-ad); sam-zit; sam-sát, su-ā-sát (AV.). N. A. n. 1. -pad- appears with both unaltered and lengthened vowel: dvi-pát, cátus-pat and tri-pát, dvi-pát, cátus-pat. 2. hit (TS. IV. 4. 72); prakala-vit 'knowing very little'; raghu-syát 'moving quickly' (Vsyad-). A. m. I. padam; a-pádam, tri-pádam³, dvi-pádam (VS. XIII. 47), siti- pádam (AV.), sahásra-padam; sadha-mádam; dur-hárdam (AV.). 2. from ad: kravyádam, viśvádam; from pad : dvi-pádam (VS. XXVIII. 32) a metre; from chid: pra-cchidam (VS. xxx. 16) 'cutting to pieces'; from bhid- : ud-bhidam, gotra-bhidam, pur-bhidam; from vid-: ahar-vidam, kratu-vidam, kşetra-vidam, gātu-vidam, go-vídam, varivo-vídam, vasu-vídam, višva-vídam, saci-vídam, svar- vidam, hotrā-vidam; from sad-: garta-sádam, su-sam-sádam; apsu-șádam, dru- sádam, dhūr-sádam, barhi-sádam, vanar-şádam; from -syad- : raghu-syádam, havana-syádam. - f. 2. nídam5, mŕdam (VS. XI. 55; TS. Iv. 1. 5²); ayur-dádam (AV.)6, upa-sádam, go-vídam (AV.), ni-vidam, pari-pádam 'snare', pari-şádam (AV.), pitr-sádam, barhi-şádam4, vaco-vidam, visva-vídam, sam-vidam, sam- sádam, sa-mádam battle' ('raging together'). ― I. m. padá¹; ápa-dus-pada, cátus-padā, dvi-pádā; kṣetra-vidā, varivo-vidā, svar-vida, su-şádā (AV.). - f. uda, mudá, vidá; upa-vidā, ni-vidā, ni-sáda, pra-múdā (VS. xxxIx. 9), pra-vida, sam-sáda, svar-vidā. — n. hrdá; cátus- pada (AV.), dus-páda, dvi-páda. With adverbial shift of accent: sarva-hrdá. D. m. apáde, kuhacid-vide, kravyáde, cátus-pade, tad-vide (AV.), vedi- sáde, sadana-sáde, sarva-vide (AV.), svar-vide. - f. nidé, mudé; pitr-sáde, pra-máde (VS. xxx. 8), pra-múde (VS. xxx. 10), sam-páde (VS. xv. 8). n. hrdé; cátus-pade, dvi-páde³. - Ab. m. padás (AV.); dvi-pádas. f. nidás⁹; uttāná-padas, sam-vidas (AV.). — n. hṛdás; sát-padas (AV.). G. m. ka-padas (AV.), dur-hárdas (AV.), nṛ-şádas, yavádas (-adas), raghu-syádas (AV.), svar-vidas. - f. pra-múdas, sam-sádas (AV.).— n. hydás; cátus-padas, dvi-pádas. L. m. padi; svar-vídi. — f. ni-sádi, sam-sádi. — n. hrdi 1⁰. V. m. visva-vit, sárva-vit (AV.). Du. N. A. V. m. I. pádā; pádau. - 2. V. ahar-vidā, kavi-cchádā 'delight- 2 Perhaps also nișát in AV. XX. 1326. 7, where the edition has vanişád. 3 páñca-pada-m (1. 164¹²) is probably a transfer to the a-declension; see LANMAN 471². 4 For barhiş-şádam; see above 62. 5 In the Amreḍita compound nidam- nidam. Other from the present stem of da- 'give'. I This seems to be the preferable reading 6 From a secondary root dad formed (suhắrt téna); the Pada has su-hah. wise the N. appears as su-hắr in MS. IV. 25 (p. 26, 1. 19) in suhar nah; see LANMAN's note in WHITNEY'S AV. Translation on XIX. 452, and Grammar 150 b. 7 BR. take sádā in AV. IV. 47 as I. of sád- 'position', but owing to the accent it must be taken as an adv. 'always', see WHITNEY's note on the passage. 8 Beside dvi-páde occurring eleven times, dvi-páde occurs once (1. 121³), when the lengthening is metrical. 9 The transfer form nidāyās occurs once. 10 On the possibility of hrdí representing an A. sing. n. in two or three passages, see LANMAN 4734. 7 VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. ing in sages', kratu-vidā, vasu-vidā, viśva-vídā, svar-vidā; atma-sádau. f. ud-bhida, barhi-ṣádā²; śrānta-sádau (AV.). I. m. padbhyám (AV.). - Ab. m. padbhyám. G. m. padis (AV.)³. – L. m. padós. f. prá-pados (AV.). Pl. N. V. m. I. a-pádas, cátus padas, dvi-pádas, siti-pádass; sadha- mádas, soma-mádas; su-hárdas (AV.).— 2. úrjädas, pūru-șádas, madhv-ádas, yavasádas, somádas, havir-ádas; ā-tŕdas6, V. pra-trdas; deva-nidas; ud-bhídas; abhimoda-múdas (AV.), svādú-sam-mudas (AV.); anna-vídas (AV.), ahar-vidas, V. gātu-vidas (AV.), ni-vídas (AV.), nī-vidas (AV.), nītha-vidas, brahma-vidas (AV.), yajur-vídas (AV.), vaco-vidas, varivo-vídas, vasu-vidas, viśva-vidas (AV.), svar-vídas, hotrā-vidas; adma-sádas, antarikṣa-sádas (AV.), apsu-sádas (TS. 1. 4. 10¹), upa-sádas (AV.), paścāt-sádas (VS. ix. 36), purah-sádas, farma- sádas, sabhā-sádas (AV.), svādu-sam-sádas; camu-şádas, divi-şádas (AV.), dhur-sádas, barhi-şádas, V. barhi-şadas, vanar-şádas, vedi-șádas (VS. II. 29); raghu-syádas. f. I. dur-hárdas (AV.); nídas, múdas; agha-rúdas (AV.), amadas (-ádas), upa-sádas (AV.), nis-pádas, pra-múdas, visva-su-vídas, sam- sádas, suhutádas (-ádas), svar-vidas. A. m.7 padás; dur-hárdas (AV.), su-hárdas (AV.); apsu-şádas (AV.), kravyádas, cátus-padas (AV.), tva-nidas, deva-nidas, dvi-pádas (AV.), pari- şádas, pastya-sádas, bahu-kşádas, sattra-sádas (AV.). - f. nidás, bhidas; ni-vidas, pra-múdas, vasu-vídas, vi-núdas, sa-mádas, sa-syádas, havya-súdas. I. m. padbhís (AV. TS. VS.), padbhís in RV. and VS.8; gharma-sádbhis, śatá-padbhis. n. hrdbhís. D. m. antariksa-sádbhyas (AV.), dakṣiṇā-sádbhyas (VS. Ix. 35), divi- sádbhyas (AV. TS.), paścāt-sádbhyas (VS. Ix. 35), prthivi-sádbhyas (AV.). G. m. su-hárdam (AV.); adma-sádam, cátuspadam (VS. TS. AV.), dvi- pádām, barhi-sádām (VS. xxIv. 18), svá-padam (AV.), su-șádām (AV.). — f. upa-sádām (VS. xIx. 14) a kind of ceremony, pari-pádām, śrānta-sádām (AV.), n. hṛtsú. Stems in derivative -d. 320. There are some six stems formed with suffixal -d, seemingly all feminines, which with one exception (sarád-) are of rare occurrence. They are drşád- and dhṛṣád- (RV¹) 'nether millstone', bhasád- 'hind quarters', with its compound su-bhasád- 'having beautiful buttocks', vanád-¹ (RV¹.) ‘longing', sarád- 'autumn'; kakúd-** 'summit', with its compound tri-kakúd- (AV.) 'three- peaked', kākúd- 'palate'. The inflexion is like that of radical -t stems. The forms occurring are the following: Sing. N. f. kakút, kākút, dhṛṣát, bhasát, śarát. — m. tri-kakút (VS. AV.). sa-mádām. L. m.patsú. f. sa-mátsu. 199 -

In AV. XVIII. 24 occurs the ungramma-|(XXIII. 13) owing to confusion with padbhis,

tical form pathi-sádī an imitation of pathi- I. pl. of pás- 'look'. ráksī of RV. x. 14". 9 Except the adj. tri-kakud- (AV.), šiti- 2 The form rapsida, occurring once, is of kakud- (TS.) 'white-humped' and possibly uncertain meaning and origin. vanád-. 10 This stem occurs only once (11. 45) in 3 This form is used with an ablative sense in AV. I. 18². the form vanádas, N. pl. m. 'Verlangen' (from van- 'desire') according to BR.; G. sing. m. 4 AV. X. 26 has dvi-pádas. 5 The transfer form pádās occurs once in of van-ád- wood-consuming' according to the RV. (1. 163⁹). GRASSMANN. 6 Used as ablative infinitive. 7 There are no N. A. V. forms in the ¹¹ The origin of this -d is obscure. On the relation of this word to kakúbh- see LANMAN 4714. n. pl. Cp. LANMAN 474. 8 Four times in RV. and once in VS. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. A.f.kākúdam, drsádam, bhasádam (AV.), śarádam.-m. tri-kakúdam (AV.). I. f. drsáda, śaráda (TS. IV. 4. 12³). - D. f. śaráde. Ab. f. kakudas. -L. f. kakudi (AV.), śarádi. - Pl. N. f. vanádas, śarádas. A. f. farádas. - I. f. farádbhis. - G. f. sarádām (AV.). G. f. śarádām (AV.). — L. f. śarátsu (AV.). - - 200 Stems in radical -dh. 321. Stems ending in -dh are all radical, simple or compound. There are some fifty derived, with only two or three exceptions, from the following sixteen roots: badh- 'oppress', sādh- 'succeed'; idh- ‘kindle', vidh- 'pierce' (= vyadh-), sidh- 'succeed', sridh- 'blunder' (?); ksudh 'be hungry', budh- ‘waken', yudh- ‘fight', rudh- 'grow' and 'obstruct'; ṛdh- 'thrive', mrdh- 'neglect', urdh- 'grow', sprdh- 'contend'. In this declension there occurs no stem distinguishing strong and weak cases. Masculines and feminines are inflected exactly alike. No distinctively neuter forms (N. A. du. pl.) occur, and only four case-forms (G. L. sing.) are found as neuters. There are two monosyllabic m. nouns: výdh- 'strengthening' and (perhaps) bádh-¹; besides seven f. substantives: nádh-² 'bond'; sridh- 'foe'; ksudh hunger', yudh- 'fight'; mrdh- 'conflict', vŕdh- 'prosperity', spŕdh- 'battle'. Neuter cases occur in the sing. (I. G.) of compounds of -vidh, -yudh, and -vṛdh. - a. Three or four stems are of doubtful origin: agnidh- is probably to be explained as agni-dh- priest who prepares (dha- 'put') the fire', rather than as a shortened form of agnidh- fire-kindler' (from idh- kindle') which does not occur in the RV. ³; işidh- 'offering' (RV¹.) is perhaps a shortened form of niş-sidh- 'offering'4; prksúdh- (RV¹.) is obscure in meaning and origin; surudh- f. 'invigorating draught' is perhaps derived from Sydh 'be defiant' with Svarabhakti 5. Inflexion. 322. Sing. N. m. agnit, anu-rút (VS.) and anū-rút loving’; usarbhút ‘waking (budh-) at morn', yaviyt ‘eager to fight', svā-vit (AV. VS.) ‘porcupine' ('dog-piercer', Vvidh-), sam-it 'flaming'. f. ksút (AV.); pra-zýt ‘growth, vi-rút 'plant' (AV.), sam-it7 'fuel'. A. m. vŕdham, and its compounds: anna-výdham 'prospering by food', ahuti-vŕdham 'delighting in sacrifices', gira-výdham 'delighting in praise', tugryã- vŕdham 'favouring the Tugryas', namo-výdham 'honoured by adoration', payo- výdham full of sap', parvata-výdham 'delighting in pressing stones', madhu- vŕdham 'abounding in sweetness', yajña-výdham (AV.) 'abounding in sacrifice', vayo-výdham 'increasing strength', sadyo-výdham 'rejoicing every day', saho- vý dham increasing strength', su-výdham joyous'; agnidham, anu-rudham (VS. xxx. 9), a-sridham 'not failing', usar-búdham, goşu-yudham8 fighting for kine', marma-vidham (AV.) 'piercing the vitals', yajña-sádham 'performing sacrifice', hrdaya-vidham (AV.) 'wounding the heart'. f. kşúdham, yudham, sridham; a-sridham, uşar-búdham, niş-sídham, vīrúdham, sam-rúdham (AV.) ‘check' (in gambling), sam-idham. I. m. su-vydha. - f. kṣudhá (AV.), yudhá, vrdhá; sam-idhā, su-búdha (AV.) ‘good awakening', su-výdhā (AV.), su-ṣam-idha 'good fuel'. - n. payo- výdha, yaviyudhā, sākam-výdha 'growing together'. . 1 In bádhas A. pl. in VI. 11¹ (GRASSMANN); BR. do not acknowledge a m. use of badh-, and in VIII. 4510, IX. 1096 they would join the word with the preceding pári. 2 In nádbhyas (x. 606) if derived from nadh- nah 'bind' (BR. s. v. náh-); but it is more probably - *nábd-bhyas from napt-, weak stem of nápät-, as also indicated by the accent. - = - 3 See above p. 18, note 6. 4 Cp. is-kyti- for nis-krti-. 5 Cp. above 21. 6 From the intensive stem of yudh- 'fight'. 7 In the Amreḍita samit-samit. 8 With the L. pl. goşu instead of the stem go-. 9 Cp. WHITNEY's note on AV. VII. 505. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. D. m. uşar-búdhe, rta-vŕdhe 'fostering truth', puru-nissidhe 'repelling many (foes)', mahi-vŕdhe 'greatly rejoicing', vi-mŕdhe (VS. VIII. 44) 'dispeller of foes', sam-fdhe (AV.) 'welfare', sa-výdhe (VS. xvI. 30) 'growing'. - f. kşudhé, yudhé (AV.), vydhé, sam-idhe. - Ab. f. ksudhás, yudhás, sridhás. G. m. goşu-yúdhas, vi-mydhás² 'foe', sumati-výdhas (VS. XXII. 12) 'delighting in prayer'. - f. kṣudhás. -n. hrdaya-vidhas. L. f. mrdhi, yudhi, sprdhi; pra-búdhi 'awaking'. Du. N. A. V. m. a-sridha, rta-vŕdha, V. rtā-vrdha, namo-vŕdha, puro- yudha 'fighting in front'; rta-vfdhau. - f. rdu-výdha 'increasing sweetness', ghrta-výdha 'rejoicing in fatness', payo-výdha, vayo-výdha, sākam-výdha; sam-idhau (AV.). Pl. N.V. m. ṛtā-vŕdhas, V. rtā-vṛdhas, tugryā-vŕdhas, payo-výdhas, parvatā- vŕdhas, vayo-výdhas, suge-vŕdhas 'rejoicing in good progress', su-vý dhas; a-sridhas, ayur-yúdhas (VS. xvI. 60) 'struggling for life', usar-búdhas, goşu-yudhas, jnu- bádhas 'bending the knees', pra-yúdhas 'assailing', vṛṣā-yúdhas 'combating men', surudhas, soma-pari-bádhas 'despising Soma'. f. ksidhas (AV.), mŕdhas, spŕdhas, sridhas (VS. XXVII. 6) 'foes'; amitra-yudhas fighting with enemies', a-sridhas, işidhas, rta-vŕdhas, nis-sídhas, pari-bádhas 'oppressors', pari-sprdhas rivals', vi-rúdhas, V. vi-rudhas, surúdhas, sam-idhas. A. m. bádhas; ṛtā-vŕdhas, tamo-výdhas ‘rejoicing in darkness', rayi-vŕdhas 'enjoying wealth', usar-búdhas, surúdhas. f. mŕdhas, yudhas, spŕdhas, sridhas³; vi-rúdhas, surúdhas, sam-idhas, sam-ýdhas, sa-výdhas increasing together¹4. I. f. sam-idbhis, vi-rúdbhis (AV.). D. f. nád-bhyass. Ab. f. vi- rúdbhyas (AV.). G. m. vydhắm; ṛtā-vŕdhām, pra-budhām ‘watchful'. sprdhám; nis-sídhām, vi-rúdhām, vī-rudhām¹ (AV.). L. f. yutsú, vi-rútsu. - The infinitive yudháye is a transition to the i-declension, there being no stem yudhí-. 2 With irregular accent; cp.LANMAN477(top). 3 Fifteen times accented sridhas, once (IX. 718) sridhás. 4 In VIII. 454º, IX. 1056 pari-bádhas should perhaps be read instead of pári bádhas. 5 If from náh, according to BR. (cp. akşa- náhas (A. p. f.); according to WEBER, IS. 13, 109, from nap-. It is probably from napt-= nápat. See above 321, note on nádh-. 201 — Stems in radical -n. 323. The radical stems ending in -n are formed from half a dozen roots: from tan- 'stretch', ran- ‘rejoice', van- 'be pleasant', are formed monosyllabic substantives meaning 'succession', ‘joy', ‘wood', respectively; from svan- ‘sounď is formed the adj. svan-8 'sounding' and the compound tuvi-sván- 'roaring aloud'; from san- 'gain', the compound go-şán- 'winning cows'. From these six nouns very few case-forms occur. But from han- 'strike' no fewer than 35 compounds are made in the RV., and all the singular cases as well as several of the du. and pl. cases are formed. All the stems formed from these six roots are m. except tán-, which is f., and only a single n. case-form occurs from a compound of han- (dasyu-ghná). The distinction between strong and weak forms is made in -han- only. Here in the weak cases a as f. yudham (AV.), 6 In the V. yudham pate. 7 In the V. virudhām pate. 8 The accent of the monosyllabic stems is irregular in remaining on the radical syllable except taná (beside tánā) and vanām: cp. LANMAN 4794 and above 94, I a. 9 Other roots in - used as nominal stems have gone over to the a- or ā-declension; thus jan- becomes -ja- or jä-. 10 -han- forms a separate fem. stem in -7 from its weak form: -ghn-t. 1 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. representing the sonant nasal appears for an before consonants, while before vowels the root, by syncopation of its vowel, assumes the form of -ghn-. The N. sing. n. of -han is -ha-m, a transition to the a-declension (for -ha, which does not occur). I 202 Inflexion. 324. All forms are represented in this declension except Ab. sing., the weak cases of the du., and the D. Ab. pl. The forms made from -han- are: Sing. N. -há², A.-hánam, I. -ghná, D. -ghné, G. -ghnás, L. -ghní, V. -han. Du. N. A. -hána, -hánau (VS. TS.), V. -hana. Pl. N. hánas, A. -ghnás, I. -hábhis. The G. would be ghnám and the L. -hásu according to the analogy of other stems in this declension. The forms of radical n-stems which occur are the following: · Sing. N. m. aghaśamsa-há 'slaying the wicked', adrsta-há 'slaying unseen (vermin)', abhimati-há 'destroying adversaries', amitra-há 'killing enemies', amiva-há destroying pains', arusa-há 'striking the dark (cloud), á-vīra-ha 'not slaying men', asasti-há 'averting curses', asura-há 'demon-slaying', ahi-há 'killing the serpent, krsti-há 'subduing nations', go-há 'killing cattle', dasyu-há 'destroying the Dasyus', durņāma-há (AV.) 'destroying the ill-named', nr-há 'killing men', puro-há 'destroying strongholds'³, prśni--há (AV.) 'slaying the speckled (snake)', mano-há (AV.) 'mind-destroying', musti-ha striking with the fist', yatu-há (AV.) 'destroying witchcraft', rakso-há 'destroying demons', vasar-há 'destroying at dawn', vrtra-há 'Vrtra-slaying', śarya-há 'killing with arrows', satra-há 'destroying entirely', sapatna-há ‘slaying rivals', sapta-há 'slaying seven'. n. Only two transition forms occur: vrtra-há-m and - - satra-há-mt. A. m. á-pra-haṇam 5 'not hurting', abhimati-hánam, ahi-hánam, tamo- hánam 'dispelling darkness', dasyu-hánam, rakso-hánams, valaga-hánam 'destroying secret spells' (VS. v. 23), mano-hánam (AV.), vīra-háṇam 5 (VS. xxx. 5) 'homicide', vrtra-háṇam 5, satrā-háṇams, sapatna-hánam (AV.). I. m. vrtra-ghná“. n. dasyu-ghná. f. taná (once) and tánā7 - - (19 times). I. D. m. ráṇe7; abhimāti-ghné (VS. vi. 32), asura-ghné“, ahi-ghné, nr-ghné“, makha-ghné (TS. III. 2. 4. 2), 'slayer of Makha', vrtra-ghné6. f. táne 7. G. m. go-şanas (in the V. goşano napat); asura-ghnás6, vytra-ghnás6. L. m. sváni8 (Ix. 669), tuvi-sváni; bhruna-ghní (AV.) 'killer of an embryo'. Without an ending: ránº. V. m. amitra-han, ahi-han, vṛtra-han. Du. N. A. V. tamo-hána, rakṣo-hána 5, vrtra-háṇā, V. vrtra-hana 5. With -au : rakṣo-hánau (VS. v. 25), valaga-hánau (VS. v. 25; TS. I. 3. 2²). Pl. N. V. m. V. tuvi-svanas; a-bhog-ghánas¹0 'striking the niggardly one', punar-hánas 5 destroying in return', yajña-hánas (TS.) 'destroying sacrifice', satru-hánass 'slaying enemies'. A. m. sata-ghnás (AV.) 'gain-destroying'. With strong form: rakṣo-hánas5 and valaga-hánas (VS. v. 25; TS. 1. 3. 2²). I. m. vytra-hábhis. – G. m. vanám. - L. m. rámsu, vámsu7. 1 The forms made from -ghna-, viz. -ghnás, | -ghnám, -ghnaya, -gnásya, -ghne, are probably to be explained as transition forms starting from the weak stem -ghn-. 2 Formed like the N. of derivative -an stems (327). 3 That is, puras, A. pl. of pur-, the case termination being retained. 4 The normal forms would be *vṛtra-há and *satra-há. 5 See above 47, A b 2 (p. 39). 6 See above p. 38, note 4. 7 Against the rule of accentuation in monosyllabic stems (94). This form may, however, be the 3.sing. passive aor. See below 501, note on sắdi. 9 With loss of the loc. ending as in the -an declension (325). 10 -ghanas for-hánas, see above 80, 81. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. Derivative stems in -an, -man, -van. 325. This declension embraces a large number of words, the stems in -van being by far the commonest, those in -an the least frequent. It is almost limited to masculines and neuters; but some forms of adjective stems serve as feminines, and there is one specifically f. stem, yiş-an- 'woman'¹. The distinction of strong and weak forms is regularly made. In the strong cases the a of the suffix is usually lengthened, e. g. ádhvan-am; bnt in half a dozen -an and -man stems it remains unchanged; e. g. arya-mán-am. In the weak cases the a is often syncopated before vowel endings, though never when -man and -van are preceded by a consonant2, e. g. I. sing. grá- vn-a3 from grá-van-, 'pressing stone'4, while before consonant endings the final n disappears5, e. g. rája-bhis. In the RV. the syncopation never takes place in the N. A. du. n., nor with one exception (sata-dávn-i) in the L. sing. As in all other stems ending in -n, the nasal is dropped in the N. sing.; e. g. m. ádhvā, n. kárma. But there are two peculiarities of inflexion which, being common to these three groups, do not appear elsewhere in the consonant declension. Both the L. sing. and the N. A. pl. n. are formed in two ways. The ending of the L. sing. is in the RV. dropped more often than not, e. g. mūrdhán-i and murdhán, the choice often depending on the metre. The N. A. pl. n. is formed with ani from 18 stems and with a from 19 stems 7 in the RV.; seven of the latter appear with -a in the Samhita text, but with -a like the rest in the Pada text. The evidence of the Avesta indicates that there were in the Indo-Iranian period two forms, nāmān and namāni, the former losing its -n as usual when final after a long vowel. On this ground the -ã form of the Samhita, though the less frequent, would appear to be the older 8. There are here many supplementary stems and numerous transitions to the a-declension. 1. Stems in -an. 326. These stems, which are both m. and n., are not numerous. They include some which at first sight have the appearance of belonging to one of the other two groups: yú-v-an-9 'youth', sv-án- 'dog', rji-sv-an 10 N. of a man, matari-sv-an-10 N. of a demi-god, vi-bhv-an-¹¹ 'far-reaching'; pári-jm-an-¹2 'going round'. The n. sirs-án- is an extended stem from siras- 'head' sir(a)s-án-. The stems in-van regularly form their f. in -vari, e. g. pi-van, pi-vari; those in-an and man by adding to the syncopated stem at the end of compounds; e. g. sóma- rajñ-i-, páñca-nämn-i- (AV.). 203 a. Besides the N. pl. yóşan-as 'women', six or seven forms of this declension appear to be feminine as agreeing with f. substantives: výsa 'raining' (kášā, vák), výṣaṇam (tvácam), vŕsaņā (dyávā-pṛthiví), pári-jmānas "going round' (vidyútas), rapsád-ūdhabhis having distended udders' (dhenúbhis) 13, vaja-karmabhis (SV. TS.) and vaja-bharmabhis (VIII. 1930) 'bringing rewards' (ūtibhis). 2 This exception does not apply when -an is preceded by two consonants, e. g. sakth-ná. 3 But also G. sing. výsan-as (AV.). The synco- pation nearly always takes place in -an stems and in nearly half of the -man and -van stems. 4 When the accent is on the suffix it is thrown on the ending in these syncopated forms, e. g. mahná from mah-án-. 5 That is, a here represents an original sonant nasal, see p. 17, note ². - 6 48 locatives (occurring 127 times) have the i, 45 (occurring 203 times) drop it. See LANMAN 535- 7 But those in -āni occur nearly twice as often. 8 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 483 and LANMAN 538. 9 Cp. the comparative yav-īyān and the Avestan yuan. 10-svan in both these compounds is probably derived from fu- 'grow'. II From bhū- 'be'. 12 From gam- 'go'. 13 The f. of -an stems at the end of compounds is formed with - in ácchidra- ūdhn-i- 'having a faultless udder', sam-rájn-iI. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. b. In the strong forms the stems rbhu-kşán- 'chief of the Rbhus', puşán-, and the f. yoşan-, retain the short a, while ukşán- 'ox' and výsan- 'bull' fluctuate between ǎ and ā. The words sván- and yúvan- form their weak stems before vowels with Samprasāraṇa, sún-, yun-; the latter is once used in the N. du. m. form yunā instead of yůvānā. In the weak cases syncopation always takes place except in the forms uksánas and výsanas. C. A number of -an stems have supplementary forms from other stems: akşán- from ákşi-; asthán- from ásthi-; áhan- from áhas- and áhar-; asán- from āsyà-, ás-, and āsá-; udán- from úd- and uda-ká-; údhan- from údhas- and údhar-; dadhán- from dádhi-; dosán- from dés-; yakán- from yákṛt-; yósan- from yóṣaṇā- and yóṣā-; šákan- from šákṛt-; sakthán- from sákthi. As no stem in -an has been found in the N. A. sing. ., such forms appear to have been avoided and to have been purposely replaced by forms from supplementary stems. These forms are the N. A. n. ákşi, ásthi (AV.), áhar, asyàm, udakám, udhar, yákrt (AV.), śákṛt, sákthi; also yúvat instead of *yúva, as well as siras and sirsá-m (AV.) in- stead of *širşá ². 204 d. There are here several transitions to the a-declension. The A. sing. puşáṇ-am is the starting point for the N. pusán-a-s and the G. pusaná-sya-³. The N. A. pl. n. is the starting point in other instances: the two pl. forms srsa and sirsani give rise to the L. sing. Sīrsé (AV.) beside śīrṣáni, as well as to the du. N. A. Šīrse and the N. A. sing. śrsa-m (AV.); similarly the two plurals áha and áhāni led to the G. pl. áhänām beside áhnām; and yuşáni, the pl. of yuşán-, which has the appearance of a pl. of a stem yuşá, led to the formation of an I. sing. yuséṇa (TS.) beside the regular yuṣṇā (VS.). Again, the weak forms áśn-as, ahn-ás etc., gave rise to the transition stems áśna- and áhna-, from which are formed the I. pl. áśnais and the L. sing. pūrvāhņé. Transition a-stems often take the place of -an stems at the end of compounds. Thus -aksá- appears in several compounds for -akşán-, and -vrsá- (AV.) for -výsan-; an- asthán- once forms the N. sing. m. an-asthá-s (VIII. 134); beside the N. sing. m. bṛhád-ukṣā appears the D. byhád-ukṣāya (VS.); beside rájanam is found the A. m. adhi-rājá-m (x. 1289) 'over-lord'; and beside saptábhis 'seven', the compound tri-saptáis 4. Inflexion. 327. The normal forms, if made from rájan- 'king' in the m., and from áhan- 'day' in the n., would be as follows: I. m. Sing. N. rájā. A. rájānam. I. rájña. D. rájie. Ab. rájñas. G. rájnas. L. rájani and rájan. V. rajan. Du. N. A. rājānā and rájānau. I. rajabhyām. D. rájabhyām. G. rájños. Pl. N. V. rájānas. A. rájñas. I. rájabhis. D. rájabhyas. Ab. rájabhyas (AV.). G. rájñām. L. rájasu. 2. n. Sing. N. A. 5. I. áhna. D. áhne. áhan. Du. N. A. áhani. G. áhnos (AV.). D. Ab. áhabhyas. G. áhnam. L. áhasu. — — - Ab. G. áhnas. L. áhani and Pl. N. A. áhani. I. áhabhis. The forms actually occurring are the following: Sing. N. m. an-asthá 'boneless', dyaḥ-sirsa 'iron-headed', a-sirsá 'head- less', ukṣá 'bull', rji-śvā N. of a man, tákṣā ‘carpenter', tápur-mūrdhā 'burning- headed', try-udha 'three-uddered', dvi-bárha-jma7 'having a double course', pári-jmā 'surrounding', pūsá 'Pūșan’, plīhá (VS.) 'spleen', brhád-ukṣā ‘having great oxen', majjá (VS. AV.) ‘marrow', matarí-śva ‘Matariśvan', mūrdhá ‘heaď, yúva 'youth', rajā ‘king', ví-bhvā ‘far-reaching', vi-rájā (TS. v. 7. 44) ‘sovereign', výsa 'bull', svá 'dog', sahásra-sirsa 'thousand-headed'. 'queen', sóma-raj-i- 'having Soma as king', 3 With shifted accent. hatá-vrsn-i- 'whose lord has been slain', rúru- 4 On the other hand there are two trans- Sirsnī- 'deer-headed', saptá-Sīrṣn-i- 'seven-itions from the a-declension to the an-de- headed', éka-mūrdhn-i- (AV.) 'having the clension in ní-kāmabhis beside ní-kāmais and head turned in one direction', sindhu-rājñ-i- naktá-bhis for náktam, but these forms are (AV.) having Sindhu as queen'. due to somewhat artificial conditions; see below, I. pl. p. 206, notes 3 and 4.

The restoration of the a seems to be

metrically required in a few instances: see LANMAN 525. 5 Only supplementary forms occur: see LANMAN 530 (bottom). 2 The N. sing. n. of the adj. vşan- is avoided in several ways: see LANMAN 530 (bottom). 6 The metre seems to require try-udha (111, 56³). 7 Here bárha- bárhas-. I VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. 'path', A. m. ukṣaṇam, tákṣāṇam (VS. xxx. 6), tri-mūrdhánam 'three-headed', tri-sirşanam 'three-headed', pánthanam (VS. AV.) prthu-gmánam* 'broad-pathed', plihinam (AV.), majjánam, mūrdhanam, yúvanam, rájanam 2, vŕsanam, svánam, saptá-sirṣaṇam 'seven- headed'. With short a: uksánam, rbhu-ksánam 3 'chief of the Rbhus', pusánam, vŕṣaṇamª. I. m. I. rji-svana, matarí-śvanā, vi-bhvánā. - 2. With syncope: áśnās, pusná, plíhná (VS.), majjñá (AV.), mūrdhná (VS. xxv. 2), rájñā, vŕṣṇā. 3. With Samprasāraṇa: šúnā (AV.). n. asná (VS. xxv. 9) 'blood', áhna 'day', asná 'mouth', udná ‘water', dadhná 'curds', mahná ‘greatness', yakná (VS. xxxix. 8) 'liver', yūṣṇá (VS. xxv. 9) 'broth', vi-šīrṣṇá (Kh. 1. 114) 'headless', sakná (VS.) 'excrement, sirsná 'head', sakthná (VS.) 'thigh'. — D. m. I. rji-śvane, pári-jmane, matari-śvane, vi-bhváne, vŕsane (TS. III. 2. 5²)7. 2. pusné, prati-divne 'adversary at play', murdhné (VS. xxII. 32), rájne, vŕsne³. 3. yine. n. 1. dhúrv-ane 'hurting'. 2. áhne, asné, sirsné. Ab. m. 2. plihnás (AV.), murdhnás, výsnas⁹. n. 2. akṣnás 'eye', áhnas, asnás ¹, udnás, údhnas, yaknás 'liver', vrsnas 'shedding rain', sirsnás. G. m. 1. durgŕbhi-svanas 'continually swelling', pári-jmanas, matari- śvanas (VS.I.2), výsanas ¹2 (AV.). 2. áśnas¹3, ukṣnás, pusnás, yüsnás (or n.), rájñas, vŕsnas. - 3. yanas, śúnas. - n. aksnás (VS. IV. 32; TS.), asnás¹+ (AV.) 'blood', asthnás (AV.) 'bone', áhnas, udnás, dadhnás, výsnas, šaknás (AV.), šīrṣṇás ¹5. - - L. m. 1. rji-svani, matarí-svani, mūrdháni, rájani. 2. jmán ‘way', pári- jman, matari-svan (AV.), murdhán. n. 1. áhani, asáni, udáni, idhani 'udder', kṣámani ‘earth', rājáni, śīrșáni; áhni (AV.). - 2. áhan, asán, udán, údhan, kşáman", gámbhan (VS. xIII. 30) 'depth', sirsán¹7. J — I -gman- = -jman- 'path'. 2 There is also the transfer form adhi- rājá-m (x. 1289). 3 Perhaps from kṣā-= kṣi- 'possess'. 4 In the RV. vŕşanam occurs 53 times, vŕşaṇam only twice. 5 This form (occurring thrice) may possibly be shortened for áśmanã (which occurs twice) from áśman- 'stone'. 6 For *śú-an-ā; hence no shift of accent as in monosyllabic stems. 205 7 Also uśán-e (VI.20¹¹) according to BENFEY, Orient und Occident 2, 242. pári-jmanam, matari-svānam, - V. m. I. uru-jman (AV.) ‘extension', pari-jman, pṛthu-jman (AV.), pūṣan, mūrdhan (VS.xvIII. 55), yuvan, rajan, vrsan, śata-murdhan (VS. XVII. 71; TS.) 'hundred-headed', satya-rājan (VS. xx. 4) 'true king'. - 2. matari-svas ¹8. 8 There is also the transition form byhád- ukṣāya (VS. VIII. 8). 9 BENFEY, Gött. Abh. 19, 261, regards vibhvánā (x. 765) as — Ab. vibhvánas. 10 Also the supplementary forms äsyāt, ās ás. Du. N. A. V. m. I. pári-jmānā, V. mítra-rājānā ‘ye kings Mitra (and Varuņa)', yuvānā, V. yuvānā, rájānā, śvánā. With short vowel: indra-pūṣáṇā, pūsánā, vŕṣaṇā, V. urṣaṇā, somā-pūṣaṇā. With weak stem: yúnä (ix. 685) for yuvana (probably through yúvănā). -2. With au: rájānau, výṣāṇau (AV.), svánau; V. vrṣaṇau, soma-pūṣaṇau. N. A. n. áhaní, cákṣaṇī (AV.) 'eyes', dosáṇī (AV.) 'fore-arms' ¹9. I. m. vŕşabhyam. - D. m. soma-püsábhyam.-G. m. pári-jmanos, indrā- pūṣnós. n. áhnos (AV.). — L. n. akṣnós (Kh. 1. 118). ¹ Also the supplementary form udakắt. 12 For výsa-nama (IX. 9754) GRASSMANN would read výsano ná; cp. WACKERNAGEL 2¹, 68 a, note (p. 160). 13 This form (occurring once) may be shortened for áśmanas (occurring four times). ¹4 With supplementary stem ásr-j-. 15 The G.pisanásya, occurring once, seems to be a transfer form starting from the A. pușáṇam (326 d). 16 There are also the transition forms šīrṣé, pūrvihné: see LANMAN 536. 17 The compound nemann-is- 'following guidance' probably contains a loc. 18 Following the analogy of some stems in -van. 19 Also the transition form śīrsé. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Pl. N. V. m. ukṣāņas (VS. XXIV. 13), tigmá-mürdhānas 'sharp-edged', pántharas (AV.), mürdhanas, vivanas, rájänas, anas. vowel: uksanas, rbhu-ksánas, výsaņas. With short N. A. n. 1. aksani, asthani (TS. IV. 7. 1), áhani, strsini, saktháni. 2. úha, sirsa ². A. m. 1. matar-kvanas, uksáņas, vįsaņas. — 2. ukṣṇás, jana-rájñas 'king of men', majjnás (AV.), mūrdhnás, yama-rajñas 'subject to Yama', rajas. esnas. 3. vúnas, Súnas. 206 - I. m. uksábhis3, yuvabhis, rájabhis, isabhis, nibhis (Kh. v. 157) +. n. aksábhis, asthábhis, áhabhis, asábhis, udábhis, údhabhis, mahábhis, vṛṣabhis, sakabhis (TS. v. 7. 23), su-kita-karmabhis (Kh. II. 12³) 'doing good deeds' 5. D. m. tikṣabhyas (VS.), majjábhyas (TS. VS. xXXIX. 10), pivabhyas, rájabhyas, Svábhyas (AV. VS.). — n. asthábhyas (VS. XXXIX. 10; TS. v. 2. 13), ihabhyas. Ab. m. majjábhyas (AV.). — n. áhabhyas. - G. m. snam, rájnam (VS. AV.), sinam (AV.). -n. áhnam 6. L. m. majjásu (AV.), yama-rājasu (AV.), rájasu. -n. áhasu, sirşásu. 2. Stems in -man. 328. These stems are about equally divided between the masculine and the neuter gender, the former being agent nouns, the latter verbal abstracts. These stems seem to have been used normally for the f. as well as the m.; for though no simple stem in -man occurs as a f., about a dozen of them are used as f. at the end of compounds, while no certain example appears in the RV. of a f. being formed by adding - to -man. A peculiarity of the inflexion of the stems in man, as compared with those in -an and -r'an, is that in the syncopated forms of the I. sing. several words drop the m, while two drop the of the suffix; e. g. mahinds for mahimni, and raśmá for rasmná. - a. The f. forms which occur at the end of compounds are: Sing. N. puri-šarmà (VS. x. 9) ‘giving wide shelter' (aditi), sá-lakṣmā (x. 10ª) 'similar'; A. dyutád-vāmānam (V. S0¹) 'having a shining course (usásam); su-tármānam (VIII. 423) easily conveying across' (návam), su-trắmānam (x.630) protecting well' (ytkivim), su-sármānam (X.6310) granting secure refuge' (áditim): V. árişta-bharman (VIII. 18+) 'yielding security (ite, prthu-yaman (VI. 644) 'having a broad path' (duhitar); Du. N. su-jánmani? (1. 160¹) producing fair things (dhisane); Pl. A. sci-janmanas (VI. 393) of radiant birth' (usasas): 1. vaja-bharmabhis (VIII. 1930) winning rewards' (utíbhis), su-kårmabhis (IX. 70*) 'skilful' (fingers); G. Jukrá- saamanām (VI. 475) having a bright dwelling-place' (uşásām) 10. From naman 'name' the AV. forms with the f. stem-nam at the end of five compounds: dur-uðmui- ill- named', páñca-nāmni- 'having five names', mahd-nämn-great-named', švá-nāmuī- “having all names', sahásra-nămní “thousand-named'. The f. dur-adman-i- (VS. 11. 20) ‘noxious food' is perhaps similarly formed ¹¹. In the corresponding passage of VS. (XVIII. 3) ásthīni. 2 Both these might be formed from the transition a-stems dha, dirşa-. This is per- haps the reason why these are the only two | zeiger 17. plurals of this declension which retain the à in the Pada text; áha appears in I. 92³. 3 The form ni-kamabhis ‘enger' for ni kāmais is due to the parallelism of evayavabhis in x. 92⁹. 4 There is also a transition form áśnais 'stones', beside the stem áðan-. 5 Tbe unique form naktábhís (as if from a stem naktán-) is doubtless used for metrical reasons instead of naktam in VII. 104¹8. There is also the transition form áhānām. 7 The AV. has five stems thus formed at the end of compounds. 8 Cp. BLOOMFIELD, BB. 23, 105 ff., AJPh. 16, 409-434; BARTHOLOMAE IF. S, An- 9 With the ending of the neuter; see LANMAN 433 (top). 10 Possibly also susimā (11. 327) 'bearing well'; but it is derived from s-ma-according to BR. and GRASSMANN. The f. brahmi- (IX. 335) formed from bráhman- is quite exceptional, being due to a play on words (see LANMAN 528). The form tmányā mána in sense, occurring twice in the RV., may be an I. sing. f. of tmán-i-: cp. GRASSMANN and BR. www VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. b. In the strong forms aryamán- 'Aryaman', tmán- 'self', and jeman- 'victorious' retain the short vowel of the suffix. In the weak forms, even when the suffix is preceded by a vowel, about a dozen forms do not syncopate the a¹: I. omána, pravád-yamanā, bhūmánā, bhúmanā, syümanā, hemánā; D. trámane, dámane; Ab. G. bhumanas; G. mahi- mánas, damanas, yamanas, vydmanas. The forms which, besides syncopating, drop the m or the # of the suffix are: prathiná, prená, bhūná, mahiná, variņā; drāghmá, rašmá. C. Beside the man stems there are several transfer stems in ma, which are, however, of rare or late occurrence: darmá- 'destroyer' beside darmán; dhárma-(AV. etc.) law' beside dhárman-; éma (VS.) 'course' beside éman-; hóma- (VS. AV.) 'offering' beside himan- (RV.); ájma- 'course' beside ájman-; yama- 'course' beside yaman-; priya- dhāma- (1. 140¹) fond of home' beside priyá-dhaman- (AV.); and occasional forms of -karma- at the end of compounds beside the regular -karman-: virá-karma-m (x.615) doing manly deeds'; visvá-karmena (x. 1644) 'all-creating beside vilvá-karmaṇa, etc. 329. The normal forms actually occurring would, if made from áśman- 'stone' in the m. and from kárman- 'act' in the n., be as follows: Sing. m. N. áśma. A. áśmanam*. I. áśmana ³. D. áśmane 4. Ab. áśmanas5. G. áśmanas5. L. áśmani and áśman. V. áśman. Du. N. A. V. áśmānāº. --- Inflexion. L. áśmanos. Pl. N. V. áśmanas. A. áśmanas. I. áśmabhis. D. áśmabhyas. G. áśmanam. L. áśmasu (AV.). Sing. n. N. A. kárma¹. I. kármaṇā. D. kármane. Ab. kármanas³. G. kármanas. L. kármani and kárman. - Du. N. A. kármanī. G. kármanos. Pl. N. A. kármani, kárma, kármā. I. kármabhis. D. kármabhyas. Ab. kármabhyas. G. kármanam. L. kármasu. " 207 7 Forms which actually occur are the following: Sing. N. m. a-karmá 'wicked', á-brahma lacking devotion', aryamá 'Aryaman', áśma 'stone', a-sremá 'faultless', atmá 'breath', asu-héma 'speeding swiftly', iştá-yāmā 'going according to desire', usrá-yāmā 'moving towards brightness', rtá-dhama (VS. IV. 32) 'abiding in truth', krtá-brahma 'having performed devotion', jarima 'old age', jatú-bharmā 'ever nourishing', jemá (VS. XVIII. 4) 'superiority', trpála-prabharma 'offering what is refreshing', darmá 'demolisher', dämá 'giver', dur-náma ill-named', dur-mánma 'evil-minded', dyutád-yama 'having a shining path', draghima (VS. xvIII.4) 'length', dvi- jánmã 'having a double birth', dharmá 'arranger', dhvasmá 'darkening', páka- sthāmā N. of a man, papmá (VS. VI. 35) 'misfortune', prthú-pragāmā ‘wide- striding', prathimá (VS. xvIII. 4) 'width', brahmá 'devout man', bhujmás 'abounding in valleys', bhumá (TS. VII. 3. 13¹) 'plenty', bhúri-janma 'having many births', mahimá 'greatness', yajñá-manma 'ready for sacrifice', raghu- yáma 'going quickly', resmá (AV.) 'tempest', vadmá 'speaker', varima 'width', varşimd (VS. XVIII. 4) ‘height', visvá-karmā 'all-creator', višvá-sāmā (VS. xvIII. 39) 'having the form of all Samans', vŕṣa-prabharmã 'to whom the strong (Soma) is offered', satátmã 'possessing a hundred lives', satyá-dharma 'whose laws are true', satyá-manmã 'whose thoughts are true', saptá-nāmā 'seven-named', sahásra-yama 'having a thousand courses', sadhú-karma 'acting well', su-kármā 'working skilfully', su-jánima 'producing fair things', su-trámã 'guarding well', su-dybtma 'shining bright', su-bráhmã 'accompanied by good prayers', su- mántu-nama 'bearing a well-known name', su-mánmã 'benevolent', su-váhmā ¹ The vowel has also to be restored in | several other forms (see LANMAN 524 f.). 3 With short vowel aryamánam, tmánam, 3 Without syncope after vowel bhimana, etc.; with syncopemahimnå, mahina, drāghmá, etc. 4 Also with syncope, mahimné, etc. 5 Also with syncope, mahimnás, etc. Also with short vowel aryamáṇā, jémanā. 7 Sometimes kárma in the Samhita text. 8 Also with syncope, námnā, etc. 9 bhújma (1. 655) should probably be read bhujmå; see BR., GRASSMANN, LANMAN 530 (top). I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 'driving well', su-śármā (VS. VIII. 8) 'good protector', su-șthámā 'having a firm support', svādu-kṣádma 'having sweet food'. N. A. n. ájma 'track', ádma food', éma 'course', kárma 'deed, kárşma 'goal', kşádma 'carving knife', cárma 'skin', jánima 'birth', jánma ‘birth', tókma 'young blade of corn', dáma 'cord', dhárma 'ordinance', dháma ‘abode', náma ‘name', pátma ‘flighť', bráhma ‘prayer', bhásma (TS. VS. XII. 35) ‘ashes', bhima 'earth', mánma 'thought, márma vital part', yama 'course', lóma (TS. VS. XIX. 92) 'hair', vártma 'path' (Kh. v. 2¹), várma 'mail', vásma 'garment', vema (VS. xix. 83) 'loom', véśma 'house', vyòma ‘sky', śákma ‘power', śarma 'refuge', sádma 'seat, sáma 'chant', sáma 'wealth', stháma 'station', syúma 'strong', svádma 'sweetness', hóma 'oblation'. With final vowel lengthened in the Samhita text: kármā, jánimī, dhắmā (AV.), bhúmā, vyòmā, su-ṣṭárīmā² (TS. v. 1. 11²) 'forming an excellent couch', svádma³. 208 A. m. áśmānam, a-sremáṇam, ātmánam, ūṣmaṇam (AV.) 'heat', ojmánam 'power', ománam 'favour', klómānam (VS. xIx. 85) 'right lung', jarimáṇam, tuvi- brahmaṇam 'praying much', darmáṇam, dāmánam 'gift', dur-mánmanam, dyutád- yāmānam, dvi-jánmanam, dharmáṇam, páka-sthāmānam, pāpmánam (VS.XII.99; TS. I. 4. 41¹), puru-tmánam 'existing variously', purú-ṇāmānam (AV.) ‘having many names', brahmánam, bhumánam, mahimánam, resmánam (VS.xxv. 2), varimanam, varsmánam height', viśvá-karmanam, vi-sarmánam 'dispersion', satátmanam, satyá-dharmaṇam, sadmánam 'sitter', sahá-samanam 'accompanied by songs', su-tármāṇam (TS. 1. 2. 22) 'crossing well', su-dyótmanam, su-bráh- māṇam, su-śármāṇam, sománam 'preparer of Soma', stamánam (AV. v. 135) 'track' (?), svadmánam 'sweetness', harimanam 'jaundice'. With short a: aryamánam, tmánam 'breath'. I. m. áśmana, atmánā (VS. XXXII. 11), usmáṇā (VS. xxv. 9), tmánā, pāpmánā (VS. XIX. 11), bhásmanā ‘chewing', majmánā ‘greatness', varṣmaṇā, visvá-karmaṇā.— I. ománā, pravád-yāmanā 'having a precipitous course', bhumánā 'abundance', śatá-yāmanā (AV. SV.) 'having a hundred paths'. 2. aryamná (AV.), pămná (AV.) ‘scab', bhumná (VS. III. 5), mahimná, varimná ª (VS. AV.), śatá-yamnā. 3. prathinas, prená 'love', bhūná, mahina ³, variná (TS.); draghmá, raśma ¹⁰. n. kármanā, jánmana, dhármaṇā 'ordinance', pátmanā, bráhmaṇā, bhásmanā (VS. vI. 21) ‘ashes', mánmanā, vármana, vidmana 'wisdom', vi-dharmanā 'extension', śákmanā, śármaṇā, śákmanā 'might', svá-janmana 'self-begotten', hánmanā 'stroke'. — 1. bhúmanā I. 'earth', syúmana, hemána 'zeal'. - 2. dámnā (AV.) 'tie', dhámna, nấmnā, lómnā (AV.) 'hair', sámnā, sutrāmṇā (VS. xx. 35) 'protecting well. IO D. m. I. atmáne (VS. VII. 28), takmáne (AV.) a kind of disease, tmáne, pāpmáne (AV. VS.), brahmáne, bhúri-karmane 'doing much', višvá-karmaṇe (TS. VS. VIII. 45). 2. aryamné, jarimné, bhūmné (VS. xxx. 13) 'plenty', mahimné; án-usra-yämne 'not going out during daylight', usrá-yamne, su-trắmne (VS. x. 31), su-samne N. of a man ('having beautiful songs'), suhávītu-nāmne whose name is to be invoked successfully'. n. kár- 1 su-dhárma (VS. xxxvIII. 14) ‘well support- ing' seems to be meant for a V. (wrong accent), but perhaps su-dhármã should be read. 2 sustárīma in the Pada text. 3 See LANMAN 5311. 4 Once also the transfer form varimátā, according to the declension in -mant. 5 For prathimná from prathimán-. 6 For premná from premán-. 7 For bhumná beside bhumánā. - 8 mahina occurs 35 times, mahimná only 3 times. 9 Beside varimná (AV.). The TS. twice has varina, which in the corresponding passages of the VS. is replaced by varimṇắ; cp. Lanman 533. 10 In these two forms the m being preceded by a consonant remains, the n being dropped: draghmná 'breadth', and raśmná 'rein'. Probably also dāná for dāmná ‘gift', and possibly áśna = áśmanā. = VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. mane, jánmane, dhármane, bráhmane, bhármane 'support', vidmáne, ví-dharmane, śármane. I. trámane 'protection', dámane. - 2. dhámne, sámne 'acquisition'. Ab. m. áśmanas, atmánas, usmánas (VS.VI. 18), satyá-dharmanas (AV.). 2. klomnás (AV.), jarimṇás (AV.), varimṇás (AV.). - n. cármanas, jánmanas, dhármanas, mánmanas, vásmanas 'nest', sádmanas.-I. bhúmanas.-2. dámnas, dhámnas (VS. VI. 22), lómnas. G. m. a-mármanas 'having no vital spot', brahmánas, vi-patmanas 'speeding away', vipra-manmanas 'having an inspired mind', śúci-janmanas 'of radiant birth', su-sármanas, viśvá-karmaṇas (VS. XXXI. 17). - I. mahimánas. 2. aryamnás, jarimnás (AV.), mahimnás, sthirá-dhamnas (AV.) 'belonging to a strong race'. - n. kármaṇas, jánmanas, dhármaṇas, bráhmaṇas, mánmanas, vármaṇas. I. dámanas, bhímanas, yámanas, vyòmanas. - 2. dhámnas, sámnas. I. - L. m. 1. áśmani, ātmáni, tmáni, brahmáni, mahmáni (AV.) ‘greatness', su- sámani. - 2. dśman, tmán, atmán (VS. AV.). – n. 1. ájmani (AV.), kármani, cármani (AV.), jánmani, dámani, dirghá-prasadmani 'affording an extensive abode', dhárīmani 'established usage', dhármani, dhámani, párīmani 'abund- ance', prá-bharmani 'presenting', prá-yamani 'setting out', bráhmani, mánmani, mármaṇi, yámani, lákṣmaṇi (TS. VII. 4. 19²) ‘mark', vákmani 'invocation', ví- dharmani, véśmani (AV.), vyòmani, śármani, sárīmani 'current of air', sávimani 'impulsion', su-samáni, stárīmaṇi ‘strewing', hávīmani' invocation', hómani 'offer- ing' and 'invocation'. -With syncope: lomni (AV.), vi-jämni (AV.) knuckle'(?), sthamni (AV.). -2. ájman, á-yaman 'no expedition', éman (VS. TS.), ódman (TS. VS.) 'flooding', kárman, karşman, cárman, jániman, jánman, dárīman 'destruction', dhárman, dhắman, pátman, bráhman, bhásman (VS. TS.) 'con- suming', bhárman 'table', mánman, márman, yáman, váriman, várīman 'width, vársman, vi-jáman 'related to each other', ví-dharman, vyòman, śárman, śásman 'song of praise', sákman ‘attendance', sádman, sáman, svádman, hávíman. - V. m. aryaman, áśman (TS.Iv. 6.1¹), áśu-heman (TS.1.7.7²),takman (AV.), tri-naman (TS. AV.) 'three-named', papman (AV.), puru-naman, puru-hanman N. of a seer, brahman, vi-dharman, viśva-karman, viśva-saman N. of a seer, vrsa-karman 'doing manly deeds', satya-karman whose actions are true', sahasra-dhaman (AV.) 'having thousandfold splendour', su-daman 'giving good gifts', su-yaman (AV.), sva-dharman ‘'abiding in one's own customs'. Du. N. A. V. m. brahmána, satya-dharmaṇā, sa-namana 'of the same kind', su-sármāṇā; aryamána, jemana 'victorious', sámātmanā (Kh. III. 225; cp. TB. 11. 8. 9¹) ‘endowed with chants', su-kármaṇā (VS. xx. 75). I. N. A. n. śármaṇī, jánmanī, sádmanī. – 1. dhámani, sámanī (VS. x. 14). 2. nắmnī (AV.). G. n. sádmanos. L. m. áśmanos. - - 209 Pl. N. V. a-damánas ‘unbound' and 'not giving gifts', a-dhvasmánas ‘undarkened', ánu-vartmānas (VS. xvII. 86) 'followers', á-brahmāṇas, a-raśmánas 'having no reins', óha-brahmanas 'conveying sacred knowledge', jarimāņas, brahmanas (VS. XXVII. 2), bhrájaj-janmanas 'having a brilliant birthplace', mahimanas, śúci-janmānas, sátya-dharmāṇas, sá-lakṣmaṇas (TS.1.3. 10¹) having the same marks', su-kármāṇas, su-jánimanas, su-rámaṇas (VS. XXI. 42) 'very delightful', su-sármāṇas, sthá-raśmanas 'having firm reins', svādmánas. With short a: aryamánas, mahātmánas (Kh. III. 12²) 'high-minded’. N. A. n. 1. rk-sāmáni (VS. XVIII. 43), kármāṇi, cármāṇi, jánimāni, jánmāni, dāmāni (AV.), dhármāṇi, dhắmāni, námāni, pákṣmāṇi (VS. xix. 89) 'eyelashes', bráhmāṇi, mánmāni, mármāṇi, rómāṇi ‘hair', lómāni (AV.), vártmāni, vármāṇi (AV.), śármani, sádmani, sámāni. 2. kárma, jánima, jánma, dhárma, ¹ BR. and EGGELING suggest that this is a corruption for dámnas 'bond'. 2 This and the following forms have Indo-arische Philologie. I. 4. ← 14 short final a in the Pada as well as the Samhitā text. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. dhắma, náma, bráhma, bhúma, mánma, róma¹, śárma, sádma. - 3. jánimā ², dhárma, námā, bráhmā, bhúmā, rómā, sádma ³. 210 A. m. áśmanas, takmánas (AV.), brahmánas. — 2. dur-ṇámnas (AV.). I. m. á-khidra-yāmabhis 'unwearied in course', a-dhvasmábhis, áśmabhis, áśma-hanmabhis 'strokes of the thunderbolt', asu-hémabhis, ómabhis, klómabhis (VS. xxv. 8), brahmábhis, mayúra-romabhis peacock-haired', vīlu- pátmabhis 'flying strongly', su-kármabhis, su-mánmabhis, su-śármabhis. -n. ájmabhis, émabhis, kármabhis, tókmabhis (VS.xix. 81), trámabhis, dhármabhis, dhámabhis, námabhis, pátmabhis, bráhmabhis, bhárīmabhis 'nourishment', mánmabhis, yámabhis, várīmabhis, vaja-karmabhis4 (SV. TS. III. 2. 11¹) 'active in war', vája-bharmabhis (VIII. 1930) 'bringing reward', ví-gamabhis 'strides', śákmabhis, sámabhis, hávīmabhis. D. m. brahmábhyas. - n. dhámabhyas. - Ab. n. lómabhyas. - G.m.brahmánām. — 2. dur-námnām (AV.). — n. dhármaṇām, bráhmaṇām, mánmanām, mármaṇām (Kh.1. 55). - 2. áhi-nämnām 5 'animals named snake', sámnām (AV.). L. m. áśmasu (AV.). - n. kármasu, jánmasu, dhámasu, vármasu, sádmasu. 3. Stems in -van. 330. The-van stems are by far the most numerous of the three groups. They are chiefly verbal adjectives and are almost exclusively declined in the masculine. Hardly a dozen of them make neuter forms, and only five or six forms are used as feminines. 1 a. The few feminine forms are cases of adjectives agreeing with f. substantives. They are: sing. N. sa-yúgvā (X. 1304) 'companion' (gayatrí), an-arvă (11. 406) irresistible (áditis); A. an-arvánam (X. 92¹4) irresistible' (áditim); du. N. sam-sthắvānā (VIII. 374) 'standing together' (ródasi); pl. I. indhan-vabhis 6 (II. 345) flaming' (dhenúbhis); G. sahasra-davnam (1. 175) ‘giving a thousand gifts' (sumatīnam). The f. of these stems is otherwise formed with, which is however never added to -van, but regularly to a collateral suffix •vara?. Twenty-five such stems in -varī are found in the RV. and several additional ones in the later Samhitãs. It is perhaps most convenient to enumerate them here: agrétvarī-8 (AV.) 'going in front', abhi-kŕtvari bewitching' (AV.), abhi-bhúvari- 'superior', abhitvarī-9 (TS. VS.) 'attacking', ultāna-sivarī- (AV.) 'lying extended', rtávarī- 'regular', eva-yávari- 'going quickly', kŕtvarī- (AV.) 'bewitcher', talpa-sivari 'lying on a couch', nis-șidhvari- bestowing', pivari fat', purva-jávarī- born before', pra-svarī furnished with flowers', bahu-süvari- bearing many children', bhuri-davari- 'munificent', matari-bhvari-10 being with her mother', mātari-švarī- 11 (AV.) 'mother-growing', yújvarī- 'worshipping', vákvarī- ‘rolling', vahya-sivari- (AV.) 'reclining on a couch', vi-bhavarī- 'brilliant', vi-mŕgvarī- (AV.) 'cleansing', śákvarī- (powerful) a kind of metre, sárvari-12 (star-spangled) night', śrustīvári- obedient', sveta- yuvari 'white-flowing', sam-sisvarī- 13 having a calf in common', sa-jitvarī victorious', sa-yávari- 'accompanying', sumnāvárī- gracious', sūnṛtāvarī-14 'glorious', sýtvari- “stream- ing', svadhávari- 'constant'. 7 The f. atharvi-, formed from átharvan- fire-priest', is quite exceptional. 8 That is, agra-i-t-varī-. 9 That is, abhi-i-t-varī-. 3 This lengthening is found in neither -van stems nor -an stems, except áha and šīrşd, which may be formed from transfer stems and in which the Pada as well as the Samhita text has the long vowel. 10 From what only seems to be a van stem which really = -bhu-an-. ¹¹ This seems to be a corruption in AV. V. 29 of mataribhvarī in the corresponding passage of the RV. 4 vája-karmabhis is a v. I. of vaja-bharmabhis, and both adjectives as agreeing with itibhis have the value' of feminines. 12 The f. of sarvara- 'variegated' occurring in api-sarvará . early morning'; a stem śár-van- does not occur. 5 The G. chando-nāménām (VS. IV. 24)| 'named metre' seems to be a transfer to 13 The f. of what only seems to be a stem the a-declension. śiśu-an-. in van but is really 14 Also sūnrtávatī-. ¹ Perhaps singular. 2 The Pada text has always à in this and the following forms. 6 Formed from indhana- 'fuel', with loss of the final vowel. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. b. In the strong cases there is one instance in which the a remains short: an- arvāṇam ¹ (X. 9214), and two others in which the weakest stem is used: A. sing. maghónam (VS. xxvIII. 9) instead of maghávānam, N. pl. maghónas (VI. 44¹2) instead of maghávānas². In the weak cases when the suffix is preceded by a vowel, the a is always syncopated in the Samhita text except in the forms dāváne, vasuváne (VS.), and ytávani, but it may have to be restored in one or two instances 3. 211 c. The three words tk-van- 'singing', maghá-van- bountiful', sahá-van- 'powerful' make a few forms from supplementary stems in -vant: I. sing. kvata; pl. I. maghá- vadbhis, D. maghávadbhyas, L. maghávatsu; N. sing. sahávān and sáhāvan. Beside dadhi- krávan-, N. of a mythical horse, also occurs the stem dadhi-krá-. d. Eight or nine words in -van show transitions to the a-declension by extending the stem with a or, more commonly, by dropping then. Thus satvaná-m and satvanáis occur beside the numerous regular forms from sátvan- 'brave'. The N. sing. m. anarván-a-s (v. 51¹¹, VIII. 3112) may have started from the A. anarván-am (X. 9214), while the n. anarvá-m (1.164²) may have been due to the f. (áditir) anarvá which appears like the f. of the a declension. Other transitional forms are ykvá-s beside kvan-; johva-m 'dexterous' beside jbhvan-; takvá-s swift' beside tákvan-; vákvās, N. pl., 'rolling' beside vákvan-; vibháva-m 'brilliant' beside vibhávan-; šikvá-s (AV.) ‘skilful' beside sikvan-. Inflexion. 331. The normal forms occurring, if made from grávan- 'pressing stone' in the m. and from dhánvan- 'bow' in the n., would be: Sing. m. N. grávā. A. grávāṇam. I. grávna. D. grávne. Ab. grávnas. G. grávnas. L. grávani and grávan. V. grávan. Du. N. A. V. grávāṇā and grávanau. I. grávabhyam (AV.). G. grávnos. Pl. N. V. grávāṇas. A. grávnas. I. grávabhis. D. grávabhyas. G. grávnām. L. grávasu. dhánvana. D. dhánvane. Ab. G. Pl. N. A. dhánvani, dhánva, Sing. n. N. A. dhánva and dhánva. I. dhánvanas. L. dhánvani and dhánvan. - dhánvā (AV.). I. dhánvabhis. D. dhánvabhyas (VS.). Ab. dhánvabhyas (AV.). G. dhánvanām (AV.). L. dhánvasu. Forms actually occurring are the following: Sing. N. m. agra-yavā 'going in front', átharva 'fire-priest', adma-sádva 'companion at a meal', ádhva 'road', an-arvát 'irresistible', abhi-yúgvä (VS. XVII. 86) 'attacking', abhisasti-páva 'protecting from curses', abhí-satva 'sur- rounded by heroes', abhyardha-yájvā 'receiving sacrifices apart', amatīvá 'suffering want', arātīvá 'hostile', á-rāvā ‘not giving', 'hostile', árva 'steed', ávatata-dhanvā (VS. III. 61) 'whose bow is unbent, asu-pátva 'flying swiftly', ugrá-dhanvā 'having a mighty bow', įkvā ‘praising', ŕghāvā 'impetuous', ṛṇa- yávā ‘pursuing guilť, ṛṇāvá ‘guilty', ṛtávā ‘pious', bhva 'dexterous', krsná- dhva 'having a black track' (adhvā), kratu-právā 'granting power', ksiprá- dhanva 'having an elastic bow', grāvá ‘pressing stone', tákvā 'bird of prey', dadhi-kráva N. of a divine horse, deva-yávā ‘going to the gods', dru-șádvā 'sitting on the wood', nr-şádva 'sitting among men', pátharva N. of a man, pátva 'flying', puru-kŕtva 'doing much', purva-gátva 'leader', purva-yáva 'leader', pra-tákvā (VS. v. 32) 'steep', pra-ríkvā ‘extending beyond', prāṇa-dāvā³ (AV.) 'breath-giving', pratar-itva 'coming in the morning', badha-sýtva 'striding mightily', brhád-grāvā (VS. I. 15) 'like a great stone', bhūri-dáva 'giving much', magháva 'bountiful', mádva 'exhilarating', mrakṣa-kŕtva 'rubbing to pieces', yájva 'sacrificer', yávā ‘aggressor', yuktá-grāvā 'having yoked the pressing stones', yudhva 'warlike', raghu-pátva 'flying swiftly', rárāvā 'giving abun- dantly', ráva (VS. VI. 30) 'giving', vákva 'rolling', vasu-dáva 'giving goods', ¹ This seems to be a metrical shortening; 4 an-arván-a-s is a transition to the a- according to GRASSMANN it is an A. of a transfer stem an-arvána-. declension. 5 Emendation for prana-davan in AV. Iv. 355. 2 The form kitvanas in AV. XIX. 355 as N. pl. m. is a conjecture; cp. p. 213, note 2. 3 See LANMAN 524 (bottom). 6 Also once maghá-vān, transition form. from a stem in -vant. 14* I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. vāja-dávā 'granting wealth', vi-java 'bodily', 'own', vi-bháva 'brilliant', vi- bhŕtva 'bearing hither and thither', vŕsa-parva 'strong-jointed', vyòmā (VS. IV. 23) 'heaven'{^[48], subham-yava 'flying swiftly', subhva 'bright', yená-patva 'borne by eagles', śrutárva N. of a man. śrustivá 'obedient', satīná-satva 'truly brave', satyá-madva 'really exhilarated', sátva brave', samádvã eager for battle', saháva 'mighty', sútva 'Soma-pressing', su-dhánva 'wielding a good bow', sytua 'speeding', soma-pávā 'drinking Soma', soma-sútva 'pressing Soma', stúbhva ‘praising', hítvā ‘speedy'. N. A. n. dhánva 3 'bow' and 'desert', párva (AV.) 'joint', vi-vásva 'bright flame', snáva (AV.) 'sinew'. A. m. ádhvanam, an-arvāṇam, á-yajvānam 'not sacrificing', árvāṇam, rjíšvānam N. of a man, ṛṇāvānam, ṛtāvīnam, grávāṇam, dadhi-krávāṇam, dhitá- vānam 'bountiful', pivānam ‘fat, puru-niṣṣídhvānam 'bestowing many gifts', puro- yávānam 'going in front', pratar-yāvāṇam ‘coming in the morning', maghávānam, muṣīvāṇam 'thief, śatá-yāvānam (Kh.1. 3²) 'having a hundred ways', śruṣṭīvánam, sa-jítvanam 'victorious', sátvanam, sa-yavanam 'accompanying', sahávānam, sýkvaṇam 'corner of the mouth', hárdvänam (VS. XXXVIII. 12) 'strengthening hearts'. 212 I. m. 1. átharvaṇā, abhi-yúgvana, cikitvánā 'wise', satá-parvaṇa 'having a hundred joints', síkvana (TS. 11.5.12²) 'skilful'. - 2. grávnā. - n. 1. dhánvanā, párvaṇā. -2. snávnā (AV.). D. m. 1. ádhvane, á-paścãd-daghvane 'not staying behind', kŕtvane 'active', jásvane 'needy', drúhvane 'hostile', prstha-yájvane 'sacrificing on the ridge', mádvane, yájvane, vasuváne (VS. xxx. 48) 'winning of wealth', śákvane (VS. v. 5) 'skilful', fatá-dhanvane (VS. xvI. 29) 'having a hundred bows', śrutárvane, sátvane, su-kýtvane 'pious', su-dhánvane (VS. XVI. 36), sthirá-dhanvane 'having a strong bow'.- 2. á-rāvne, rtávne, osistha-dávne (TS.1. 6. 123) 'giving immedia- tely, vŕsa-prayavne going with stallions', suta-pavne 'Soma-drinker', su-dávne 'giving abundantly', soma-pavne, sva-dhávne 'independent'. -n. I. turváne 'victory', dāváne ‘giving', dhánvane (VS. XVI. 14). Ab. m. 1. ádhvanas (VS. XXVI. 1; TS.), pāka-sútvanas 'offering Soma with sincerity'.-2. á-rāvṇas, puru-rávnas (VS. m. 48) 'loud-roaring'.-n. 1. dhánvanas (AV.), párvaņas. G. m. I. átharvaṇas, ádhvanas, á-yajvanas, á-stṛta-yajvanas sacrificing indefatigably', yájvanas, vy-àdhvanas ‘striding through'. - 2. á-ravnas, dadhi- krāvṇas, bhūri-dávnas, yuktá-grāvṇas, suta-pāvnas, soma-pávnas; maghónasª. n. I. dhánvanas 'bow'. L. m. 1. átharvaṇi, ádhvani, rtávani, śrutárvaņi, su-kŕtvani. 2. śata- dávni5. - 3. Without ending: ádhvan. n. 1. túgvani 'ford', párvani. - 3. an-arván, a-parván, dhánvan, párvan (AV.). — V. m. 1. atharvan (AV.), aśva-dāvan ‘giving horses', dāvan (AA. v. 2. 2¹³), maghavan, vasu-dāvan, víśvato-dāvan (SV.1.5.2.1') 'giving everywhere', visva- dāvan (AV.) 'giving everything', satya-satvan ‘truly strong', satrā-dāvan ‘giving everything', sahasāvan ‘strong', suta-pāvan, soma-pāvan, sva-dāvan 'having good taste', sva-dhavan, sva-yavan 'going one's own way'. 2. With -vas: ytāvas, eva-yavas 'going quickly', prūtar-itvas, vibhāvasº. however the a must be metrically restored; there are no examples in the -an or -man stems, but the AV. has one in the former and three in the latter.

r2 Also sahávān and an from a stem in -vant.
r3 Once with final vowel lengthened in the Samhita text, dhánvă.
r4 Sometimes to be read as maghá-vanas; see LANMAN 534.
r5 The only example of syncopation in the

L. of this declension in the RV. (v. 275), where

r6 khid-vas (VI. 224) is perhaps best taken as V. of a stem khid-vams-; BR. and LANMAN explain it as from khid-van-. The V. mātarisvas is formed as if from mātariš-van- instead of matari-sv-an-; cp. p. 210, notes 1⁰ and ¹3. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS.

Du. N. A. V. m. agrādvānā ‘eating (advan-) first', a-druhvāṇā 'not hostile' ṛtāvānā, grávāṇā, prātar-yávāṇā, maghávānā, ratha-yavana 'driving in a car', subhra-yāvānā 'driving stately', śruṣṭīvánā, sa-jitvānā. With -au : rtávānau, grávāṇau (AV.). I. m. grávabhyām (AV.). — G. m. maghinos. Pl. N. V. m. akṣṇa-yávanas going across', átharvāṇas, an-arvāṇas, á-yajvānas, upa-hásvānas ‘mocking', urdhvá-grāvāṇas ‘lifting the pressing stone', ŕkvāṇas, rtávānas, grávāṇas, ghṛta-pāvānas (VS.VI. 19) 'drinking ghee', drúhvāṇas, ni-kŕtvānas 'deceitful', pari-şádvanas 'besetting', pivänas (TS. III. 2. 85), prá- sthāvānas 'swift', prātar-yávaṇas, maghávanas, raghu-pátvanas, vánīvānas¹ 'demanding', vasā-pāvānas (VS. VI. 19) 'drinkers of fat', subham-yávānas, śrustivánas, sátvānas, su-dhánvanas, su-súkvanas 'shining brightly'. Weak form for strong: maghónas (vI. 44¹2) ². 2. dhánva, párva³; N. A. n. 1. dhánvāni, párvāṇi, snávāni (AV.). with long final vowel only párvā (AV. xII. 54²). A. m. 1. ádhvanas, á-yajvanas, drúhvaṇas (AV.). — 2. á-rāvṇas, eva- yávnas, grávṇas, prātar-yávṇas; maghónas. — —— - I. m. ádhvabhis, á-prayutvabhis 'attentive', kvabhis, eva-yávabhis, grávabhis, prātar-yávabhis*, yájvabhis, ráṇvabhis ‘agreeable', síkvabhis,sátvabhis, sanítvabhis 'bestowers', sa-yávabhis, su-pra-yávabhis 'speeding well', sva-yúgvabhis 'allies'. n. pátvabhis, párvabhis, vivásvabhis, soma-párvabhis 'times of Soma offerings'. D. m. átharvabhyas, grávabhyas, gharma-pavabhyas (VS. XXXVIII.15) 'drink- ing hot (milk)' 5. n. snávabhyas (VS. xxxIx. 10). Ab. n. snávabhyas (AV.). G. m. I. ádhvanām (VS. v. 33), an-arváṇam, á-yajvanām, sátvanām. — 2. grávṇām, rárāvṇām, vāja-dávnām, soma-pávnām; maghónam. n. I. dhánvanām (AV.). - L. m. ádhvasu, kŕtvasu, grávasu (Kh. I. 12³)7, yájvasu³. - n. dhánvasu, párvasu. 213 Stems in -in, -min, -vin. 332. The suffixes -in, -min, -vin, which have the sense of 'possessing', are used to form secondary adjectives. The stems in -in are very common, those in vin are fairly frequent, numbering nearly twenty, but there is only one in min: rg-min- 'praising'. They are declined in the m. and n. only9; but the neuter forms are very rare, amounting to fewer than a dozen altogether. The inflexion presents hardly any irregularities. The vowel of the suffix remains accented throughout¹0, and is not liable either to syncope or to lengthening in the G. pl. It is lengthened in the N. sing. m. only. As in all derivative stems ending in -n, the nasal disappears in the N. sing. m. n. and before terminations beginning with consonants. 5 Also the supplementary form maghávad- bhyas. 6 The form sahasra-dāvnām is read as a f. in I. 175. a. There are a few transition forms to the a-declension starting from the A. sing. m. in -in-am understood as -ina-m. Such are parameşth-ina-m (AV. xix. 9¹) ‘most exalted', N. sing. n.; the V. mahin-a and the G. mahina-sya from mah-in- 'mighty', and 7 Accented grävásu in the edition. 8 There is also the transfer form maghá- vatsu. 1 From the intensive of Vvan-. 9 They form a special f. stem by adding 2 The form kŕtvano in AV. XIX. 355 is a|-; t. g. from aśv-in- possessing horses' conjecture for the krsnávo of the Mss. aśvin-i-. 3 In Pada as well as Samhitā. 4 Also the supplementary form maghávad- bhis. 10 Except irin, śäkin-, sárin-, and the compounds káru-latin-, mahá-vațūrin-, indra- medin-, from each of which a single form occurs; also the compounds formed with the negative a-; e. g. á-nämin-. ¹1 It would doubtless be lengthened in the N. A. n. pl. also if that form occurred. 214 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. the n. pl. vaninā-ni (x. 669,¹ from van-in- m. forest-tree'. The isolated form mandi-m (1. 9²) is a transition to the i-declension, starting probably from the I. sing. mandin-ā ‘exhilarating' understood as mandi-nā. Inflexion. 333. All the case-forms are represented in the m., but in the n. the three singular case-forms, N. A., I., and G. only. As only eight or nine n. forms occur, they may most conveniently be enumerated separately: Sing. n. N. á-nämi 'unbending', ubhaya-hasti 'filling both hands', tsārí (AV.) ‘hidden', patatrí 'winged', vají 'vigorous' (Kh. iv. 6²), šakalyeşí (AV.) 'seeking shavings' ². I. kīrinā 'praising', su-gandhínā ³ 'fragrant'. G. pra- hosinas offering oblations'4. The m. forms actually occurring, if made from hast-in- 'having hands', would be as follows: Sing. N. hastí. A. hastinam. I. hastina. D. hastine. Ab. hastínas. G. hastínas. L. hastíni. V. hástin. - Du. N. A. hastína and hastinau. I. D. hastíbhyām. G. L. hastinos. - Pl. N. hastínas. A. hastínas. I. hastibhis. D. hastibhyas (VS. AV.). G. hastínam. L. hastisu. - a. The forms actually occurring are: Sing. N. 1. Stems in -in: ankí 'possessing a hook', ati-vyadhí (VS. XXII. 22) 'wounding', abhya-vartí 'coming near', arthi 'active', aśvi 'possessed of horses', írī5 'powerful', uj-jesí (VS. xvII. 85) N. of one of the Maruts, udrí 'abounding in water', riipi 'moving upwards', rjisi 'receiving the residue of Soma', ekāki (VS. TS.) 'solitary', kapardi 'wearing braided hair', kárū-latī 'having decayed teeth', kami 'desirous', kulayí (TS. IV. 1. 96) 'forming a nest', kevaladí 'eating by oneself alone', kesi 'having long hair', krīdí (VS. xvII. 85) 'sporting', grha-medhi (VS.xvII. 85) ‘performing the domestic sacrifices', candri (VS. xx. 37) 'golden', tsärí ‘hidden', dyumní ‘majestic', niș-șapí ‘lustful', pakthi'cooking the oblation', patatrí (TS. 1.7.7²) ‘winged', parame-ṣṭhí (VS. vIII. 54) ‘most exalted', pari-panthi ‘waylayer', pṛṣṭy-āmayi 'suffering from a pain in the side', pra-ghăsí (VS.XVII. 85) 'voracious', pra-bhangí 'destroying', pra-vepaní ‘causing to tremble', bahu-sardhi 'relying on his arms', brahma-cari 'practising devotion', brahma- varcasí (VS. xxII. 22) 'eminent in sacred knowledge', bhadra-vādí ‘uttering auspicious cries', manīşi 'thoughtful', manthi (VS. VII. 18) 'stirred Soma juice', mandí 'exhilarating', marayi ‘destructive' (?), mahā-hastí ‘having large hands', mayi 'crafty', medí ‘ally', rathí 'possessing a car', rambhí 'carrying a crutch', rukmí ‘adorned with gold', vajrí 'armed with a bolť', varmí 'mailed', vasi 'having power', vají 'vigorous', vi-rapší 'copious', sata-sví 'having a hundred possessions', šākí7 'strong', siprí 'full-cheekeď', susmí 'roaring', ślokí 'sounding', śvaghní 'gambler', sodaśí (VS. TS.) 'having sixteen parts', sárī5 'hastening', sahasri thousandfold', sācí ‘companion', somi 'offering Soma', svabdí 'bellowing', hastí ‘having hands'. - 2. stem in -mín: rgmi 'praising'. 3. stems in -vin: á-dvayavi 'free from duplicity', á-yudhvi 'not fighting', astraví obeying the goad, tarasví (VS. xix. 88) ‘bold'. A. 1. atrinam 'devourer', adhi-kalpinam (VS. xxx. 18) 'gamble-manager', 5 With abnormal accent. 6 Accented like a Bahuvrihi. 2 The Pada text reads sakalya-eşi; but the 7 Thus accented VS. xvII. 85, but šakī Paippalāda recension has the better reading | RV. 1. 518: the latter is probably an error śākalyeşu'among the shavings': see WHITNEY's as the suffix is accented in the three other note on AV. 1. 25². forms sakinam, šākine, śākinas. 3 But this form might be from su-gandhi-. 4 The isolated form krudhmi (VII. 568) agreeing with mánāmsi is a N. pl. n. of a stem krudh-mi-, rather than of krudh-min- ‘angry'. 8 BÖHTLINGK (Pw.) regards this as a gerund: á-yud-dhvi without fighting'. ¹ Instead of vanín-as, probably due to the metre. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. arkinam abhi-praśnínam (VS. xxx. 10) 'inquisitive', abhi-matinam 'insidious', 'praising', ava-krakṣiṇam 'rushing down', á-vajinam 'a bad horse', aśvinam, ādarinam 'breaking open', ayinam (TS. II. 4. 7') 'hurrying up', isminam 'speeding', uktha-samsinam 'uttering verses', ukthinam 'praising', udrinam, rjīṣínam¹, kapardinam, karambhinam 'possessing gruel', kalpinam (VS. xxx. 18) 'designing', kalmalīkínam 'flaming', kāminam, kāríṇam 'singing', kulāyinam, kucid-arthinam 'striving to get anywhere', catinam 'lurking', jana-vadinam (VS. xxx. 17) ‘prattler', tri-sthinam (VS. xxx. 14) 'having a threefold footing', dyumninam, dhanínam 'wealthy', ni-yayínam² 'passing over', paksinam 'winged', patatrínam (VS.XIX. 10), pari-panthinam, pitha-sarpinam (VS. XXX. 21) 'cripple', putrinam 'possessing sons', purīsinam 'possessing land', pra-vādinam (VS. xxx. 13) 'speaking pleasantly', praśninam (VS. xxx. 10) 'questioner', bahu-vādinam (VS. xxx. 19) 'talkative', manīṣiṇam, manthinam, mandínam ³, manyu-ṣāviṇam 'pressing Soma with zeal', māyinam, medinam (TS. IV. 7. 104), rathinam, vamsa-nartínam (VS. xxx. 21) 'pole-dancer', vajrinam, vaninam 'bountiful', vaninam 'forest tree', vayākínam 'ramifying', varcinam N. of a demon, vajinam, vi-rapšinam, vi-stīmínam (VS. XXIII. 29) 'wetting', sata- gvínam 'hundredfold', śatínam 'hundredfold', śākínam, śusminam, śrnginam horned', svaninam (VS. xxx. 7) 'keeping dogs', sahasra-poșinam thriving a thousandfold', sahasrinam. 3. á-dvayāvinam, ubhayāvinam 'partaking of both', tarasvínam, namasvinam 'reverential', māyāvinam ‘employing deceit', medhāvínam (VS. XXXII. 14) 'possessed of wisdom', rakṣasvinam 'demoniacal'. I. I. arcină 'shining', aśvína, kimīdinā 'evil spirit', kīrinā 'praising'4, balinā (TS. III. 3. 8²) 'strong', mandina, mahá-vatūrinas 'very wide', vatūrina 'wide', vājinā. 3. rakṣasvína. D. I. abhya-vartíne, a-mitríne 'hostile', ava-bhedine (VS.xvI. 34) 'splitting', a-tatayine (VS. xvI. 18) 'having one's bow drawn', a-yudhine (VS. XVI. 36) 'warrior', upa-vītine (VS. XVI. 17) ‘wearing the sacred cord', uṣṇīsine (VS. XVI. 22) 'wearing a turban', kapardine, kavacine (VS. XVI. 35) 'mailed', kāriņe, kimīdine, tantrayine (VS. XXXVIII. 12) 'drawing out rays', ni-vyadhine (VS. xvI. 20) 'piercing', ni-sangine (VS. XVI. 20) 'sword-bearer', pra-saksine 'victorious', bilmíne (VS. xvi. 35) 'having a helmet', bhämine 'angry', manīşine, mantrine (VS. XVI. 19) 'wise', mandine, mahine 'mighty', rathine, vajrine, varuthine (VS. XVI. 35) 'wearing armour', varmiņe (VS.), vi-namšíne (VS. Ix. 20) 'vanishing', vi-rapsine, vy-aśnuv-ine6 (VS. xII. 32) a genius of food, vyadhine (VS. xvI. 18) 'piercer', sakine, siprine, susmine, sodasine (VS. VIII. 33), sv-ayudhine (VS. XVI. 36) 'having good weapons'. 3. raksasvine. - 215 Ab. I. abhi-prabhanginas 'breaking completely', patatrinas, manthinas (TS. VS. XIII. 57), somínas. G. 1. arthinas, rjisinas, kapardinas (TS.VS. XVI. 10), dhaninas, patatrinas (TS. IV. 7. 13¹), parninas 'winged', pra-gardhinas 'pressing onwards', bhūri- posínas 'much-nourishing', manthinas (VS. VII. 18), mandinas, mayinas, ratninas 'possessing gifts', rasinas ‘juicy', retinas? ‘abounding in seed', vajrínas, vanínas 'bountiful', vaninas 'forest tree', varcinas, vajínas, vi-rapšínas, vīļu-harṣiṇas I rjīşám in I. 325 is possibly a metrically 4 GRASSMANN in I. 100⁹ proposes to read shortened form forrjisinam: cp. LANMAN 543². kirine. 5 Accented like Bahuvrihi; but cp. p. 1545. 6 Formed from the present stem of Vaš-: vi-aš-nuv-in-. 7 From réta- for rétas- 'seed'. 2 As this compound occurs only once beside the simple adj. yayi-, which occurs several times, the former is perhaps a trans- fer from the i-declension. 3 mandi-m (1. 9²) is probably a transition form; but BR. regard it as a contraction in pronunciation of mandinam. 216 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. vrandínas becoming soft', satinas, susmiņas, śriginas, sahasriņas, 3. á-dvayavinas, dvayavínas 'double-dealing', namasvínas. L. 1. dvīpíni (AV.) ‘leopard', parame-ṣṭhíni (AV.), brahma-cāríņi (AV.), māyíni, vājini, somíni. 'refractory', somínas. V. 1. ánā-bhayin 'fearless', abhya-vartin (VS. XII. 7), amatrin ‘having a large drinking vessel', rjīpin, rjisin, tuvi-kūrmin working powerfully', pra-pathin 'roaming on distant paths', yakşin 'living', vajrin, vājin, virapšin, śavasin 'mighty', siprin, susmin, sahasin 'mighty'. - 3. ubhayāvin. Du. N. A. V. 1. aśvínā, V. aśvinā and áśvinā, kumāríṇā ‘having children', keśínā, V. pajra-hoṣiṇā 'having rich oblations', parṇinā, putriņā, purīsiņā, pra- sakṣiṇā, manthinā, V. māyinā, vajriņā, vājinā, V. vājinā, vi-għanína 'slaying', śuṣmiņā, sarathínā (VS. xxix. 7; TS.) ‘driving in the same car', sāma-cāriṇā (Kh. III. 225) 'faring with chants'. - 3. māyāvinā. Forms with au¹: aśvínau, V. áśvinau and aśvinau, patatrínau (VS. xvIII. 52), vājinau. - I. aśvibhyām, indra-medibhyam (AV.) ‘whose ally is Indra'. bhyam. G. aśvínos.-L. aśvínos. — - Pl. N. V. I. ankusinas 'having a hook', atrinas, arkínas, arcínas, arthinas, avarokinas (VS. xxiv. 6) ‘brilliant', işmiņas, ukthinas, upa-mantrinas 'persuading', rjisinas, kapardinas, kabandhinas 'bearing casks', kaminas, kāriņas, kīriņas, krśanínas ‘adorned with pearls', kesinas, khādinas ‘adorned with rings', ganinas (TS. I. 4. 11¹) ‘having attendants', găthinas 'singers', gayatrinas 'singers of hymns', gharminas preparing the Gharma offering', daśagvínas 'tenfold', drapsinas ‘falling in drops', dhūmínas ‘smoking', ni-kāríņas (TS. VS. XXVII. 4) 'injurers', ni-todínas ‘piercing', ni-rāmíņas ‘lurking', ni-sangínas, paksinas, patatrinas, pari-panthinas, pari-parinas (VS. IV. 34) 'adversaries', parnínas, pasinas 'laying snares', purisinas, pra-krīdinas 'sporting', pra-sak- sinas, balinas, manīsinas, mandinas, mahinas, mayínas, medinas, rathinas, vaninas 'bountiful', vaninas 'forest trees', varmiņas, vājinas, vi-rapśínas, vi- rokinas 'brilliant', viṣāņínas ‘holding horns' (a people), vrata-carinas performing vows', satagvinas, šatinas, śākinas, susmínas, sahasrinas, somínas, svaninas 'resounding', hastinas, hiraninas 'golden'. 2. rgminas. 3. tarasvínas, dvayāvínas, dhṛṣadvinas ‘bold', namasvínas, māyāvinas. A. I. atrinas, a-rājínas ‘lacking splendour', arthinas, aśvínas,uktha-samsinas, kāmínas, kāriņas, grathinas 'false', dyumninas, paksinas, pra-ghāsínas (VS. III. 44), bhāmínas, mandinas, mayínas, mitrinas "befriended, rathinas, vaninas 'bountiful', vanínas 'forest trees', vājinas, vrandinas, sahasrinas, sominas, hastinas (VS. XXIV. 29), hiraninas.- 3. rakṣasvínas. D. aśví- I. 1. aśvíbhis, kesibhis, ni-sangíbhis, patatríbhis, manīsíbhis. mandíbhis, rukmíbhis, vājíbhis, susmíbhis, hastíbhis. 2. rgmíbhis. D. 1. rta-vādibhyas (VS. v. 7) 'speaking the truth', krīḍibhyas (VS. xxiv. 16), grha-medhibhyas (VS. XXIV. 16), dhanvayibhyas (VS. xvI. 22) 'carrying a bow', rathibhyas (VS. XVI. 26), śikhíbhyas (AV.) 'peaked', śvaníbhyas (VS. xvI. 27), srkayibhyas (VS.xvI. 21) 'having a spear', svadhãyíbhyas (VS. XIX. 36) 'owning the Svadha'. — G. 1. kārinām, māyinām, vašínām (AV.), vājinām, śrnginām. vínām 'shaggy'. - L. 1. khadişu, dvarisu 'obstructing', hastisu (AV.). 3. stukā- 4. Labial Stems. a. Stems in (radical) -p. 334. These stems are inflected alike in the masculine and feminine, there being no neuters. All the monosyllables are feminine substantives. I According to LANMAN 544 the-à forms occur 369 times, the -au forms 32 times. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. They are: áp- 'water', krp- 'beauty', ksáp- 'night', ksip- 'finger', rip- 'deceit', rip- earth', vip- 'rod'. Feminine are also the compounds a-táp- 'heating', pati-rip- 'deceiving a husband', vi-stáp- 'summit', rta-sáp- 'performing worship'. All other compound stems are masculine. They are: agni-táp- ‘enjoying the warmth of fire', abhi-läpa-láp-² (AV.) 'excessively whimpering', asu-trp-3 'delighting in lives', keta-sáp- 'obeying the will (of another)', pari-ráp- crying around', pasu-trp-3 'delighting in herds', pra-sip-4 'slumbering', rīty-àp- 'having streaming (riti-) water'. a. The distinction of strong and weak forms appears in áp- and its compound rity-àp-, as well as in the two compounds of sap- 'serve', rta-sáp- and keta-sáp-. The strong form ápas is used a few times in the A. pl., but the long vowel in pari-rápas as A. pl. is due to the metre; on the other hand, the weak form ap-ás appears twice in the AV. as N. pl. b. The A. pl. apás is nearly always accented on the ending as a weak case; kşapás similarly appears two or three times, and vipás once. c. No N. sing. m. or f. occurs, but a n. transition form once appears in this case: vistápa-m (IX. 113¹0), a form which doubtless started from the A. sing. f. vistáp-am. The n. pl. of the same transition stem occurs once as viștápā (VIII. 805). Two other transition forms are kşapábhis and kşipābhis. Inflexion. 335. The forms actually occurring are the following: Sing. A. m. pasu-týpam. - f. vi-stápam. I. m. vipa 'priest'. f. apá, Ab. f. apás; ã-tápas, vi-ṣṭápas. - G. m. vipas 5.- f. apás, kşapás, ripás, rupás. - L. f. vi-stapi. krpá, kṣapá, vipă. Du. N. m. rity-àpā; asu-tŕpauᵒ. Pl. N. m. rta-sápas, keta-sápas, V. rīti-āpas; vípas; agni-tápas, abhī-lāpa- lápas (AV.), asu-týpas, pra-súpas. f. ápas, V. apas, rta-sắpas; ksipas, vipas, ripas; pati-ripas. The A. form apás occurs twice in the AV. for the N.7. A. m. asu-trpas, pari-rápas³. f. apás and ápas?, ksapás and kṣápas ¹0, vipás and vípas", ripas. Ab. f. adbhyás ¹². G. m. I. f. adbhís ¹2.-D. f. adbhyás ¹2 (VS. VI. 9). 12 f. apám¹3, ksapám, vípám. - L. f. apsú ³4. vipám. — I vip- as an adjective is used as also. 217 b. Stems in (radical) -bh. 336. Both masculines and feminines occur in this declension, but there are no neuters. The stems comprise five monosyllables formed from roots, together with compounds of three of the latter (grabh-, śubh-, stubh-), and kakúbh. The stems are: ksúbh- f. 'push', grbh- f. 'seizing', nábh- f. 'destroyer', súbh-f. 'splendour', stúbh- adj. 'praising', f. 'praise'; jīva-gŕbh- m. 'capturing alive', 'bailiff', sute-grbh- 'taking hold of the Soma', syuma-gŕbh- 'seizing the 2 An irregular intensive formation. 3 Cp. KLUGE, KZ. 25, 311f. 4 From suap- 'sleep'. 5 With irregular accent. 6 Cp. LANMAN 482 (middle). 7 There is also the transition form in the n. vi-ştápā. - a m.] times in books I and x of the RV., and 16 times in the AV.; it also occurs in Kh. III. 9. 10 kşápas 6 or 8 times in RV., kṣapás 2 or 3 times. 8 Metrical for pari-rápas, which is the reading of the Pada text in II. 233 14; see RPr. IX. 26. 9 apás is the regular form occurring 152 times in the RV. and 26 times in the AV. The strong form ápas is used half a dozen 11 vípas thrice, vipás once in RV. 12 By dissimilation for *ab-bhís, *ab-bhyás; cp. JOHANSSON, IF. 4, 134-146. See LAN- MAN 483. There are also the two transfer forms kşapábhis and kṣipābhis, each occurring once. 13 On the metrical value of apám see LAN- MAN 484 (top). = apsú 14 BR. regard apásu in VIII. 4¹4 as with inserted -a-. See LANMAN 484. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. reins'; rathe-subh- 'flying along in a car'; anu-stibh- f. after-praise', a metre, rta-stúbh- 'praising duly', tri-stubh- 'triple praise', a metre, pari-stúbh- 'exulting on every side', sam-stúbh- (VS.) 'shout of joy', a metre, gharma-stúbh- 'shouting in the heat', chandaḥ-stúbh- 'praising in hymns', vṛṣa-stúbh- ‘calling aloud', su-stubh 'uttering a shrill cry'; kakúbh- f. 'peak', tri-kakúbh- 'three- pointed'. a. The distinction of strong and weak forms does not appear except in the N. and A. pl. of nábh. The inflexion of these stems is incompletely represented, there being no dual forms, and no plural forms the endings of which begin with a consonant. 218 337. The forms occurring are: - Sing. N. m. stup; tri-kakúp. - f. anu-stúp (VS. AV.), anu-ştuk (TS. v. 2. 11¹), tri-stúp; kakúp (VS. AV.). A. m. rathe-súbham, sute-grbham. f. grbham, śubham; rta-stubham, anu-ştúbham, tri-stúbham; kakúbham. · I. m. stubha; su-ṣṭúbhā. — f. kṣubhắ, grbhá, śubhá; anu-sṭúbha, tri-stúbhā (VS. xvII. 34; TS. 11. 2. 4³); kakúbhā (VS. xXVIII. 44). D. m. gharma-stúbhe, syuma-grbhe. - f. sübhe (AV. VS. xxx. 7); anu- stúbhe (VS. xxIv. 12), tri-stubhe (VS. XXIV. 12); kakúbhe (VS. XXIV. 13). Ab. m. jiva-gŕbhas. tri-stúbhas (AV.). · f. grbhás (VS. XXI. 43); anu-ștúbhas (VS. XIII. 54), f. Subhás (in subhás páti, du. N. A. and subhas G. m. su-stubhas. patī, V.). L. f. tri-stúbhi (VS. xxxvIII. 18); kakúbhi (TS. III. 3. 9ª; VS. xv. 4). Pl. N. m. chandah-stúbhas, vrşa-stúbhas, pari-stúbhas, su-stúbhas. f. nábhas2, súbhas, stúbhas. € — Inflexion. — - A. f. nábhas, stúbhas; tri-stúbhas, pari-stúbhas; kakúbhas. G. f. kakúbhām. c. Stems in -m. 338. There are only about half a dozen stems in -m which among them muster a few more than a dozen forms. All are monosyllables except a compound of nam- 'bend'. Neuters are sám- 'happiness' and perhaps dám- 'house'. A possible m. is hím- 'cold'; and there are four feminines: ksám-, gám-, and jám-, all meaning 'earth', and sam-nám- (AV.) 'favour'. Strong and weak forms are distinguished in ksám-, which lengthens the vowel in the strong cases, and syncopates it in one of the two weak cases occurring; gám- and jám- are found in weak cases only, where they syncopate the vowel. The forms occurring are the following: Sing. N. A. n. sám.- I. f. kşamá, jmá; m. him-á³. — Ab. f. kṣmás, gmás, jmás. G. f. gmás, jmás4; n. dáns. - L. f. kṣámi. Du. N. f. kṣámā, dyávā-kṣáma 'heaven and earth'. - Pl. N. f. kṣámas; sam-námas (AV.). G. n. damám. —— 1 The form dábhas in v. 19ª is regarded | by BR. and GRASSMANN as N. sing. m. 'destroyer'. LANMAN 485 thinks it may be a G. sing. f. with wrong accent. 2 Strong form. 3 This is the only form, occurring twice, from a possible stem him-, beside himéno, from himá-. It might, however, be an I. from the latter stem. Cp. 372. 4 Cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, 580. 5 For *dám-s (like á-gan for *á-gam-s) occurring only in the expressions pátir dán and pátī dán and equivalent to dám-patiḥ and dám-patī at the end of a triştubh line. Cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, 453. 6 With irregular accent; cp. above 94 a. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. 5. Stems in Sibilants. I. a. Stems in radical s and s. 339. In radical stems ending in s and s, the sibilants are identical in origin, both being alike etymologically based on the dental s, which remains after a, but is cerebralized after other vowels and after k. In the RV. there are of radical s-stems some 40 derived from about 15 roots; of radical s-stems, some 50 derived from about 15 roots; in both groups taken together there are nearly 20 monosyllabic stems, the rest being compounds. Masculine and feminine stems are about equally numerous; but there are altogether only 7 or 8 neuters. a. The distinction between strong and weak forms appears in three words: púmāms and pums- ‘male'; nás- and nas- 'nose'; uktha-śás- and uktha-śás- ‘uttering verses'. The A. pl. has the accentuation of weak stems in the masculines jñās-ás, pums-ás, mās-ás and in the feminines iş-ás, uş-ás, dviș-ás. b. The stem ás- 'face' is supplemented in its inflexion by the an- stem ās-án- ; the stem is is supplemented before consonant endings by idá-¹; and dós- 'fore-arm' is supplemented by dos-án- in the dual form doşánī (AV. Ix. 77). c. Transitions to the a- or ā-declension appear in forms made from as- 'face', iş- 'refreshment', kás- 'cough', nás- 'nose', más- 'month', a-sás- 'hope', ni-miş- 'winking'. 1. From ás-, beside and probably through the influence of the I. sing. ās-á, is formed the adv. asayá 'before the face of' (as from a stem āsá-, and with adverbial shift of accent instead of *ãāsáyā). 2. Forms like G. is-ás gave rise to isá-m; and the supplementary stem ida- probably started from the I. sing. id-ắ, which itself was probably due to id- the form assumed by is before bh- endings; the stem is further shows a transition to the declension in the D. işáye. 3. From kás- 'cough' there is the transition V. käse (AV.). — 4. The strong dual form nás-ā furnished a transition to an ā- stem, from which is formed the dual nãse (AV.). 5. As pád-am gave rise to a new N. páda-s, so from más-am arose the new stem mása-, from which are formed the N. sing. mása-s and the A. pl. músān. — 6. In the RV. the stem a-sás- alone is used; but in the AV. appears the A. āšám (perhaps a contraction for ā-śásam) which, understood as āšá-m, was probably the starting point of the asa-, the only stem in the later language. 7. From ni-miş- 'winking' there appear, beside the regular compound forms A. á-nimis-am, I. á-nimis-ā f. 'non-winking', the transition forms N. a-nimisá-s, A. a-nimişá-m, I. a-nimiséna, N. pl. a-nimişás, adj. 'unwinking', with the regular Bahuvrihi accent (90 B c). Inflexion. 340. In the N. sing. the sibilant is of course dropped if preceded by a consonant, as an-ák 'eyeless', púman 'man'. Otherwise s remains, while s becomes 2. Before bh- endings, s becomes d in two forms which occur (mad-bhís, mād-bhyás) ³ and in the only other one (dor-bhyám); while s becomes d in the only example occurring (vi-prúd-bhis). The forms actually occurring, if made from más-4 m. ‘month' as an s- stem, and from duis- f. 'hatred' as a s-stem, would be as follows: Sing. N.5 más; dvit. A. másam; dvisam. I. maśá; dvişá. D. māsé; dvisé. Ab. masás; dvişás. G. masás; dvişás. L. masi; dvisi. Du. N. A. másā; dvisā. G. māsós. L. māsós (AV.TS.). Pl. N. másas; dvíṣas. A. māsás; dvísas and dvişás. I. mādbhís; dviḍbhís. D. madbhyás (AV.). Ab. mādbhyás (AV.). G. masám; dvişám. L. massú (AV.). The forms actually occurring are: - 219 1 As kşáp- and kşip- by ksapá- and ksipä- respectively. 4 2 It becomes konly in the n. form dadhýk 'boldly', used as an adv. from dadhys-, if the word is derived from dhys- be bold'; but the word is perhaps more probably derived from drh 'be firm', see BR. s. v. dadhŕk, and cp. BARTHOLOMAE, IF. 12, Anzeiger p. 28. - 3 Cp. J. SCHMIDT, KZ. 26, 340. 4 In this word (derived from ma- 'mea- | sure') the s is really secondary, probably representing the suffix -as (más- mā-as-); cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 398. 5 The only V. occurring is pumas. = I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Sing. N. 1. m. púmān¹ ‘male'; candrá-mās 'moon', dūré-bhās 'shining to a distance', su-dás3 'worshipping well'.- f. á-jñas having no kindred', a-sis4 'prayer'. - n. bhás 'light', más 'flesh'; dós 'arm', yós 'welfare', sam-yós 'luck and welfare'. - 2. m. an-ák 5 'blind', edhamana-dvit6 hating the insolent'. - f. vi-prúț (AV.) 'drop'. A. I. m. másam ‘month', púmāmsam; a-yásam 'dexterous', uktha-śásam7 'uttering verses', su dásam, su-bhásam 'shining beautifully', sv-asisam 4 'well- praising', sv-ásam 'fair-mouthed'. f. kásam8 (AV.) 'cough'; a-sisam+, pra- sisam 'precept'⁹. — 2. m. ghṛta-prúşam 'sprinkling ghee', jara-dvísam hating decrepitude', brahma-dvisam 'hating sacred knowledge', visva-púşam 'all-nourish- ing'. f. isam 'refreshment', dvisam hatred', piksam 'satiation'; á-nimisam 'non-winking', doşani-śríşam (AV.) ‘leaning on the arm', hrydaya-śríşam (AV.) 'clinging to the heart. Also the adverbial A. ā-vy-usám (AV.) 'till the dawn'. — n. dadhik boldly' as adv. I. I. m. māsā. f. kāsá (AV.), nasá (AV.) ‘nose', śāsá ‘ruler” ¹; abhi-śásā” ‘blame', ava-śásā (AV.) ‘wrong desire', ā-śásā ‘hope', ā-šíṣā, niḥ-śásā ‘blame', parā-śásā (AV.) 'calumny', pra-šiṣā (AV. VS.). - n. āsá 'mouth', bhasa. 2. m. viśva-pusā"2. - f. isá, tvişá 'excitement'; á-nimisā, pra-výṣā (AV. TS.) 'rainy season', presá¹3 'pressure'. - n. ghṛta-prúṣā. D. I. m. pumsé (AV.); su-dáse. n. bhāsé (VS. XIII. 39). 2. m. á-prā- yuşe 'not careless'; á-vi-dvise (AV.) 'for non-enmity', rsi-dvise 'hating the seers', brahma-dvise, gav-ise 'wishing for cows', pasv-ise 'wishing for cattle'; sākam-úkṣe ¹5 'sprinkling together'. f. ise ¹6, tvisé, prksé, risé 'injury', prése (VS. v. 7). 220 — — Ab. I. m. pumsás. f. kāsás (AV.) — n. āsás. — 2. f. işás, tvisás, dvişás, risás; abhi-śrísas 'ligature', ni-mișas 'winking'. G. I. m. pumsás; a-sásas 'not blessing', su-dásas, sv-ásas. — f. ā-šíṣas (TS. Iv. 6. 63). 2. m. sriga-vrsas ¹7 a man's name. - f. işás, uşás 'dawn', dvisás, prksás; abhra-prúsas 'sprinkling of the clouds', ni-míșas. — - L. 1. m. pumsi, māsi. - f. upási 'in the lap', nasí (VS.); ā-šíși (AV.), pra-šíși (AV.). — 2. f. ni-míși, prā-výṣi, vy-úsi ‘dawn'. V. m. pumas ¹8. 1. Du. N. A. I. m. uktha-śásā", súryā-másā 20 'sun and moon'. f. násā²¹. - I. I. n. dorbhyám (VS.xxv. 3). - G. 1. f. nasós. L. 1. f. nasós (AV. TS.). Pl. N. I. m. a-yásas, V. ayāsas, uktha-śásas, su-samsasas 22 (AV.) 'well-directing'. f. ā-śásas; ā-śíșas, pra-šișas, vi-šíșas (AV.) 'explanations', = = - I On the Sandhi of this N. see LANMAN 495¹. 2 See LANMAN 495¹. 3 There are also the transition forms mása-s and a-nimișá-s. 15 Perhaps also áram-ișe (VIII. 46¹7) ‘hasten- 4 The root in a-sis- and pra-sis-, being aing near', Pada áram ise; cp. LANMAN 496¹. reduced form of sās- 'order', is here treated 16 Also the transfer to the i-declension as belonging to the s-class. işáye. 5 From an-áks- 'eyeless'. 6 The N. of iş- would be *it: its place is supplied by the extended form iḍá. 7 Strong stem from sas- sams-'pro- claim'. 8 Accented kāsám (AV. V. 22¹1). 9 Also the transition forms a-nimișám and āśám (AV.). 10 Cp. LANMAN 495 (bottom). 11 From sas- sams- 'proclaim'. 12 There is a-nimisena. also the transition form 13 Accented thus as a monosyllabic stem instead of préşā (=pra-iṣ-ā). 14 From pratyu- 'separate' with s as root determinative. 17 In a compound vocative with napāt. 18 In the f. are found the transfers to the ā-declension ide and käse (AV.). 19 Strong forms; Pp. uktha-śásā, -śásas. 20 This might be from the transition stem -mása-. 21 There is also the transition form ná se (AV.). 22 There are also the transition forms másās, a-nimişás. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. 2. m. sam-síșas (AV.) 'directions'; vi-srásas¹ (AV.) 'falling apart', su-srásas (AV.) 'falling off easily', svayam-srásas (AV.) 'dropping spontaneously'. mákṣas ‘flies', músas ‘mice'; anṛta-dvişas 'persecuting untruth', V. a-saca-dvisas 'hating non-worshippers', gav-isas, ghrta-prisas, pari-prisas 'sprinkling', byhad-uksas 'shedding copiously', brahma-dvişas, yajña-múşas (TS. III. 5. 4¹) 'sacrifice stealer', vata-tvisas having the impetuosity of the wind'. f. isas, tvisas, pŕksas; án-a-dhṛṣas (AV.) 'not checking', ghrta-prúsas, ni-misas (AV.), nemann-isas² 'following guidance', pati-dvisas "hating her husband', vy-usas (AV.), sam-ișas ‘darts', sākam-üksas, su-pŕkṣas 'abounding with food'. A. I. m. jñāsás 'relatives', pumsás, masás ³; an-ásas 'faceless', án-urdhva- bhāsas 'whose splendour does not rise',, a-yásas, a-śásas, hrtsv-ásas 'throwing into the heart'. f. a-śásas; a-sisas, pra-sisas. - - 2. m. brahma-dvişas. - f. işas and işás, usás, dvísas and dvisás ³, pŕksas; camrișasº, vi-prúsas (AV.). I. I. m. madbhís. 2. f. vi-prúdbhis' (VS.). - D. I. m. madbhyás (AV.). Ab. 1. m. madbhyás (AV.). - G. I. m. pumsám (AV.), masám, vasám³ 'abodes'; a-yásām. - -2. f. işám, dvisám. - L. I. m. pumsú9 (AV.). — — I. b. Stems in derivative -s. a. Stems in -is and -us. 341. The stems formed with the suffixes -is and -us may best be treated together, as their inflexion is identical. The is stems, numbering about a dozen, consist primarily of neuters only 10; these when they are final members of compounds are secondarily inflected as masculines also, but only in a single form (N. sing. svá-socis 'self-radiant') as feminine. The us stems, numbering sixteen (exclusive of compounds) in the RV., include primary masculines (two also as f.) as well as neuters; three of the latter as final members of compounds are also inflected as feminine. Eleven of the us stems are neuter substantives, all but one accented on the radical syllable; four of these are also used as m. adjectives accented in the same way (árus-, cákṣus-, tápus-, vápus-). Three of those us stems which are exclusively m. are adjectives accented on the suffix, while two are substantives accented on the root (náh-us-, mán-us-) ¹² 12 a. The N. A. pl. n. are distinguished as strong forms by lengthening and nasa- lizing the vowel of the suffix (as in the as stems), c. .gjyotimsi and cáksumsi. 1 The Mss. read ví-srasas; see WHITNEY's | note on AV. XIX. 343. b. Among these stems appear a number of transitions to, and a few from, other declensions. 1. The N. sing. n., as in soc-is and cáks-us, having in some passages the appearance of a N. sing. m. soci-s and cáksu-s, led to formations according to the i- and u-declension. Such are N. pl. socáyas (AV.) 'flames', V. sing. pavaka-soce 'shining brightly', bhadra-soce 'shining beautifully', śukra-soce shining brilliantly'; N. pl. arcáyas 'beams', I. pl. arci-bhis. The form of krav-is- ‘raw flesh' in the compound á-kravi-hasta- 'not having bloody hands' is probably due to the same cause. From cáks-us- 'eye' is once formed the Ab. cákso-s and the V. sahasra-cakṣo (AV.) 'thousand-eyed'. From táp-us- 'hot' is once 2 neman- is here probably a locative. 3 There is also the transition form másān. 221 II 4 işas occurs 63 times, įșás 7 times in the RV. 5 dvişas occurs 39 times, duişás 4 times in the RV. 6 The meaning of this word is perhaps ‘libations in ladles'. 7 There is also the transition form iḍabhis as an I. pl. of iş-. 8 This word, occurring in this form only, might be a f. 9 mässu occurs Pañc. Br. IV. 4. 1 and māsú (like pumsú for pums-sú) TS. VII. 5. 2². The f. transition form idasu occurs as the L. pl. of is-. 10 There seems no reason why am-is- occurring in L. s. only, should exceptionally be regarded as m. (BR., LANMAN, GRASS- MANN). 1¹ One of these, tápus- 'hot', has a single f. form, A. du. tápuṣā. 12 See above p. 84, 19. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. formed the G. táto-s; from van-us- 'desiring', as if vanu-s in N., the A. sing. vanú-m and pl. vanin; from dy-us- 'life' occurs not only the L. sing. ayu-n-i, but several compound forms, V. dirghãyo 'long-lived', adabdhāyo (VS.) ‘having unimpaired vigour', A. vyddhúyu-m 'full of vigour', n. visváyu 'all-quickening', A. m. visváyu-m, D. visváyave, G. viśváyo-s¹. - 2. There are also some transition forms from three masculines in -us, by extension of the stem, to the a- declension: from náh-us- ‘neighbour', starting perhaps from the G. náhuş-as taken as a N. sing. náhusa-s, are made the G. náhuşa-sya and the L. náhuse; from mán-us- 'man', starting from the N. pl. mánuș-as taken as a N. sing. mánuşa-s, come the D. mánuşaya and the G. mánuşa-sya; from váp-us- 'beauty', once D. vápuṣāya beside the frequent vápus-e. 3. On the other hand, there are a few transitions from the declension of i- and u- stems to that of stems in -is and -us. Beside su-rabhí- 'fragrant', the superlative form su-rabhis-famam 2 occurs once; and beside numerous compounds formed with tuvi- appear the stems túvis-mant- 'powerful' and tuviş-tama- 'strongest'3. Beside the G. dhakso-s and dákso-s4 'burning', there appears once the form daksúş-as 5, which is doubtless due to the false analogy of forms like tasthúsas. Though mán-us- 'man' may be an independent formation beside mán-u-, the probability is rather in favour of regarding it as secondary (starting from a N. mánu-s), because mánu- shows eight case-forms, but mánus- only three 6. The stem á-prayus-, occurring only once beside the less rare á-prayu-, probably represents a transition from the latter stem. 222 — Inflexion. 342. The final s becomes before vowel endings, and before bh. The inflexion of the n. is the same as that of the m. except in the A. sing., N. A. du. and pl. The only f. forms occurring are in the N. or A. They are the following: N. sing. svá-socis ‘self-radiant'; cákṣus 'seeing', á-ghora-cakṣus 'not having an evil eye, hradé-cakṣus ‘reflected in a lake'; citráyus 'possessed of wonderful vitality'; A. du. tápusa 'hot'; A. pl. gi-vapusas 'having the form of cows'. The actual forms occurring, if made from socis- 'glow' in the n., and from focis in the m. (when it differs from the n.), and from cáksus- 'eye' as n. and 'seeing' as m., would be as follows: 1. Sing. N. socís. A. śocís; m. -śocişam. I. śociṣā. D. sociṣe. Ab. śocíșas. G. focisas. L. socísi. V. socis. Fl. N. A. socímsi; m. -socisas. I. śocírbhis. D. m. -socírbhyas. G. sociṣām. L. focissu. 2. Sing. N. cáksus. A. cáksus; m. cákṣuşam. I. cákṣuṣā. D. cáksuse. Ab. G. cáksusas. L. cákṣusí. - Du. N. A. cákṣusī; m. cákṣuṣā. D. cákṣurbhyam (VS.). - - Pl. N. A. cákṣūmṣi; m. cákṣusas. I. cákṣurbhis. D. cáksurbhyas (VS.). G. cákṣuṣām. The forms which actually occur are the following: Sing. N. m. 1. á-havis 'not offering oblations', krsná-vyathis 'whose path is black'; citrá-jyotis (VS. xvII. 80) ‘shining brilliantly', śukrá-jyotis (VS.xII.15) 'brightly shining', satyá-jyotis (VS. xvII. 80) 'truly brilliant', su-jyótis (VS. XXXVII. 21) 'shining well'; citrá-socis ‘shining brilliantly', duróka-socis 'glowing unpleasantly', sukrá-socis 'bright-rayed'; jīvá-barhis (AV.) 'having a fresh litter', su-barhís (VS. XXI. 15) ‘having a goodly litter', stīrṇá-barhis ‘who has strewn the litter'; svá-rocis 'self-shining'; sv-arcís? 'flashing beautifully'. -2. cáksus 'seeing', vápus 'beautyful, vidus 'attentive'9; á-dabdha-cakṣus (AV.) 'having undamaged sight', kşitáyus 'whose life goes to an end', dirgháyus long-lived', duḥ-śáśus ‘malignant', vi-parus (AV.) ‘jointless', viśvátaś-cakṣus ‘having eyes on all sides', sárva-parus (AV.) 'having all joints', sahásrayus (AV.) 'living a thousand years'. There is probably insufficient reason to assume a primary independently formed stem -ay-u- beside áy-us-; cp. LANMAN 569 (bottom). 2 Retaining the s of the N. like indras- vant-. 3 tuv-is- as an independent formation would be irregular, since the radical vowel otherwise shows Guna before the suffix ∙is (134). 4 Desiderative adj. from dah- ‘burn'. 5 The Pada text has dhakşúşas. 6 Cp. LANMAN 570. (bottom). 7 There are also the transition forms arci-s and soci-s, the neuters becoming mas- culines of the declension. 8 Also the transition forms cákṣu-s, tapú-s. 9 This may be an u-stem: vidú-s. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. N. A. n. 1. arcís 'flame', kravís (AV.) 'raw flesh', chadís 'cover', chardis 'fence', jyótis 'light', barhís ‘litter', vartís 'circuit', vyáthis 'course', socís 'lustre', sarpis 'clarified butter', havis oblation'; vaisvānará-jyotis (VS. xx. 23) ‘light of Vaisvānara', śukrá-jyotis (TS. IV. 1. 9³), svàr-jyotis (VS. v. 32) 'light of heaven'. 2. árus (AV.) 'wound', ayus 'life', cáksus 'eye', tápus 'glow', dhánus 'bow', párus ‘joinť, yájus 'worship', vápus 'beauty', śásus ‘command'; indra-dhanis (AV.) 'Indra's bow', sv-ayús (VS. IV. 28) 'full vigour'. A. m. 1. á-grbhita-socişam 'having unsubdued splendour', ajirá-socisam 'having a quick light', urdhvá-socisam ‘flaming upwards', citrá-socişam, dīrgháyu- socisam 'shining through a long life', pāvaká-socisam ‘shining brightly', śīrá- socisam 'sharp-rayed', śukrá-socisam, śréstha-socisam 'most brilliant'; citrá- barhisam 'having a brilliant bed', vrktá-barhisam 'having the litter spread', su-barhişam, stīrṇá-barhiṣam (VS. xiv. 49); dákṣiṇā-jyotiṣam (AV.) ‘brilliant by the sacrificed gift', hiranya-jyotişam (AV.) 'having golden splendour'. 2. janúsam 'birth', dirgháyuşam, purv-äyúşam 'bestowing much vitality', śatayuşam² attaining the age of a hundred'. I. I. n. arcíṣā, kravíṣā, chardişā (VS. xIII. 19), jyótiṣā, barhiṣā (VS. XVIII. 63; TS.), rocíṣā 'brightness', sociṣā, sarpiṣā, haviṣā. - m. manthi-sociṣā (VS. VII. 18) 'shining like mixed Soma', śukrá-jyotiṣā (VS.). 2. n. ayusa, cákṣuṣā, janúṣā, tápuṣā, dhánuṣā (Kh. III. 9), páruṣā, yájuṣā, śatayuṣā, samista-yajusa (VS. XIX. 29) 'sacrifice and formula', sv-ayúşa (VS. IV. 28) 'full vigour of life'. m. tápuṣā, náhuşa 'neighbour', mánuşã 'man', vanişa 'eager'. 2 - — ——— D. I. n. arcise (TS. VS. xvII. 11), jyótise (VS. AV.), barhíse (VS. II. 1), socise, havíse. m. tigmá-socise 'sharp-rayed', pāvaká-sociṣe, śukrá-socise, vrktá-barhise, stirṇá-barhiṣe, rātá-havişe 'liberal offerer', su-hávise 'offering fair oblations'. 2. n. áyușe (VS. AV.), cáksuse, janúse, tápușe (AV.), yájuṣe (VS. I. 30), vápuse. -m. cáksuse, mánuse, vanúse³. Ab. 1. n. jy'tisas (AV.), barhíṣas, havíșas. - 2. n. áyuşas (TS. Iv. 1. 4³), cákṣuṣas (TS. v. 7. 7¹), janúsas, párușas (TS. IV. 2. 9²), vápușas. - m. náhusas, mánusas, vápusas. I Also the transition form višváyu ‘all- | quickening'. 2 Also the transition forms vanú-m, vyddháyu-m, višváyu-m. 3 Transition forms: visvayave; mánuṣāya, vápuṣāya; áprayuşe 'not careless'. 4 Also perhaps a transition form focé-s; cp. LANMAN 568. 5 Also the transition forms tápos, višváyos; náhuşasya; mánuşasya; dhakşúşas (341b, p. 222). 223 G. I. n. kravísas, chardisas, jyótisas, barhísas, socisas, sarpisas, havísas.- m. pāvaká-śociṣas, vṛddhá-socișas ‘blazing mightily', vásu-rocișas ‘shining brightly', vrktá-barhisas4. -- 2. n. áyuṣas, cákṣusas, tápusas, tárusas 'superiority', párusas, vápusas. m. cákşuşas, náhusas, mánuşas, vanúşass; istá-yajusas (VS.VIII. 12) 'having offered the sacrificial verses'. L. I. n. arcíși, ámişi6 'raw flesh', jyótisi, barhísi, sádhişi (VS. XIII. 53) 'resting-place', havísi; tri-barhişi 'with threefold litter'.- 2. n. ayuşi7, tárusi, párusi, vápuşi. V. I. n. barhis8; deva-havis oblation to the gods' (VS. vi. 8). ékäyus⁹ 'first of living beings'. Du. N. A. 2. n. cákṣuşī (AV., Kh. Iv. 11¹¹), janúṣī. m. caksusā, jayúşa 'victorious'. — D. 2. n. cákṣurbhyām (VS. VII. 27). — - — 2. m. 6 Accounted a m. by BR., GRASSMANN, LANMAN. 7 Also the transition form áyuni; and m. náhuse. 8 Also the transition forms pāvaka-šoce, bhadra-soce, sukra-soce. 9 Also the transition forms adabdhāyo (VS.), dirghāyo, sahasra-cakṣo (AV.). I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Pl. N. m. 1. ágrbhita-socisas, ajirá-socişas, váta-dhrajişas (Kh. 1. 3³) 'having the impulse of wind', vrktá-barhisas, V. vrkta-barhişas, sádma-barhisas 'preparing the litter', V. su-barhișas, su-jy'tişas and su-jyotişas, svá-rocisas ¹.- 2. náhuṣas, mánușas, V. manușas, vanúşas, vápusas. N. A. n. 1. arcímsi, jyótīmṣi, barhímși (VS. xxVIII. 21), śocímși, havímsi. -2. áyumşi, cákṣumsi, janúmsi, tápūmsi, párūmṣi (TS. VS. AV.), yájūmṣi (VS. AV.), vápumsi. 224 A. m. 1. su-jyótisas. -2. náhuşas, mánuşas, vanúsas². I. I. n. havirbhis ³. 2. n. dhánurbhis (AV.), yájurbhis (VS.Iv.1), vápur- bhis. — D. I. m. urdhvá-barhirbhyas (VS. xxxvIII. 15) 'being above the litter'. 2. n. yájurbhyas (VS. xxxvIII. II). G. 1. n. jyótisām, havíṣām (AV.). - 2. n. cákṣuṣām (AV.), janúṣām, yájuṣām (AV.), vápuṣām. - m. vanişām, viśvá-manuṣām belonging to all men'. L. I. n. havissu. ß. Stems in -as. 343. Primarily this declension consists almost entirely of neuters, which are accented on the root, as mán-as- 'mind'; but these as final members of adjective compounds may be inflected in all three genders, as N. m. f. su-mánās, n. su-mánas 'well-disposed'. There are besides a few primary masculines, which are accented on the suffix, being either substantives, as raks-ás- 'demon', or adjectives, some of which occur in the f. also (as well as n.), as ap-ás- 'active'; and one feminine, us-ás- 'dawn'4. a. Strong cases are regularly distinguished only in the N. A. pl. 1., where the vowel of the suffix is lengthened and nasalized 5 (as in the is and us stems), as ámhāmsi 'troubles'. Otherwise the stem usás- shows in the A. sing., N. A. du., N. V. pl., strong forms with lengthened vowel in the suffix, which occur beside the unlengthened forms 6, the latter being nearly three times as frequent in the RV. The long vowel is here required by the metre in 20 out of 28 occurrences, and is favoured by the metre in the rest7; so that the lengthening may be due to metrical exigencies. The strong form uşásas 8 occurs once (X. 39¹) for the weak uşásas as the G. sing. or A. pl. There is further the single strong form N. du. m. tośásā9 bestowing abundantly' 10. b. Supplementary stems ending in -as beside -an are ýbhvas- ‘skilful' (as well as ŕbhva-) beside ŕbhvan-, and síkvas- 'strong' (as well as síkva-) beside šíkvan-. c. There is here a large number of transition forms both to and from the ẵ- declension. Many pairs of stems in -a and -as are common in both forms and seem therefore to be of independent derivation. But there are also a good many such doublets of which the one is the normal stem, while the other has come into being through mistaken analogy or metrical exigency. 1. In the transitions to the a- declension several may be explained as starting from the misleading analogy of contracted forms. To this group belong the following: from angiras-, a name of Agni, L. sing. angire beside N. pl. angiras; from án-āgas- 'sinless', A. pl. án-agan beside A. sing. án-agām and N. pl. án-āgās; from ap-sarás- 'water-nymph', apsarábhyas (AV.), apsarásu (AV.), apsara-patés (AV.) beside apsarám (AV.); from usás- 'dawn', N. du. usé (VS.), uṣabhyām (VS.), beside A. sing. uşám and pl. usás; from jarás- m. 'old age', f. sing. N. jará (AV. VS.), D. jarayai (AV.), beside I Also the transition forms arcáyas, | Socáyas. 2 Also the transition form vanin. 3 Also the transition form arci-bhis. 4 The derivation of a few stems ending in -as is obscure; as upás- 'lap' (only L. sing.), and risadas- 'destroying enemies'. 5 On the origin of this form as a com- bination of -an-i and -as-i see JOHANSSON, BB. 18, 3 and cp. GGA. 1890, p. 762. The lengthened vowel never occurs in the Pada text in these forms (excepting of course the N. uşás). 7 See ARNOLD, Vedic Metre, p. 130, 11 (a); cp. LANMAN 546. 8 The Pada text has uşáṣaḥ. 9 Here the long vowel appears in the Pada text also. This is the only form made from the stem tośás- (from tus- 'drip'). 10 The form sa-psarāsas ‘enjoying in com- mon (?)', occurring once, must be the pl. of sa-psará- (BR., GRASSMANN), not of *sa- psarás- (LANMAN 546, GELDNER, VS. 3, 197), because -as is never accented in Bahuvrihi compounds; see WACKERNAGEL 21, p. 301 d, note. su-medhás- 'very wise' is not a Bahuvrihi. 1 VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. 225 A. jarám¹; from sa-jósas- 'united', N. du. sa-jóşau beside pl. sa-jóşās. There is a further group of transitions to the a- declension starting not from contracted forms, but from the N. sing. n. understood as m.². From ávas- 'favour' is thus formed I. ávena; from krándas- 'battle-cry', D. krándaya 3 (AV.), and the compound śúci-kranda-m 'crying aloud'; from śárdhas- n. 'troop' the m. forms śárdha-m, śárdhena, śárdhāya, śárdha-sya, śárdhān4; from hédas- n., once (1. 94¹²) héla-s N. m., hence A. héda-m (AV.), L. héle; also the compound forms N. f. du. a-dveşê 'not ill-disposed', beside dvéşas- 'hate'; dur-óka-m (VII. 43) ‘un- wonted' beside ókas- 'abode'; vi-dradhé (IV. 3223) 'unclothed' (?) beside drádhasī (TS.) 'garments'; prthu-jráya-m (IV. 44¹) 'far-extending' beside jráyas 'expanse'; puru-péśasu "multiform' beside pésas form' 5. The 2. The secoud class, comprising transitious to the as declension, consists of the two groups of transfers from the radical -ā stems and the derivative -a sterns. former group embraces forms of compounds made from kṣā- 'abode', pra-já- ‘offspring', -da- 'giving', -dha- 'bestowing', besides má-s 'moon', starting from the N. in a-s which is identical in form with that of stems in -às. The forms of this type are the following: N.pl. divá-kşas-as beside N. sing. divá-kṣā-s having an abode in heaven'; A. sing. á-prajas-am (AV. VS.) 'childless', A. pl. f. iḍa-prajas-as (TS. MS.), A. sing. su-prajás-am (AV.), N. pl. m. su-prajás-as (AV. TS.) 'having a good son' beside N. sing. m. su-prajá-s; V. dravino-das6, beside N. sing. dravino-dá-s, A. dravino-da-m 'wealth-giving'; varco-dás-au (VS.) 'granting vigour'; reto-dhás-as (VS.) impregnating' beside N. sing. m. reto-dha-s; A. vayo-dhás-am (VS.), I. vayo-dhás-à (VS.), vayo-dhás-e (VS.), V. vayo-dhas, N. pl. vayo-dhás-as (AV.) beside N. sing. vayo-dhá-s 'bestowing vigour'; D. sing. varco-dhás-e (AV.) beside N. sing. varco-dhá-s (AV.) and A. sing. f. varco-dha-m (VS.); of candrá-mas-7 'moon' all the forms occurring, except the N. sing., which is their starting-point, are transfer forms: A. candrá-masam (VS. XXIII. 59¹, I. candrá-masă (AV.), D. candrá-mase (VS.), G. candrá-masas, L. candrá-masi (AV.), V. candra- mas (AV.), N. du. candrá-masā, sūrỹā-candra-másā and sūryā-candra-másau. 3. There are further several sporadic transition forms from -as stems occurring beside the ordinary corresponding -a stem. These may sometimes have started from an ambiguous N. siug., but they seem usually to be due to metrical exigencies. Such forms are the following: dákşas-e, dáksas-as, putá-dakşas-a and putá-dakṣas-as beside very frequent forms of daksa- skill'; dosás-as ³ (AV.) once beside forms of doşá- 'evening'; (viśváyu)-poṣas-am beside the common pósa-; N. sing. sá-bharūs, A. viśvá-bharas-am beside the frequent bhára- 'supporting'; veśás-as 9 (AV.) beside veśá- 'neighbour'; sépas as A. sing. in AV. (XIV. 238) for the sépam of the RV., from sépa- m. tail', N. sing. sépa-s; N. sing. m. su-sévās occurs in the AV. as a variant for su-seva-s 'very dear' of the RV.; sahásra-šokās occurs once as N. sing. m. beside the common sóka- 'flame'; A. sing. tuvi-svanás-am and N. pl. tuvi-svanás-as, beside svaná- 'sound'; A. pl. f. gharmá-svaras-as beside svará- 'roaring'; also the D. dhruvás-e (VII. 70¹) for dhruvaya to which it is preferred owing to the metre and the influence of infinitives in -áse, and similarly urdhás-e (v.645) parallel to vydhaya (VIII. 836). 4. There are besides a few quite abnormal transition forms. The occurrence of the very frequent N. pl. m. of vi- 'bird' with a singular verb (1. 1418) and once as an A. pl. (1. 104¹) may have produced the impression of a n. collective váyas- and thus led to the n. pl. váyāmsi (AV.), helped perhaps by the existence of the very frequent n. stem váyas- 'food'. The isolated form N. sing. m. sv-áñcās is probably lengthened for sv-anca-s (like su-śévās for su-śévas) which started from the A. sing. m. sv-áñc-am. The G. du. ródas-os occurs once (IX. 225), evidently on account of the metre instead of the ordinary ródasī-os 10. ILANMAN 552 thinks that medha- 'wis- dom' in N. medha, I. medháyā, N. pl. medhás, I. medhabhis started from medham as con- tracted A. of medhas found iu su-medhás-. This seems doubtful to me. 2 In VI. 666 rókas might be taken as N. sing. m. (as GRASSMANN takes it) beside rokás, m. 3 Cp. also the D. carắyai (VII. 77¹) beside caráse (1. 924, v. 474), and tárāya (11. 13¹²) beside tárase (III. 18³). 7 From más- (A. más-am, etc.), where the s belongs to the stem. It is formed probably with -as from mā- 'measure' (ma-as), being | thus in origin a contracted -as stem, in which, however, the N. más giving rise to the transition forms was understood as the lengthened form of *mas. ā-jaras-ám (B.) 6 Cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 398. Indo-arische Philologic. I. 4. 8 In uşaso dosásaś ca (AV. XVI. 46) ob- viously due to parallelism with uşásas. 9 Clearly owing to the metre instead of vešásas. 4 Cp. LANMAN 353 and 554, 8. 10 Similarly aks-ós occurs in AV. V. 11⁰ (but contrary to the metre) for akşi-ós. On 5 There is also an -as stem extended with a in the D. ā-jarasắya (x. 854³) 'till the transition forms of the as declension old age', based on the adv. compound cp. LANMAN 546-558. 15 226 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Inflexion. 344. The N. sing. m. f. lengthens the vowel of the suffix;´e. g. m. angiras, f. usás. In about a dozen compounds the long vowel appears (owing to the influence of the m.) in the n. also; e. g. úrṇa-mradās 'soft as wool'. Before endings with initial bh the suffix -as becomes -o². The forms actually occurring, if made from ápas- n. 'work' and apás- m. f. 'active', would be as follows: Sing. N. ápas; apás. A. ápas; apásam. I. ápasa; apásā. D. ápase; apáse. Ab. ápasas; apásas. G. ápasas; apásas. L. ápasi; apási. V. ápas; ápas. Du. N. A. V. ápasī; apász and apásau ³. D. apibhyam (VS.). G. ápasos (VS.). — Pl. N. ápāmsi; apásas. A. ápāmsi; apásas. I. ápobhis; apóbhis. D. ápobhyas; apibhyas. Ab. ápobhyas. G. ápasām; apásām. L. ápassu; apássuª. The forms actually occurring are as follows: Sing. N. m. ángirass an epithet of Agni, dámūnas 'domestic', nodhás name of a seer, yasás 'glorious', raksás 'demon', vedhás ‘'ordainer'; com- pounds: a-cetás 'senseless', áty-amhas (VS. XVII. 80) 'beyond distress', ádri- barhas fast as a rock', á-dvayas 'free from duplicity', án-agas6 'sinless', an-ūdhás 'udderless', ánuna-varcas 'having full splendour', an-enás 'guiltless', á-pracetas 'foolish', abhibhūty-ójas 'having superior power', ámitaujās ‘almighty', a-rapás unhurt', ávayata-helas 'whose anger is appeased', ásamāty-ojās of unequalled strength', ä-hanás exuberant', uru-cákṣās 'far-seeing', uru-vyácās 'widely extending', si-manas 'of far-seeing mind', rsváujas 'having sublime (rsvá-) power', kārú-dhāyās favouring the singer', kŕtti-vāsās (VS. III. 61) 'wearing a skin', kéta-vedas 'knowing the intention', khádo-arnas having a devouring flood', gabhīrá-vepās ‘deeply moveď', gūrtá-manās ‘having a grateful mind', gürtá-śravas 'the praise of whom is welcome', gó-nyoghās 'streaming among milk', ghrtá-prayas 'relishing ghee', jatá-vedis 'knowing created beings', tád-apās 'accustomed to that work', túd-okas 'rejoicing in that', tád-ojās 'endowed with such strength', tarád-dveṣās ‘overcoming foes', tigmá-tejās (VS. 1. 24) ‘keen- edged', tri-vayas 'having threefold food', dabhrá-cetas 'little-minded', dasmá- varcas 'of wonderful appearance', dirghá-tamas N. of a seer, dirghápsās 'having a long fore-part', dur-ósās hard to excite', devá-psaras 'serving the gods as a feast', devá-śravas 'having divine renown', dvi-bárhas 'doubly strong', ná-vedas 'cognisant', nr-cákṣās 'watching men', nr-mánds 'mindful of men', ny-okas 'domestic', pāvaká-varcās ‘brightly resplendent', purū-rávās (VS. v. 2) N., prthu-jráyās ‘widely extended', prthu-pájās 'far-shining', prá-cetas 'atten- tive', prá-vayās ‘vigorous', bāhv-òjās 'strong in the arm', brhác-chravas loud- sounding', brhád-ravās (VS. v. 22) ‘loud-sounding', bṛhád-vayās (TS. 1. 5. 10²) ,grown strong', bodhin-manās 'watchful-minded', bhúri-retas (VS. xx. 44) 'abounding in seed', bhíry-ojas 'having great power', madhu-vacas 'sweet- voiced', máno-javās 'swift as thought', maha-yaśšás (Kh. iv. 8°) ‘very glorious', mitrá-mahas 'rich in friends', raghu-pátma-jamhās ‘having a light-falling foot', 1 The stems svá-tavas- and sv-ávas- form the irregular N. svá-tavān and sv-ávān, VS. sv-ávā. 2 Except in f. uşádbhis and m. svá- tavadbhyas (VS.); cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 713 (bottom). 3 The ending -au is here very rare and occurs chiefly in the later Samhitās. 4 Represented in f. by apsarássu (Kh.) and m. apásu if for apássu. 5 The s of the N. sing. is perhaps lost in uśánā; but this form may be a transition, starting from the A. uśánim (= uśánasam) after the analogy of the f.; another instance is perhaps an-ehá (x. 61¹2). 6 The form an-āvayās (AV. VII. 90³), meaning perhaps 'not producing concep- tion', may belong to this declension. See WHITNEY's note. LANMAN 443, places it under radical -ā stems. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. ráthaujās (VS. xv. 15) 'having the strength of a chariot', risádās 'destroying enemies', vásu-śravas 'famous for wealth', váta-ramhas 'fleet as wind', ví-cetas 'clearly seen', vi-manās 'very wise', visvá-cakṣās 'all-seeing', visvá-dhāyās ‘all- sustaining', visvá-bharas (VS. XI. 32)' all-supporting', visvá-bhojas 'all-nourishing', visvá-manās 'perceiving everything', visvá-vedas 'omniscient', visvá-vyacas (VS. XIII. 56) 'embracing all things', visváujas 'all-powerful', ví-hayas 'mighty', vīlu- dvésās 'hating strongly', vilú-haras 'holding fast', vyddhá-mahas 'of great might', vyddhá-vayas of great power', vrddhá-śravās 'possessed of great swiftness', šatá-tejās (VS. 1. 24) 'having a hundredfold vital power', satá-payās (TS. VS.) 'having a hundred draughts', sukrá-varcās ‘'having bright lustre', śraddha-manas 'true-hearted', śrí-manās (VS.) 'well-disposed', sá-canãs ‘being in harmony with', sá-cetas 'unanimous', sa-jóṣās ‘united', satyá-radhās 'truly beneficent', satyáujās (AV. VS. TS.) 'truly mighty', sa-práthas 'extensive', sám-okās 'dwelling together', sahásra-cakṣās 'thousand-eyed, sahásra-cetas 'having a thousand aspects', sahásra-pathās appearing in a thousand places', sahásra-retas having a thousandfold seed', sahásra-sokus 'emitting a thousand flames', sahásrapsās 'thousand-shaped', su-dámsãs 'performing splendid actions', su-mánās 'well- disposed', su-medhász 'having a good understanding', su-rádhas 'bountiful', su-réknas having fair possessions', su-rétās 'having much seed', su-várcas ‘splendid', su-vásās 'having beautiful garments', sóma-cakṣās (TS. II. 2. 124) 'looking like Soma', stóma-vāhās 'receiving praise', spārhá-rādhas 'bestowing enviable wealth', sv-áñcas¹ 'going well', sv-ápās ‘skilful', svábhūty-ojās ‘having energy from inherent power', svá-yasas 'glorious through one's own acts', svár-cakṣās brilliant as light', svar-canās 'lovely as light', su-ójās 'very strong'. f. uşas 'dawn'; áti-cchandas (TS., VS. XXI. 22) a metre, á-dvayās, ap-sarās 'water-nymph', a-repas 'spotless', a-hanás, uru-vyácās, úrna-mradās 'soft as wool', dvi-bárhas, nicá-vayas 'whose strength is low', nr-mánās, prá-cetas, mádhu-vacās, yāvayád-dveṣās ‘driving away enemies', ví-cchandas (TS. v. 2. 11¹) 'containing various metres', vi-hāyās, vŕṣa-maṇās ‘manly-spirited', šukrá-vāsās ‘bright-robed', sá-cetās, sá-cchandās (TS. v. 2. 11¹) 'consisting of the same metres', sa-jóṣās, sa-práthas, sá-bharās¹ furnished with gifts' (?), sahá-yaśās (TS. IV. 4. 12²) 'glorious', su-dámsās, su-péśās 'well-adorned', su-mánās, su-medhás², su-vásās. N. A. n. ámhas 'distress', áñjas 'ointment', a-dveşás 'without malevolence', ánas 'cart', an-ehás 'without a rivaľ, ándhas 'darkness' and 'plant', ápas 'work', apás 'active', ápnas 'property', ápsas 'hidden part of the body', ámbhas 'water', dyas 'metal', a-raksás 'harmless', a-rapás, árnas 'flood', ávas 'favour', ágas 'sin', ápas 'religious ceremony', úras 'breast', údhas 'udder', énas 'sin', okas 'abode', bjas 'strength', ksódas 'rushing water', cánas 'delight", cetas (VS. XXXIV. 3) 'intellect', chándas 'metrical hymn', jámhas 'course', júvas 'quickness', jráyas 'expanse', tád-apas, tápas 'heat', támas ‘darkness', táras

velocity', téjas 'sharp edge', tyájas ‘'abandonment', dámsas 'marvellous power',

dúvas 'worship', drávinas 'property', dvésas 'hostility', nábhas 'vapour', námas 'obeisance', pákşas 'side', páyas 'milk', pásas (VS. xx. 9) 'penis', pájas 'vigour', páthas 'place', pivas fat', puru-bhojas 'greatly nourishing', péśas 'ornament', práthas 'width', práyas 'enjoyment', psáras 'feast', bhárgas 'radiance', bhásas 'light', mánas 'mind', máyas 'joy', máhas 'greatness', mahás 'great', mŕdhas 'disdain', médas 'fat', yásas 'fame', rákṣas 'damage', rájas 'region of clouds', rápas 'infirmity', rábhas 'violence', rádhas 'bounty', réknas 'wealth', rétas 'flow', répas 'stain', ródhas 'bank', vákşas 'breast', vácas 'speech', váyas 'bird' and I 227 ¹ Probably a transition form (p. 225, 3, 4). | -as_stem occurs only in su-medhásam (once) 2 Perhaps a transfer form from medha-, and su-medhasas (four times in a refrain). since the latter stem is common, while the 15* I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 'food', várivas 'space', várcas 'vigour', várpas 'figure', vag-ijas (VS. xXXVI. I) 'speech-energy', vásas ‘garment', váhas 'offering', védas 'wealth', vépas 'quivering', vyácas 'expanse', vráyas 'superior power', sárdhas 'troop', sávas 'power', siras 'head', sésas 'offspring', frávas 'renown', sa-jósas, sádas 'seať, sánas¹ (Kh. III. 15¹5) 'gain', sa-práthas, sa-bádhas 'harassed', sáras 'lake', sáhas 'force', saháujas (VS. XXXVI. 1) 'endowed with strength', su-rétas, srótas 'stream', svá-tavas 'inherently strong', háras 'flame', hélas 'passion', hváras 'crookedness'. Ending in -ās² (like m.): asrī-váyās³ (VS. xIv. 18), uru-práthās (VS. xx. 39) 'far-spread', úrna-mradas, gurtá-vacas 'speaking agreeably', devá- vyacas 'affording space for the gods', dvi-bárhās, viśvá-vyacās (AV.), vi- spardhās (VS. xv. 5) 'emulating', vīrá-peśas 'forming the ornament of heroes', vilu-haras, sa-práthās (AV. VS. TS.), sumánās (TS. IV. 5. 1²)4. 228 A. m. jarásam 'old age', tavásam 'strong', 'strength', tyajásam 'offshoot', dámūnasam, párīņasam (160)‘abundance', bhiyásam ‘fear', yaśásam, rakṣásam, vedhásam; a-cetásam, ánaṣṭa-vedasam 'having one's property unimpaired', án- agasam, ánu-gayasam followed by shouts', an-enásam (TS.1.8.5³), an-ehásam, apásam, á-pratidhrṣṭa-śavasam ‘of irresistible power', abhibhūty-ijasam, ará- maṇasam 'obedient', a-rādhásam 'not liberal', a-repásam, arcanánasam 'having a rattling carriage' (N. of a man), a-hanásam, úccais-śravasam (Kh. v. 145) 'neighing aloud' (N. of Indra's horse), upāká-cakṣasam 'seen close at hand', uru-cákṣasam, uru-jráyasam 'extending over a wide space', uru-vyácasam, úrṇa-mradasam (VS. II. 2), urdhvá-nabhasam (VS. vI. 16) 'being above the clouds', kşetra-sádhasam 'who divides the fields', gathá-śravasam 'famous through songs', gayatrá-cchandasam (VS. VIII. 47) 'to whom the Gayatri metre belongs', gayatrá-vepasam 'inspired by songs', gír-vanasam 'delighting in invocations', gir-vahasam 'praised in song', gurtá-śravasam, g-arnasam 'abounding in cattle', gó-dhayasam 'supporting cows', cikitvín-manasam 'atten- tive', citrá-mahasam 'possessing excellent bounty', citrá-radhasam 'granting excellent gifts', jágac-chandasam (VS. VIII. 47) 'to whom the Jagati metre belongs', jātá-vedasam, tuvi-rádhasam ‘granting many gifts', tuvi-svanásam 'loud-sounding', tuvy-ýjasam 'very powerful', tristúp-chandasam (VS. vIII. 47), dānáukasam 'delighting (ókas-) in a sacrificial meal', dyuksá-vacasam 'uttering heavenly words', dvi-bárhasam, dví-śavasam 'having twofold strength', dhrsnu- jasam 'endowed with resistless might', náryāpasam 'doing manly (nárya-) deeds', nr-cákşasam, pankti-rādhasam 'containing fivefold gifts', puru-pésasam 'multiform', puru-bhýjasam, puru-várpasam ‘having many forms', puru-vépasam 'much-exciting', prá-cetasam, prá-tvakşasam 'energetic', bráhma-vähasam 'to whom prayers are offered', bhúri-cakşasam 'much-seeing', bhúri-dhayasam 'nourishing many', máno-javasam (TS. II. 4. 7¹), yajñá-vanasam loving sacri- fice', yajñá-vahasam 'offering worship', risadasam, vája-śravasam 'famous for wealth', vi-cetasam, ví-josasam 'forsaken', ví-dveşasam 'resisting enmity', visvá- dhayasam, visvá-bharasam, visvá-vedasam, visvá-vyacasam, visváyu-posasam 'causing prosperity to all men', visváyu-vepasam 'exciting all men', ví-hayasam, viti-rädhasam 'granting enjoyment, sá-cetasam, sa-jósasam, satyd-girvahasam 'getting true praise', satyá-radhasam (VS. XXII. 11), satyá-savasam 'truly vigorous', ¹ Though sánas does not otherwise occur 4 Cp. LANMAN 560; see also the neuters (sana- m. is found as last member of a in ā-s, LANMAN 445 (mid). compound), the context in Khila III. 15¹5 seems to require an A.: ahám gandhárva- rūpeṇa sána á vartayāmi te. 5 For this form, TS. 11. 3. 112 has errone- ously tuviş-maņásam. 6 Also the transition form vayo-dhásam (VS.) 'bestowing strength'. 7 Probably to be explained as a transition form (p. 225, 3). 2 Cp. LANMAN 560. 3 Of doubtful meaning; the form may possibly be N. pl. of asrivi-. Cp. BR. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. sádma-makhasam 'performing sacrifice in a sacred precinct', sa-práthasam (VS. XXI. 3), samudrá-vāsasam 'concealed in the waters', samudrá-vyacasam 'extensive as the sea', sárva-vedasam (VS. xv. 55; TS. IV. 7. 134) ‘having complete property', sahásra-cakṣasam, sahásra-bharnasam 'a thousandfold', sahásra-varcasam 'having a thousandfold power', su-cétasam 'very wise', su- dámsasam, su-péśasam, su-prayásam 'well regaled', su-bhójasam ‘bountiful', su-medhásam¹, su-rádhasam, su-rétasam, su-várcasam (TS. III. 2. 85), su-śrávasam 'famous', srprá-bhojasam having abundant food', svá-yasasam, sv-ávasam affording good protection', hári-dhayasam 'giving yellow streams', hári- varpasam 'having a yellow appearance'. Contracted forms: uśánām N. of a seer, mahám, vedhám. f. usáşam and uşásam², dhvarásam 'deceiving'; án-agasam, an-ehásam, a-rakṣásam, a-repásam, ásva-peśasam decorated with horses', úd-ojasam 'exceedingly powerful', uru-vyácasam, cikitvín-manasam, puru-bhójasam, yāvayád- dveşasam, vája-peśasam 'adorned with precious gifts, visva-dóhasam 'yield- ing all things', viśvá-dhāyasam, visvá-pesasam 'containing all adornment', visvá-bhojasam, śatárcasam 'having a hundred supports' (rcás-), śúci-peśasam 'brightly adorned', sahásra-bharnasam, svá-yasasam, hári-varpasam. Contracted forms: usám, jarám, medham 'wisdom', vayám 'vigour'; án-agam, ap-sarám (AV.) ³. - I. m. jarása, tárūṣasā 'giving victory', tavásã, tvesása 'impulse', párīnasā, bhiyásā, yaśásā, sáhasa 'mighty', havása 'invocation'; an-ehása, a-rakṣása, gó-parīnasa 'having abundance of cows', prthu-pájasã, máno-javasã, viśvá- peśasa, su-péśasa, su-śrávasā, sv-ápasā (VS. xxv. 3). 229 f. uşásā, yajásā 'worshipping'; áti-cchandasă (VS. 1. 27), a-repásā, uru- cákṣasā (VS. IV. 23). n. anjasā, ánasā, ándhasā, ápasā, apásā, a-rakṣásā, árṇasā, ávasā, úrasā (VS.TS.), énasā, ójasā, óhasā ‘prospect', kṣódasā, gó-arṇasā, cákṣasā ‘brightness', cétasă, chándasā (VS. TS.), jávasā and (once) javásā³ 'with speed', tánasā 'offspring', tápasā, támasā, tárasā, téjasā, tyájasă, tvákṣasā 'energy', dámsasa, dóhasa 'milking', dhayasă nourishing', dhrájasā 'gliding power', nábhasă, námasa, páyasā, pájasā, pívasā, péśasā (VS. xx. 41), práyasā, bāhvòjasā, bhrájasa 'lustre', mánasã, máhasa, médasă, yasása rádhasā, réknasā, rétasä, vácasā, glorious', rákṣasā, rájasā, rápasā, vánasā 'enjoyment', váyasā7, várcasā, várpasā, vásasa, váhasā, védasā, vépasā, sávasā, śírasā (Kh. I. 9¹), šéṣasā, śrávasā, sáhasă, su-dámsasā, su-rétasā, srótasã, hárasā, hésasa 'vigour'8. D. m. taváse, duváse 'worshipper', yaśáse, raksáse, vedháse, šikvase 'adroit', sáhase 'mighty'; abhísti-savase 'granting powerful aid', ukthá-vähase 'offering verses', uru-vyácase, rtá-peśase 'having a glorious form', gayatrá-vepase, gir-vanase, gir-vahase, ghorá-cakşase 'of frightful appearance', jatá-vedase, tád-apase, tád- okase, dirghá-yaśase 'renowned far and wide', dirghá-śravase 'famous far 1 Perhaps to be explained as a transition form starting from N. su-medhá-s. 2 In Pada text uşásam. 7 Also the transition form vayo-dhásā (VS. XV. 7). 8 A few forms in -as appear to have the 3 Cp. J. SCHMIDT, Heteroklitische nomina- value of instrumentals as agreeing with a tive singularis anf -ās in den arischen spra-word in that case: vácas (1.26² etc.), yajña- chen, KZ. 26, 401-409; 27, 284; COLLITZ, vacás (AV. XI. 319), sávas (1. 814); édhas (AV. BB. 7, 180; PRELLWITZ, BB. 22, 83. 4 Also contracted to bhișa with adverbial shift of accent occnrring 3 times (bhiyásā 11 times). 5 In IV. 27¹. 6 Cp. GRASSMANN, s. v. yasás-. XII. 3²); cp. BLOOMFIELD, SBE. 42, 645; see LANMAN 562, and cp. CALAND, KZ. 31, 261. 9 Also the transition form candrá-mase (VS. XXX. 21). 230 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. and wide', dyumná-śravase 'producing a clear sound', nr-cákṣase, ny-òkase, pururávase, prthu-jráyase, prthu-pájase, prá-cetase, prá-tavase 'very strong', bráhma-vahase, mṛktá-vāhase ‘carrying off what is injured', N. of a seer, yajñá- vāhase, višvá-cakṣase, ví-hayase, satyá-rādhase, sahásra-cakṣase, svá-tavase, svá-yasase. f. uşáse, vydháse 'furtherance'; áti-cchandase (VS. XXIV. 13), dur-vásase 'ill-clothed', parjánya-retase ‘sprung from the seed of Parjanya'. n. apáse, a-peśáse 'formless', ávase, ójase, cákṣase, javáse, tápase, támase, tárase, téjase (VS. xv. 8), dákṣase 'ability', dháyase, dhruváse 'stopping', nábhase (VS. vII. 30), námase, pájase, práyase, psárase, mánase, máhase (VS. xix. 8), yáśase (VS. xx. 3), yádase (VS. xxx. 20) 'voluptuousness', rákṣase, rádhase, rétase, vácase, várcase, śárase (VS. xxxvIII. 15) 'skin of boiled milk', sávase, śrávase, sáhase, svá-yaśase, hárase. Ab. m. a-rādhásas, jarásas, tavásas, párīṇasas, rakṣásas, sáhasas. f. uşásas. n. ámhasas ³, ánasas, ándhasas, ápasas, árnasas, ágasas (TS. Iv. 7. 15²), énasas, ókasas, jasas, kşódasas, jráyasas, tápasas, támasas, drávinasas, páyasas, pájasas, práthasas, bhámsasas 'intestine', mánasasª, rájasas, rádhasas, védasas, sádasas, sárasas, sáhasas. - G. m. ángirasas, apásas, ápnasas, tavásas, párīṇasas, rakṣásas, vedhásas; án-agasas, ápāka-caksasas 'shining from afar', abhi-vayasas 'refreshing', a-raksásas, upamá-śravasas 'most highly famed', krsná-jamhasas having a black track', jātá-vedasas, danápnasas having abundance of gifts', dirghá-śravasas, dvi- bárhasas, nr-cákṣasas, pári-dveşasas 'enemy', puru-bhéjasas, prthu-śrávasas far- famed', prá-cetasas, prá-mahasas 'very glorious', prayásas (TS. IV. 1. 8²), bhắ- tvaksasas 'having the power of light', vi-cetasas, vidmanápasas 'working with wisdom', visvá-manasas, výka-dvarasass, satyá-radhasas (TS. III. 3.11¹), satyá- savasas (VS. IV. 18) 'having true impulsion', sa-bádhasas, su-prayásas (VS. XXVII. 15), svá-yaśasas. - f. uşásas. n. ámhasas, ánasas, ándhasas, ápasas, áyasas, árnasas, árśasas (VS.XII. 97) 'piles', ávasas, énasas (VS. VIII. 13), ókasas, ójasas, g-arnasas, tápasas (VS. IV. 26; Kh. IV. 1 1¹³), támasas, tyájasas, dákṣasasī, dráviņasas, nábhasas, námasas, páyasas, pájasas (Kh. 1. 7²), práyasas, mánasas, médasas, rájasas, rápasas, rádhasas, rétasas, vácasas, vápsasas 'fair form', váyasas, várpasas, vásasas, śávasas³, śrávasas, sádasas, sárapasas5, sáhasas, hárasas?. Contracted form: nr-máṇās (x. 92¹4). L. m. áigirasi ¹⁰° (VS. 1v. 10), gó-arṇasi, jātá-vedasi, dámūnasi, pṛthu-śrávasi, yajňá-vähasi (VS.IX. 37), satyá-śravasi 'truly famous', N. of a man. f. uşási. — n. ámhasi, ánjasi, apási, ávasi, ágasi, ókasi, krándasi ‘battle-cry', cákṣasi, támasi, námasi, payasi, páthasi (VS. XIII. 53), mánasi, rájasi, radhasi, rétasi, śrávasi, sádasi, sárasi, hédasi (TS. III. 3. 114). V. m. ángiras, nodhas, vedhas; uktha-vahas, upama-śravas, kāru-dhāyas, Also the transition form vayo-dháse (VS. XXVIII. 46). 2 Also the transition form reto-dhásas (VS. VIII. Io). 3 In VI. 3¹ ámhas is probably the stem used instead of the very frequent Ab. ámh- as-as, rather than the Ab. of ámh-, as this would be the only form from such a stem, and the accent would be irregular. 4 Also the adv., in the sense of the Ab., medas-tás (VS. xxi. 60). 5 Of uncertain meaning. - 6 Once the strong form usásas (X. 39¹) for the weak. 7 This, as well as the D. n. dákşase, is a transition form (p. 225, 3). 8 The stem sávas in VIII. 36 may be used for the G. Perhaps also sádas-páti- stands for sádasas-páti-. Cp. LANMAN 5634. 9 Transition forms are járdhasya, nir- avásya; candrá-masas, reto-dhásas (VS.); dákşasas, dosásas (AV.). 10 Also the transfer forms ángire, héle; candrá-masi (AV.). 1 VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. gir-vanas, gir-vahas, jāta-vedas, deva-śravas, dhrsan-manas 'bold-minded', nr-caksas, nr-manas, puru-ravas, pra-cetas, brahma-vahas, mitra-mahas, vaja-pramahas 'superior in strength', visva-caksas, visva-dhayas, visva-manas, vrşa-maņas, satya-rādhas, su-draviņas 'having fine property', su-mahas 'very great', sva-tavas, sv-ojas 3. f. uşas; a-hanas, tigma-tejas (AV. VS.). n. dravinas, śárdhas. 231 Du. N. A. V. m. apásā, tavásā, tośásāª 'showering', yaśásā, vedhasā; a-repásā, āśu-hésasa 'having neighing horses', ya-cakṣasā 'of far-reaching sight', uktha-vahasā, uru-cákṣasā, krsty-ojasa 'overpowering men', gambhira- cetasa 'of profound mind', gó-parīnasa, jätá-vedasā, tád-okasā, na-vedasā, nr-cákṣasā, ny-váhasa 'conveying men', puru-dámsasa 'abounding in wonder- ful deeds', puru-bhojasā, pūtá-dakṣasā 5 'pure-minded', prthu-pákṣasā broad- flanked', prá-cetasã, prá-mahasă, bodhin-manasa, mata-vacasă 'heeding prayers', mano-javasa, yajña-vahasā, riśádasā, vatsa-pracetasa 'mindful of Vatsa', vi- cetasā, vi-pakṣasā 'going on both sides', vipra-vahasa 'receiving the offerings of the wise', viśvá-bhojasā, viśvá-vedasā, vy-ènasa 'guiltless', śréstha-varcasă 'having most excellent energy', sa-jóṣasā, V. sátyaujasā (TS. IV. 7. 15²), sá-manasa 'unanimous', samaná-varcasa 'having equal vigour', sám-okasā, sá-vayasā 'having equal vigour', sá-vedasā ‘having equal wealth', sindhu-vāhasā 'passing through the sea' (?), su-dámsasă, su-prayásā, su-rādhasā, su-rétasā, su-vácasa 'very eloquent, sv-ávasa, hitá-prayasa 'who has offered an oblation of food', híranya-peśasā 'having golden lustre¹6. With au: a-repásau, V. jāta-vedasau (TS. 1. 3. 7²), nr-cákṣasau, prá-cetasau (VS. xxvIII. 7), višvá- sardhasau 'forming a complete troop', sá-cetasau (VS. v. 3; Kh. III. 15¹³), sa- jóşasau (VS. XII. 74), sá-manasau (TS. 1. 3. 7²), sám-okasau (TS. 1. 3. 7²)7. f. uşása and uşásã³, náktoşása 'night and morning', an-ehása, uru-vyácasa, nr-cákṣasā (AV.), bhúri-retasã, bhúri-varpasā 'multiform', visvá-peśasā, sá- cetusā, sá-manasā, su-dámsasãº, su-péśasā. With -au: ap-sarásau (AV.), a-repásau, uşásau (VS.xx1.50), yaśásau; nr-cákṣasau, viśvá-šardhasau, vy- ènasau (AV.) ™O. - n. ándhasi, krándasī, jánasi, drádhasī (TS. III. 2. 2²) 'gar- ments', nábhasī (AV.), nádhasī ‘refuges', pákṣasī (AV.), pájasī, rájasī, vácasī, vásasī (TS. I. 5. 10¹). D. m. sa-jósobhyām (VS. vII. 8). G. n. dikṣā-tapásos¹¹ (VS. IV. 2) 'consecration and penance'. - I In VI. 246 GRASSMANN would read girvaváhas, as N.; cp. LANMAN 564². 2 TS.1.5. 11³ has praceto rájan; the original passage, RV. I. 2414, has pracetā rājan (Pada, pracetaḥ); see LANMAN 564³. 3 Transition forms are sá-pratha (TB.), candra-mas (AV.), vayo-dhas, dravino-das. 4 With lengthened vowel. 5 Probably to be explained as a transition form (p. 225, 3). 6 Also the transition forms candrámasā, surya-candramásā. — Pl. N. V. m. ángirasas, apásas, tavásas, dámunasas, duvásas 'rest- less', mrgayásas 'wild animals', yaśásas, rakşásas, vedhásas, síkvasas; á-giraukasas 'not to be kept back by hymns' (girá), a-cetásas, a-codásas 'unurged', ádbhutainasas 'in whom no fault (énas) is visible', an-avabhrá- radhasas giving undiminished wealth', án-agasas, an-ehásas, a-repásas, á-vicetasas 'unwise', a-sésasas 'without descendants', áśva-radhasas 'equipping horses', á-sami-savasas 'having complete strength', a-hanasas, ukthá-vahasas, úd-ojasas, uru-vyácasas (VS. xxvII. 16), kşetra-sádhasas, gambhīrá-vepasas, 7 Also the transition forms surya-candra- másau, varco-dásau (VS. VII. 27), sa-jóșau. 8 In the Pada text uşásā. 9 In VII. 73¹ puru-dámsā is perhaps a con- tracted form. 10 Also the transition forms žșé (VS.), a-dveşé, vi-dradhé. 11 There are also in the f. the transition forms uṣabhyām I. and ródasos G. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. ghrsvi-radhasas 'granting with joy', ghorá-varpasas of terrible appear- ance', citrá-radhasas, tád-okasas, tuvi-svanásas¹, dvi-bárhasas, dhṛṣnv-òjasas, ná-vedasas, nr-cákṣasas, pathi-rákṣasas (VS. xvI. 60) ‘protecting roads', putá- dakṣasas¹, prthu-pájasas, prá-cetasas, prati-jūti-varpasas ‘assuming any form according to impulse', prá-tavasas, prá-tvakṣasas, prá-śravasas ‘farfamed', bāhv- òjasas, bhalānásas N. of a people, mádhu-psarasas fond of sweetness', mádhye- cchandasas (TS.Iv. 3.11³) 'sun' or ‘middle of the year' (Comm.), yajña-vāhasas, yutá-dveşasas 'delivered from enemies', risadasas, rukmá-vakṣasas ‘wearing gold ornaments on the breast', váruna-seșasas 'resembling sons of Varuņa', vắta- ramhasas, váta-svanasas 'roaring like the wind', vi-cetasas, vidmanápasas, vidyún-mahasas 'rejoicing in lightning', vipra-vacasas 'whose words are in- spired', vi-mahasas 'very glorious', visvá-dhayasas, visvá-mahasas 'having all splendour', visvá-vedasas, ví-spardhasas vying', ví-hayasas, vrddhá-savasas of great strength', śréştha-varcasas, sá-cetasas, sa-jósasas, satya-śavasas, sa- bharasas, sá-manasas, sám-okasas, sá-vayasas, sá-srotasas (VS. XXXIV. 11) 'flowing', sahá-cchandasas 'accompanied by metre', sahásra-pajasas 'having a thousandfold lustre', saháujasas (VS. x. 4), su-cáksasas 'seeing well, su-cétasas, su-dámsasas, su-pīvásas 'very fat', su-péśasas, su-prácetasas 'very wise', su-prajásas² (TS.1.6. 2¹; AV.) 'having a good son', su-mánasas, su-mahasas, su-medhasas ³, su-rádhasas, súra-cakşasas 'radiant as the sun', súrya-tvacasas (VS. x. 4) ‘having a covering bright as the sun', súrya-varcasas (VS. x. 4) 'resplendent as the sun', stóma-vahasas 'giving praise', svá-tavasas, sv-ápasas, sv-ápnasas 'wealthy', svá-yaśasas, sv-ávasas, hitá-prayasas. Contracted forms: angiras, án-āgās, návedās, sajóṣās. f. apásas, uşásas and ușásas5, yasásas; agni-bhrājasas 'fire-bright', an-ehásas, ap-sarásas, uru-vyácasas (TS. IV. 1. 8²), tṛṣu-cyávasas ‘moving greedily', dhánv-arṇasas ‘overflowing the dry land', nr-péśasas ‘'adorned by men', prá-cetasas, prá-svādasas 'pleasant', madhv- arnasas having a sweet flood', vi-cetasas, su-péśasas, súda-dohasas milking sweetness', sv-ápasas, svá-yaśasas. - Contracted forms: medhás; á-joṣās 'insatiable', ná-vedās, su-rádhãs. 232 - N. A. n. ámhāmsi, áňkāmsi ‘bends', ándhāmsi, ápāmsi, árṇāmsi, ávāmsi, ágāmsi, énāmsi, ókāmsi, ójāmsi, kárāmsi ‘deeds', chándāmsi, jávāmsi, jráyāmsi, támāmsi, tvákṣāmsi, dámsāmsi, dúvāmsi, dvésāmsi, páyāmsi, pájāmsi, páthāmsi (VS. XXI. 46), péśamsi, práyamsi, bhásāmsi, mánāmsi, máhamsi, rákṣāmsi, rájāmsi, rápāmsi, rádhāmsi, rétāmsi, ródhāmsi, róhāmsi ‘heights', vákṣāmsi, vácāmsi, váyamsi, váramsi 'expanses', várivāmsi, várcămsi (VS. IX. 22), várpāmsi, vāsāmsi, śárdhāmsi, śávāmsi, śrávāmsi, sádāmsi, sárāmsi, sáhāmsi, skándhāmsi ‘branches', hélāmsi, hvárāmsi. A. m. áñgirasas, dhvarásas, yaśásas, rakṣásas, vedhásas; án-agasas, an-ehásas, á-pracetasas, a-radhásas, uru-cákşasas, tuvi-rádhasas, pūtá-dakṣasas, prá-cetasas, brhác-chravasas, yajñá-vanasas, riśádasas, vi-mahasas, ví-spardhasas, sa-jósasas (VS. III. 44), sá-manasas (VS. VII. 25), su-péśasas, su-rádhasas, sv- ápnasas8 Contracted forms: án-agas, su-medhás9. f. apásas, uşásas ¹0, yasásas; a-javásas 'not swift', an-apnásas 'destitute of wealth', an-ehásas, ap- sarásas, ari-dhayasas ‘willingly yielding milk', gharmá-svarasas? 'sounding like (the contents of) a boiler', tád-apasas, bhúri-varpasas, vája-dravinasas richly ¹ Probably a transition form (p. 225, 3). 2 Probably a transition form (p. 225, 2). 3 Probably a transfer form; see'p. 227, note ². 4 Perhaps also an-ehús (x. 611²); see LAN- MAN 551¹. 7 Probably a transition form (p. 225, 3). 8 Also the transition forms sárdhān, án- āgān. 9 It is somewhat doubtful whether this is a contracted A. pl. (VII. 91³). 5 In the Pada text uşásas. 10 Once also uşásas. In III. 67 and VIII. 6 In I. 112¹8 LANMAN would take ángiras 41³ LANMAN (566) would take ușás as A. pl. sa A. pl. m. without ending. without ending. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. rewarded', vája-śravasas, visvá-dohasas, viśvá-dhayasas, su-péśasas¹. tracted form: usás (IX. 415). I. m. ángirobhis; agni-tápobhis 'having the heat of fire', svá-yasobhis. f. svá-yaśobhis; with -ad-for -o-: usádbhis (44 a, 3). 233 Con- n. á-yavobhis (VS. XII. 74) 'dark halves of the month', árnobhis, ávobhis, bjobhis, chándobhis (Kh. v.34), tápobhis, támobhis, tárobhis, dámsobhis, dvéșobhis, dháyobhis, nábhobhis, námobhis, pákṣobhis (VS.xxIx. 5 ; TS. v. 1. 11²), páyobhis, práyobhis, máhobhis, rájobhis, rádhobhis, vácobhis, váyobhis, várobhis, śávobhis, śrávobhis, sáhobhis. - D. m. ángirobhyas; with -ad- for -o-: svá-tavadbhyas (VS. XXIV. 16). n. médobhyas (VS. XXXIX. 10), rákṣobhyas, váyobhyas (AV.), sárobhyas (VS. XXX. 16). Ab. n. dvésobhyas. G.m. ángirasam, apásām, tavásām, yaśásām, vedhásām; ádbhutainasām, dasmá-varcasām, mahá-manasām 'high-minded', stíma-vāhasām. f. apásām, uşásām; ap-sarásām, nákṣatra-savasam 'equalling the stars in number'. n. chándasām, tárasām (AV.), médasām (VS. xxi. 40), rákṣasām (VS. 11. 23), rádhasām, védasām². L. f. ap-sarássu (Kh. Iv. 8³). - n. ámhassu³ (AV.), údhassu, rájassu, vákṣassu, váyassu (AV.), śrávassu, sádassut. - 7. Stems in -yāms. 345. The primary suffix -yams (137),5 is used to form comparative stems. It is added either directly or with connecting -- to the root, which is always accented. There are seven duplicate stems formed in both ways: táv-yāms- and táv-īyāms- 'stronger'; náv-yāms and náv-īyāms- 'new'; pán-yāms- and pán- Tyāms- more wonderful'; bhiyams- and bhávīyāms- 'more'; rábhyāms- and rábhīyāms- (VS.) 'more violent'; vásyāms- and vásīyāṇs- ‘better'; sáh-yāṇs- and sáhīyāms- 'mightier'. Strong and weak forms are regularly distinguished. In the latter the suffix is reduced by loss of the nasal and shortening of the vowel to -yas. These stems are declined in the m. and n. only, as they form their f. by adding -ī to the weak stem; e. g. préyas-ì- 'dearer'. No forms of the dual occur, and in the plural only the N. A. G. are found. Inflexion. 346. The V. sing. m. ends in -as. The forms actually occurring, if made from kánīyāms- 'younger', would be as follows: Sing. N. m. kániyan, n. kániyas. A. m. kániyamsam, n. kániyas. I. m. n. kániyasā. D. m. n. kániyase. Ab. m. n. kánīyasas. G. m. n. kániyasas. L. m. kániyasi. V. m. kániyas. - Pl. N. m. kániyamsas. A. m. kániyasas. N. A. n. kániyāmsi. G. m. kánīyasām. The forms which occur are the following: Sing. N. m. á-tavyānī not stronger', ójīyān 'stronger', kánīyān, jávīyān 'swifter', jyáyān ‘mightier’, tárīyān³ ‘easily passing through', távīyān 'stronger', távyān 'stronger, dhávīyān 'running fast', návīyān 'new', mámhīyān 'more bountiful', yájīyān 'worshipping more', yodhiyan 'more warlike', vánīyān 'imparting more', váriyan 'better', vársīyān (VS. xxIII. 48) 'higher', vásyan 1 Also the transition forms iḍa-prajasas | for m. apássu; cp. WACKERNAGEL I, p. III, (TS. 1. 5. 6¹; MS. 1. 5³, p. 70). note. 2 The form vayám is perhaps contracted for vayásām (1. 165¹5 etc.); see LANMAN 5523. 5 Cp. J. SCHMIDT KZ. 26, 377—400; HIRT, IF. 12, 201 f. 3 All the Mss. read ámhasu; see WHITNEY'S note on AV. VI. 352. 6 As in the -mant, -vant and -vāms stems. 7 On the Sandhi of these nominatives see LANMAN 514 (middle). 4 The form apásu (VIII. 4¹4) is perhaps | 8 Cp. KEICHELT, BB. 27, 104 f. 1 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 'better', védīyān 'knowing better', śréyan 'better', sánīyān (TS. III. 5. 5³) ‘winning much', sáhīyān 'mightier', skábhīyān 'supporting more firmly'. 234 N. A. n. jiyas 'straighter', jiyas, kániyas¹, jyáyas, távīyas, dáviyas 'farther', drághiyas 'longer', náviyas, návyas, nédiyas 'quite near', préyas 'dearer', bhiyas2 'more', váriyas, várşiyas, vásīyas (TS. VS.), vásyas, śréyas (TS. VS.), svádiyas 'sweeter'. A. m. jyáyamsam, távyamsam, drághīyāmsam, návyāmsam, pányāmsam 'more wonderful, várṣīyāṇsam (AV.), śáśīyāṇsam 3 'more frequent', śréyamsam, sáhīyāmsam (AV.). I. m. jáviyasa, návyasā, bhiyasā, sáhīyasā (Kh. I. 1¹). — n. tėjīyasā 'keener', tvákṣīyasā 'very strong', návīyasã, návyasā, pánya sā, bhávīyasā 'more abundant, bhúyasā, vásyasā, sáhīyasā. D.m. távyase, náviyase, pániyase, pányase, báliyase(AV.) ‘mightier', vársiyase (VS. XVI. 30), śréyase (VS. XXXI. 11), sányase 'older', sáhiyaset, sáhyase, hániyase (VS. XVI. 40) 'more destructive'. n. náviyase, návyase, sányase. Ab. m. táviyasas, rábhyasas 'more violent', sáhiyasas, sáhyasas. n. bhúyasa. sas. G. m. kánīyasas, jyáyasas, távyasas, návīyasas, návyasas, bhúyasas. n. návyasas. L. m. várşıyasi (VS. vI. 11), sáhīyasi. V. m. ójīyas, jyáyas. Pl. N. m. tikṣṇīyāmsas (AV.) 'sharper', bhiyāmsas (TS. VS. AV.), śréyamsas. - n. návyāmsi. - — A. m. kániyasas, nediyasas, bhúyasas, rábhiyasas (VS. xxI. 46), várşiyasas (AV.), vásyasas, váhīyasas 'driving better', śréyasas (VS. TS.). G. m. á-stheyasām 'not firm' (137). The f. form návyasīnām is twice used owing to metrical exigencies instead of návyasam in agreement with marútām 5. 8. Stems in -vāms. or a consonant. 347. The suffix -vāms6 is used to form the stem of the perfect parti- ciple active. Strong and weak stem are regularly distinguished; but the latter assumes two different forms according as it is followed by a vowel The suffix is reduced before vowels, by loss of the nasal and Samprasarana, to us which becomes -uş; before a consonant (i. e. bh), it is reduced, by loss of the nasal and shortening of the vowel, to vas, which becomes -vat. The latter form of the stem occurs only three times in the RV. There are thus three stems employed in the inflexion of these participles: vams, -vat, us. The weakest form of the stem (-us) appears -vāms, instead of the strong twice in the A. sing. m. and once in the N. pl. m. The accent rests on the suffix in all its forms except in compounds formed with the negative a- or with su- 'well' and dus- 'ill', where it shifts to these particles. This declension is restricted to the m. and n., as the f. is formed by adding -ī to the weakest stem, as jagmús-i- 'having gone'. There are altogether (including compounds) about 75 stems in -vams in the RV. Inflexion. 348. No specifically n. forms occur except two in the A. sing. No L. has been met with in any number; all the other weak cases are wanting in The form jávīyas occurs in VS. XL. 4 (Īśā Up.). 2 Once to be read bhávīyas: LANMAN 514ª. 3 Comparative of the root from which śás-vat 'constant' is derived. 4 To be read sáhyase in I. 714. 5 See LANMAN 515. 6 On this suffix cp. J. SCHMIDT, KZ. 26, 329-377. 7 On the formation of this perfect stem, see above 181 and below 491. 8 This form was transferred to the N. A. sing. n. in which no consonant (-bh or -s) followed; cp. 44 a, 3. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. the dual as well as the D. Ab. in the plural. The V. sing. m. is regularly formed with -vas*. The forms actually occurring, if made from cakrváms- 'having done', would be the following: Sing. N. m. cakrván. A. m. cakrvámsam, n. cakrvát. I. cakrúsa. D. m. cakrúşe. Ab. cakrusas. G. cakrúsas. V. m. cakrvas. Du. N. A. m. cakrvámsā. Pl. N. m. cakrvámsas. A. m. cakrúşas. I. m. cakrvádbhis. G. m. cakrúşām. —— The forms actually occurring are the following: Sing. N. m. á-cikitvan 'not knowing', á-prosivan 'not gone away'³, á-rarivān 'not liberal', á-vidvān 'not knowing', cakrván 'having done', cikitván 'having noticed', jaganván 'having gone', jaghanvan 'having slain', jajniváns 'having recognized', jigīván 'having conquered', jujurván 'having grown old', jujusván 'having enjoyed', jujuván having sped', tatanván 'having stretched', ta sthivan 'having stood', dadasván7 'having bitten', dadasván become ex- hausteď, dadyśván 'having seen', dadván 'having given', dadhanvan 'having streamed', dadhrsván having become bold', daśván 'worshipping', dídiván 'having shone', nirjagmiván (TS. IV. 2. 14) 'having gone out', papivan 'having drunk', pupusván 'having made abundant', babhuvan 'having become', bibhīván 'having feared', mamrván 'having died', mīḍhván4 'bountiful', yayiván 'having gone', rariván 'having given', rurukván 'having shone', vavanván 'having accepted', vidván 4 knowing', vivikván ¹0 having divided', vividvan 'having found', vividhván 'having wounded', susukván ¹2 'having shone', suśruván, 'having heard', sasaván 'having won', sasahvan 'having conquered', sahvánª 'having overcome'. II A. m. iyivámsam ¹3 'having gone', cakrvámsam, cakhvamsam ¹4 'stretching out', cikitvamsam, jāgrvamsam 'waking', jujuvamsam, tastabhvámsam 'having held fast', tasthivamsam, dāśvámsam4, dīdivámsam, dúr-vidvāmsam 'ill-disposed', papivamsam ¹5, paptivamsam having flown', pīpivamsam 'having swelled', mamrvamsam, ririhvamsam having licked', varrvamsam having enclosed', vāvṛdhvámsam having grown strong', vidvámsamª, (pra-)vivišivámsam (TS. Iv. 7.15), susuvamsam having increased', sasavamsam, sasrvámsam 'having sped', sāsahvamsam, si-vidvamsam 'knowing well', susupvamsam 'having slept', susuvamsam 'having pressed (Soma)'. Weak forms for strong: cakrúşam (X. 137¹) for cakrvámsam; emuşám (VIII. 66¹) ¹6 'dangerous'. A. n. tatanvát 'extending far', sam-vavṛtvát 'enveloping'. I. m. á-bibhyusa 'fearless', cikitusā 'wise', vidusā 4. bibhyuṣā. 16 n. á-bibhyusa, 1 Cp. the-mant and -vant stems (316) and the -yams stems (346). 2 On the Sandhi of these nominatives see LANMAN 512. 3 From pra and vas- ‘dwell'. 4 Without reduplication. 5 From jñā- "know'. 6 From j- 'conquer'. 7 From dams- 'bite'. —— D. m. á-rarușe, ucise"7 'pleased', cakrúse, cikitúṣe, jagmúse ‘having gone', jigyúṣe, dadāśůṣe 'worshipping', daśúşe¹8, bibhyúse, milhúse¹8, viduse ¹8, seduse¹9 'having sat down'. Ab. m. á-rarușas, jujurúsas. - n. tasthúsas 20 8 From dhanv- ‘run'. 9 LANMAN adds papriván(?). 10 From vic- 'separate'. 235 —

From vyadh 'pierce'.

12 From Suc- 'shine'. 13 From - 'go'. 14 From a root khā-. 15 LANMAN adds paprivamsam(?). 16 From am- be injurious', with weak stem, together with anomalous accent, for

em-i-vamsam; cp. LANMAN 512³.

17 From uc- 'find pleasure'. 18 Unreduplicated form. 19 From sad- 'sit down'. 20 This may be A. pl. m. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. G. m. á-dāśuṣas 'not worshipping", á-raruşas, īyúsas, cikitúşas, jagmúşsas, jaghnúsas, janúsas¹ 'knowing', jigyúsas, tatarúşas having crossed', tasthúsas, dadişas, daśúsas5, dīdīyúsas, papúsas, bibhyúsas, mamrúsas (AV.), milhúsas 5, vividúsas 'having found', sedúsas, susuvúsas. - n. vavavrúsas² 'enveloping'. 236 V. m. cikitvas 'seeing', titirvas 'having crossed', dīdivas ‘shining', míḍhvas 5. - With -van: cikitvan3 (AV.). Du. N. A. m. okivámsāª ‘accustomed to', jaganvāmsā, jāgrvámsā, tasthi- vámsā, dīdivámsā, papivámsā, vavanvámsā, vidvámsā ³, šūšuvámsā, šuśruvámsā. With au: vidvámsau 5. Pl. N. m. á-vidvāmsas, cakṛvámsas, cikitvámsas, jakṣivámsas (TS. 1. 4. 44²) 'having eaten', jaganvámsas, jägrvámsas, jigtvámsas, tasthivamsas, titirvamsas, tuştuvamsas 'having praised', dadrvansas 'having burst', dasvamsas, papivamsas (TS. I. 4- 44²), paptivámsas, mīḍhvámsas, ririkvámsas having abandoned', vidvámsas 5, susukvámsas, śūsuvamsas, sasavámsas, sasṛvámsas, sāsahvámsas, sähvamsas, sí-vidvāmsas (TS. IV. 6. 5²), susupvámsas. Weak form for strong: á-bibhyuşas7 (1. 115). The AV. has the hybrid form bhakti- vamsas 8 A. m. cikitusas, jagmúsas, jigyúsas, tasthúsas, daśúsass, milhúsas 5, vidúsas 5, sedúşas. I. m. jagyvádbhis. — G. m. á-dāśuṣām 5, jigyúṣām, dadúṣām, mīlhúṣām 5, vidusāms. 2. Radical Stems in -s. 349. This declension comprises only radical stems, both monosyllabic and compound, formed from some dozen roots, numbering altogether about sixty. Some forty of these occur in the m., nearly thirty in the f., and half a dozen in the n. Nine monosyllabic stems are f., viz. das 'worship', dis- 'direction', dis 'look', nás- 'night', pás- 'sight', pís- 'ornament', prás-9 'dispute', vis 'settlement', vris- 'finger'; but only two m., viz. is 'lord' and spás- 'spy'; all the rest are compounds, about 20 of which are formed from drs. The inflexion is the same in all genders: the only n. forms which would differ from the m. and f. (N. A. du. and pl.) do not occur. - d. The only trace of the distinction of strong and weak forms appears in the nasalization of the stem in the N. sing. m. of some half dozen compounds of -dyś- 'look' 10. b. As the represents an old palatal (40), it normally becomes the cerebral d before terminations heginning with bh, as vid-bhis; but in dis- and -dr- it hecomes a guttural, owing doubtless to the influence of the k in the N. sing. and L. pl. It regularly becomes k before the -su of the L. pl., where it is phonetic (43 b 2); it usually also becomes in the N. sing. (which originally ended in -s. But in four stems it is represented by the cerehral f, e, g. vit, owing to the influence of forms in which the cerebral is phonetic. In puro-dás 'sacrificial cake', the palatal is displaced by the -s of the N.¹¹. ¹ Unreduplicated form from jñā- 'know'. 2 With anomalous additional reduplicative syllable. 3 AV. VII. 97¹ for cikitvas of the corre- sponding verse of the RV. (III. 2916), as if from a vant stem. 4 From uc- 'be wont'. 5 Without reduplication. 6 From ric- 'leave'. 7 See LANMAN 513³. 8 In AV. VI. 793 for the reading of the edition bhaktivamsaḥ syama the Paipp. has bhakṣimahi. 9 From pras- 'question'. LANMAN would correct the reading of AV. II. 277 to práši, explaining the word as a compound (pra-as-), where the accent práši would be regular. 10 That is, -dri, which in its three occur- rences in the RV. appears before vowels and doubles the i: -drin.

It cannot, however, have been directly

ousted by the N. -s (the former existence of which in consonant stems must have been long forgotten), hut was doubtless due to the influence of ā- stems, such as dravino- dá-s. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. c. There are two transition forms to the a-declension from puro-ḍáš-: purolášena (VS. xix. 85) and puroḍāšśá-vatsā (AV. XII. 4³5) 'having a sacrificial cake as a calf'. The D. infinitive dysáye is a transition to the i-declension, for dré-é¹. - 350. The normal forms actually occurring, if made from víś- f. 'settle- ment', would be as follows: Sing. N. V. vit. A. visam. I. viśá. D. višé. Ab. viśás. G. viśás. L. visi. Du. N. A. visa and visau. - Pl. N. visas. A. víśas. I. vidbhís. D. Ab. viḍbhyás. G. viśám. L. viksi. Forms which actually occur are the following: Sing. N. m. 1. with nasalized stem: ki-dri 'of what kind?', sa-dŕň³ 'resembling'; in VS. xvII. 81: anya-din 'of another kind', i-dŕn 'such', práti- sadri 'similar'4. 2. ending in -k: ī-dýk (AV.), eta-drk 'such', ta-drk 'such', divi-sprk 'touching heaven', ni-sprk5 'caressing', ya-drk ‘of what kind', raṇvá- samdrk 'appearing beautiful', svar-dŕk 'seeing light', híranya-samdrk 'resembling gold', hydi-sprk 'touching the heart'. 3. ending in -t: spát; vi-spát 'spy'. 4. ending in -s: puro-dás 'sacrificial cake' (occurs twice). f. 2. ending in -k: dik (VS. AV.), nák; án-apa-sprk (AV.) ‘not refusing', upa-dik 'aspect', ranvá-samdrk, sam-dik 'appearance', su-dýsika-samdyk 'having a beautiful appearance'. - 3. ending in -t: vit; vi-pät ('fetterless') N. of a river. N. A. n. etä-dŕk6, su-samdýk 'handsome'; ta-dýk may be a neuter in v. 44º. A. m. spáśam; puro-dásam; upari-spŕsam 'reaching above', divi-spŕsam, hrdi-spŕsam; tvesá-samdrsam 'of brilliant appearance', piśánga-samdrśam 'of reddish appearance', ranvá-samdrśam, su-samdrśam; dure-drśam 'visible far and wide', su-drśam 'well-looking', svar-drsam; durá-adiśam7 'announcing far and wide'. f. disam, prášam (AV.), víšam; a-diśam 'intention', rta-sprśam 'connected with pious works', piśánga-samdrśam (AV.), pra-disam 'direction', vi-pasam, śukra-pisam 'radiantly adorned', sam-drśam. I. m. visva-pisa 'all-adorned', su-samdyśa³. f. dãśá⁹, diśá, piśä, visá; pra-disa. n. divi-s n. divi-spŕšā, dūre-dŕśā. D. m. ánar-vise 'seated on the car', i-drse, divi-spŕše, du-dáśe (AV.) 'irreligious', dure-dŕše. — f. disé (AV. VS.), višé; sam-dyseo. - Ab. m. svar-dysas. -f. diśás (AV.), viśás; sam-drśas, sam-spŕsas (VS. XXXVIII. II). — Inflexion. - G. m. upa-spŕsas (AV.) 'touching', divi-sprsas, práti-prāsas¹¹ (AV.) 'counter- disputant', su-drsas, svar-dŕšas, híranya-samdrśas, hrdi-spŕsas. f. diśás (AV.), višás. - n. sādana-spŕsas 'coming into one's house'. ¹ Cp. LANMAN 490¹. 2 kidŕnn i. (x. 108³). L. m. divi-spýsi. - f. diśí (AV.), dṛśí, prāší (AV.), viši; pra-disi, vi-pāsi, sam-dýsi. - V. m. tvesa-samdrk. - 237 Du. N. A. V. m. rta-sprśã, divi-spŕsa and divi-sprśa, mithu-dŕśā 'appearing alternately', svar-dyśa. f. mithu-dŕšā. With -au: visau. Pl. N. m. spášas; upari-spŕšas (AV.), rta-spŕšas, divi-spŕšas, mandi-ni- sprsas fond of Soma', ratha-spŕsas touching the chariot', hrdi-spŕšas; dūre- - 3 sadýnn always before a- in RV. In TS. II. 2. 86 (B) the final is preserved before s: sadynk samānáis. 4 Also sadýn: all four before ca. LANMAN 456¹ and 463¹. Cp. 5 From ni-spy-, BR., GRASSMANN, LANMAN; from ni-sprh- 'desirous of' (loc.), BÖHTLINGK (pw.). — 6 The form manānák (x. 616), perhaps the same as manāk a little', is explained by GRASSMANN as manā-náš dispelling wrath'. 7 For duré-à-dišam. 8 In the Iśa Upanişad (VS. XL. 1) also occurs zsá. 9 Cp. LANMAN 490 (bottom). 10 There is also the transition form drśáye. ¹¹ Сp. WHITNEY's note on AV. II. 271. The accent should be prati-prášas. 238 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. dýśas, yakṣa-dýśas ‘having the appearance of a Yakṣa', su-dŕśas, svar-dŕšas; tveşá-samdrsas, su-samdŕšas; viśva-píšas, su-píšas well adorned'; sú-sadṛśas 'handsome'. - f. díśas, visas; a-disas, ud-disas (VS. VI. 19) 'upper quarters', upa-sprsas, pra-diśas, vi-díśas (VS. vI. 19) “intermediate quarters', sam-djśas. A. m. spáśas; ahar-dŕšas ‘beholding the day', bhīmá-samdrsas ‘of terrible appearance', svar-disas, híranya-samdrsas. f. disas, visas, vríšas; ā-díśas, pra-disas, sam-dýśas. I. m. su-samdygbhis. f. padbhís (IV. 2¹2) 'with looks', vidbhís. D. f. digbhyás (VS. VI. 19). - Ab. f. digbhyás, vidbhyás. G. f. diśám, višám; ä-diśām. - L. f. dikṣú (AV. VS.), viksú. - 1 6. Radical stems in -h. 351. This declension comprises some 80 stems formed from about a dozen roots. All three genders appear in its inflexion; but the neuter is rare, being found in only two stems and never in the plural. Of monosyllabic stems six or seven are f., one m., and one n. All the remaining stems are compounds, about three-fourths of which are formed from the three roots druh-, vah- and sah- (over 30 from the last). The origin of the two stems usníh (AV.) a metre, and saráh-2 'bee' is obscure. a. The distinction of strong and weak appears in compounds of vah- and sah-³, the vowel being lengthened in the N. A. sing. and N. pl. m.; also in the N. A. du. m. forms indra-váha, indra-váhau, anad-váhau; and in the f. sing. N. dakṣina-vat and A. havya-váham. The strong stem -vah- twice appears in weak cases, while it is metrically shortened 18 times in strong cases 4. The word anad-váh- 'ox' (lit. 'cart-drawer') distinguishes three stems, the strong one being anaḍ-váh-, and the weak anaḍ-úh- before vowels and anad-út- 5 before consonants. b. As h represents both the old guttural aspirate gh and the old palatal jh, it should phonetically become g and d respectively before bh. But the cerebral appears for both in the only two case-forms that occur with a -bh ending: sarádbhyas from saráh-, and anad-udbhyas (AV.) from añad-váh-, where the dental d takes the place of the cerebral by dissimilation. Before the su of the L. pl., k would be phonetic; but here again, in the only form occurring, the cerebral appears: anadútsu6. On the other hand the phonetic k appears in the N. sing. in the six forms-dhak, -dhúk, -dhrúk, rúk, -spŕk, uşník (AV.)8; while the unphonetic appears in the two forms -vát and -sát. The word anad-váh- forms, instead of *anad-vát, the anomalous anadván as if from a stem in -vant. C. The stem mahá- is perhaps a transfer to the a-declension from the far more frequent but defective máh- 'great'. Several cases are formed from it: sing. N. mahá-s, G. mahásya, L. mahé; pl. N. mahá and maháni, n., G. mahánām. The D. sing. maháye, used as an infinitive, is a transfer to the i-declension from máh-. Inflexion. 352. The forms actually occurring, if made from sáh- 'victorious', would be as follows: ¹ BLOOMFIELD is of opinion that here, as 7 Occurring respectively in usá-dhak 'burn- well as in the 5 other passages in which ing with eagerness', in three compounds of this form occurs in the RV., it means 'with duh- ‘milk', and in five compounds of druh- feet': Johns Hopkins University Circular, 1906, 'injure'. These three forms, together with | P. 15-19. usar-bhút, are the only examples of the resto- ration of initial aspiration in the declension of the RV. 2 That the h here represents an original guttural is shown by the N. pl. sarághas (SB.) and the derivatives sarágha- and sáragha- (TB.). 3 The Pada text has always vāh- on the one hand, but săh- on the other. 4 Cp. LANMAN 498 (middle). 5 For anad-ud- by dissimilation. 6 The dental again by dissimilation for the cerebral t. 8 The derivation of this word (AV. VS.), is uncertain; it occurs in the RV. only in the extended form of uṣṇihā-. 9 When the final h becomes t, the initial sis cerebralized. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. 239 Sing. N. șắț. V. m. f. șāṭ. A. m. f. sáham. I. sahá. D. sahé. Ab. sahás. G. sahás. L. sahi. - Du. N. A. V. m. f. saha and sáhau. N. A. n. sahí. Pl. N. V. m. f. sáhas. A. m. sáhas and sahás, f. sáhas. D. m. f. sad-bhyás¹. G. m. sahám. L. m. satsú ¹. The forms actually occurring are the following: Sing. N. m. 1. with -k: usá-dhak 'burning with eagerness'; go-dhúk 'milkman', prati-dhúk2 (AV. TS.) 'fresh milk'; akṣṇaya-dhrúk 'injuring wrongly', a-dhrúk 'free from malice', antaka-dhrúk 'demon of death', abhi-dhrúk 'inimical', asma-dhrúk ‘inimical to us'. 2. with -t: sắt; abhi-sắt ‘overpowering, rsi-sắt ‘overcoming the seer, jana-sắt ‘overcoming men, turā-sắt ‘overpowering quickly, nis-sắt ‘over- powering', ni-saț3 (AV.) 'overcoming', pura-sát 'victorious from of old', prtana- sắt 'conquering hostile armies', prāśu-sat 'finishing swiftly', bhuri-sáț+ 'bearing much', rayi-șắt 'ruling over wealth', vane-sát 'prevailing in woods', virā-șaț5 'ruling men', viśvā-ṣáț (AV.) 'all-conquering', vrtha-sát 'conquering easily', satrū-șăț7 (AV.) 'overcoming foes', satra-sát always conquering'; turya-vát (TS. IV. 3. 3²) 'four-year-old ox', ditya-vát (VS. xiv. 10; TS. Iv. 7. 10¹) 'two- year-old ox', pastha-vắt (VS. xIv. 9) four-year-old ox', madhyama-vắt 'driving at middling speed', havir-vát 'conveying the oblation', havya-vát 'conveying the offering'. - Irregular form: anad-ván (AV. TS. VS.) 'ox' ¹0. 10 f. 1. usnik (VS. AV.) a metre, garta-rúk" 'ascending the car-seat', sabar- dhúk 'yielding nectar'. - 2. dakṣina-vát 'borne to the right' ¹2. 12 n. I. puru- sprk much desired'. A. m. I. Strong forms with -váham and -saham (after å) or -şáham (after i orr): anad-váham, turya-váham (VS. XXVIII. 28), ditya-váham (VS. XXVIII. 25), pastha-váham (VS. xXVIII. 29), vīra-váham 'conveying men', svasti- váham 'bringing welfare', havya-váham (also f.); pra-saham 'victorious', yajña- saham ¹3 'mighty in sacrifice', visvä-sáham, satrã-sáham; abhimati-şáham 'con- quering adversaries', rti-sáham 'subduingassailants', ny-saham 'overcoming men', prtanā-sáham ¹4. — With metrical shortening of -sáh- or -sáh-rti-şáham, prtană-şáham ¹4; carşani-sáham 5 ruling over men', pra-sáham, vibhva-sáham 'overcoming the rich', sada-sáham 'always holding out'. - 2. a-drúham, puru- sprham. - f. gúham 'hiding-place', drúham 'fiend', míham 'mist'; usníham (VS. XXVIII. 25); parī-náham 'enclosure'. I. m. dhanvā-sáha 'skilled in archery', puru-spŕhā, visu-drúhā 'injuring in various parts'. f. guhá ¹6, druhá, mahá 'great'; usniha (VS. XXI. 13); pra- sá ha7 'might', vi-srúha 'plant. n. mahá. — D. m. druhé¹8, mahé; a-drúhe, abhi-drúhe, abhimāti-ṣáhe¹9 (TS. v. 2. 7³), carşani-sáhe ¹5, satrã-sáhe 2⁰-f. mahé; usnihe (VS.xXIV. 12); go-dúhe²¹. — n. mahé. 1 To be inferred from anadúdbhyas and anadútsu. 2 There is no evidence to show the gender of this word. 3 For ni-sat. 4 For bhuri-șsát. 5 For vira-şát. 6 For visva-şát. 7 For satru-șāt. 8 Here ditya- seems to be dvitiya-. 9 Probably from pastha-prstha- back'. The TS. (IV. 3. 3² etc.) has pastha-vát with dental for cerebral t. = 10 There is also the transfer form mahá-s, supplying the place of a N. of máh-. 11 For garta-rúk. 12 The N. of saráh- 'bee', occurs as sarát in TS. v. 3. 12² (B) and in ŚB. XIII. 3. 14. 13 For yajña-saham. 14 With unphonetic cerebral after a owing to the influence of the N. pṛtanā-ṣāṭ. 15 The s is here not cerebralized after . 16 guha which occurs 53 times (beside guha, once) is used adverbially, 'in secret', with retracted accent. 17 From pra-sáh, beside pra-sáh-. 18 This form is perhaps f. 19 Strong form for weak. 20 Strong form for weak (II. 212), but the Pada text has satra-sáhe. 21 There is also a transfer to the i-de- clension: maháye (as an infinitive). I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. n. mahás. Ab. m. druhás, mahás; rti-şáhas. f. druhás G. m. druhás, mahás*; a-drúhas, anadúhas (AV.), pṛtanā-ṣáhas; with strong form: abhimati-sahas³. - f. druhás, mihás; pra-sáhas. - n. mahás; puru-sprhas. L. m. anaduhi (AV.) 4. f. upa-náhi (AV.) 'shoe', pari-náhi (AV.). V. 1. m. turā-ṣāṭ (VS. x. 22), pṛtanā-ṣāṭ (AV.), havya-vāṭ. dhuk (AV.). - f. á-dhruk 5. 2. m. go- 240 — - — —— Du. N. A. V. I. m. anaḍ-váhau, indra-váhã and indra-váhau 'conveying Indra', dhur-sahau (VS.Iv. 33) 'bearing the yoke'; shortened: carşani-saha, ratha-sáhā 'drawing the chariot'. - 2. m. a-drúhā, án-abhidruha 'not inimical', puru-spŕha. f. a-drúha, a-druhā. - n. mahí. Pl. N. V. 1. m. anaḍ-váhas (AV.), indra-váhas, turya-váhas (VS. XXIV. 12), ditya-váhas (VS.), pastha-váhas (VS.), prsti-váhas (AV.) 'carrying on the sides', vajra-váhas 'wielding a thunderbolt', vīra-váhas, saha-váhas 'drawing together', susthu-váhas ‘carrying well, havya-váhas; abhimāti-ṣáhas, satrū-ṣáhas; shortened: V. carṣaṇī-sahas. 2. m. drúhas, mahás6; a-drúhas, V. a-druhas, go-dúhas, puru-spŕhas, V. puru-sprhas. I - f.¹ míhas, rúhas'sprouts'; a-drúhas, ā-rúhas (AV.) ‘shoots', ghrta-dúhas 'giving ghee', puru-drúhas ‘injuring greatly', puru-spfhas, pra-rúhas (AV.) 'shoots', mano-muhas (AV.) 'bewildering the mind', vi-srúhas. A. m. druhás, mahás, a-drúhas, anadúhas (AV.), puru-spŕhas. f. drúhas, nihas (AV. VS.) 'destroyers', mihas, rúhas (AV.); akṣā-náhas 'tied to the axle', a-drúhas, upa-rúhas 'shoots', pra-rúhas (AV.), sam-dihas 'mounds'.. D. m. anadúdbhyas (AV.) f. sarádbhyas 'bees'. G. m. mahám, carşani-sáhām (VS. xxvIII. 1). - L. m. anadútsu. ¹ ámhas (VI. 3¹) is probably not an Ab. of ámh 'distress' (which does not occur else- where), but by haplology for ámhas-as, which is very frequent. 2 There is also the transition form mahásya. 3 The Pada text has -sáhas. 4 There is also the transition form mahé - (m. n.). 5 See WHITNEY's note on AV. VII. 736. 7. Stems in semivowels: r, y, v. 353. This group forms a transition from the consonant to the vowel declension inasmuch as the stem often assumes a vocalic form before endings with initial consonant, and in some cases takes endings which otherwise appear in the vowel declension only. The - stems are nearest the consonant declension as their radical division conforms almost without exception to that type; their derivative division, however, has several points in common with the inflexion of vowel stems. 1. Stems ending in -r. 354. A. Radical stems. Here the stems ending in radical must be distinguished from those in which the belongs to a suffix. The radical stems numbering over 50 are formed from some sixteen roots, the vowel of which is nearly always i or u. Only three of these stems contain a and only two a. Nearly a dozen are monosyllabic, but the rest (numbering over 40) are compounds, alınost a dozen of which are formed with -tur. 6 With irregular accent. 7 There are no neuters except the trans- ition forms mahá and maháni. 8 With irregular accent as if weak forms. Cp. above 94, note 6 and LANMAN 501 (middle). 9 The derivation of this word is uncertain: it is explained by Mahidhara as = nihanty-. WHITNEY (AV. 11. 65) would emend to nidas. IO There is also the transition form mahánām. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. A pecu- The inflexion is the same in all genders except the N. A. neuter. liarity is the lengthening of the radical i and u when a consonant ending follows or originally followed ¹ a. The distinction of strong and weak appears in dvår- f. 'door', which is reduced to důr- in weak cases; in tár- and stár- 'star', from which are made tăras and stýbhis; and in the n. svàr 'light' two weak cases, the D. and G. sing., are formed from the con- tracted stem sür-. b. There are here a few transitions to the a-declension: śatá-durasya and šatá- dureşu 'having a hundred doors', which started from weak cases like dúras; su-dhúra-s, N. sing. m. 'well-yoked', due to the A. su-dhir-am; perhaps also the A. sing. f. án-apa- sphura-m 'not pushing away', which occurs beside the N. pl. án-apa-sphur-as². On the other hand the N. pl. m. vandhir-as 'car-seats' seems to be a transition from the a-declension, as vandhúra is probably the older stem. c. The form yan-túr-am guide', which occurs twice for yan-tár-am has been formed as if from -tur owing to the parallelism with ap túram which once appears beside it³. Inflexion. 355. The forms actually occurring, if made from pur- f. 'stronghold', would be as follows: 241 Sing. N. púr. A. puram. I. purá. D. puré. Ab. purás. G. purás. L. puri. Du. N. A. purā and púrau. Pl. N. V. púras. A. púras. I. purbhís. D. pūrbhyás (VS.). G. puram. I. pūrṣú. The forms actually occurring are as follows: Sing. N. m. gir 'praising', vár 'protector'; muhur-gir 'swallowing suddenly'; dur-aśīr 'badly mixed'; rajas-túr 'traversing the air', ratha-túr 'drawing a chariot', visva-túr 'all-surpassing', su-pra-túr 'very victorious'5. f. gir 'praise', dvár (AV.) 'door', dhir 'burden', púr; ama-júr 'aging at home', a-sir6 (AV. TS.) 'mixture'. - N. A. n. vár 'water', súar7 'light'8, súvar (TS. II. 2. 12¹). A. m. túram 'promoter'; ap-túram9 'active', aji-túram 'victorious in battles', rajas-túram, ratha-túram, vrtra-túram 'conquering enemies'; a-júram 'unaging', apa-sphúram 'bounding forth', rta-juram 'grown old in (observing) the law', gávāśiram ‘mixed with milk', yávāśiram ‘mixed with corn', sahásra- dvaram 'having a thousand doors', su-dhúram 'well yoked'¹0. - f. giram, dváram (AV.), dhúram, púram; a-siram, upa-stiram 'cover', sam-giram 'assent'. I. m. bándhura"¹ (AV.) 'binder' (?). f. girá, dhura, purá; abhi-pra-múrā 'crushing', abhi-svára 'invocation', a-sira. - n. visva-túrā. D. m. giré; nis-túre 'overthrowing'. f. upa-stire. n. sūré. Ab. f. dhurás; ni-júras 'consuming by fire'. - 6 From - 'mix'. Indo-arische Philologie. I. 4 G. m. gávāśiras, yávāśiras, radhra-túras 'encouraging the obedient'. f. ama-júras. - n. suras ¹2; rásāśiras 'mixed with juice'. 12. - That is, the -s of the N. sing. m. and f. | 7 This is the only declensional form of This rule also applies in var (1. 132³) if this word occurring in the AV. 8 Neuter compounds ending in - GRASSMANN is right in explaining this form as a N. sing. m. meaning protector', from avoided; thus the AV. has the transition vár (ur- 'cover'); but BR., s. v. vār-, regard form náva-dvara-m, N. n. this form as a corruption. 9 For ap-(a)-s-túram 'getting over work'. 10 There is also the anomalous form yantúram for yantáram. 2 In the later language dvár- f. and púr- f. went over to the a- declension as dvāra- n. and pura n., while vár- n. went over to the i declension as vāri-. II Probably a transfer from the a-declen- sion. 3 See LANMAN 486 (bottom). 12 With the accentuation of a dissyllabic stem (star). In VIII. 61¹7 for sűra á the 4 If this form is not a corruption. 5 There is also the transition form su- Pada text has súre á, but it is probably the G. dhúra-s. suras. In 1. 6610, 6910 the uninflected form suar seems to he used in a G. sense. 16 are I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. L. f. dhuri, puri. n. súar*. Du. N. A. m. vrtra-túra, sanā-júra 'long grown old', su-dhúrā. f. dvárā; mithas-turā 'alternating'; with au: dvárau, dhúrau. 242 - Pl. N. V. m. giras, giras, múras 'destroyers'; ap-túras, a-múras 'destroyers'; gávāśiras, try-àsiras 'mixed with three (products of milk)', dádhy- asiras 'mixed with curds'; dur-dhúras 'badly yoked', dhiya-juras 'grown old in devotion', nis-túras, bandhúras (AV.), vandhiras 'seat of the chariot', vrtra-túras (VS. vI. 34).- f. giras, giras (AV.), taras 'stars'², dvaras³, dvāras, púras; án-apasphuras 'not struggling', amā-júras, mithas-túras. A. m. giras; a-múras, gávaširas, mithas-túras, yávasiras, sam-giras, su-dhúras. - f. giras, dúras, dhúras, púras, psúras5 ‘victuals'; ni-púrast (VS. AV.), parā-púras (VS. AV.), vi-stíras 'expansion', sam-stíras 'con- traction'. I. m. ratha-túrbhis. f. girbhís, purbhís', stybhis 'stars'. D. n. vārbhyás (VS.). G. m. sám-āśirām ‘mixed'. f. girám, purám. L. m. tūrṣú. f. girsi, dhurşú, pūrsú. - n. prtsu-túrsu9 'victorious in battle'. Derivative stems ending in consist 356. B. Derivative stems. of two groups, the one formed with the suffix -ar, the other with -tar. The former is a small group containing only eight stems, the latter is a very large one with more than 150 stems. Both groups agree in regularly distinguishing strong and weak cases. The strong stem ends in ar or -ār, which in the weak forms is reduced to before vowels and before consonants. Both groups further agree in dropping the final of the stem in the N. sing. m. f., which case always ends in -a¹c. They resemble the vowel declension in adding the ending -n in the A. pl. m., and -s in the A. pl. f. and in inserting n before the -am of the G. pl. They have the peculiar, ending ur in the G. sing.". IC - — a. Stems in -ar. 12 357. There are only five simple m. and f. stems in -ar, viz. uş-ár- t. 'dawn', dev-ár- m. 'husband's brother', nánānd-ar- f. 'husband's sister', nár-¹² m. 'man', svásar-¹3 f. 'sister'; and the two compounds svàr-nar- m. 'lord of heaven' and saptá-svasar- 'having seven sisters'. Of these, uşár- shows only case- forms according to the consonant declension, while nár- and svásar- have some according to the vowel declension also. Of nánandar- only the G. and L. sing. and of devár- only the A. sing. and the N. and L. pl. occur. Nearly all case-forms are represented by these five stems taken together. There are also the three neuters áh-ar- 'day', údh-ar- 'udder', and vádh-ar- 'weapon', which occur in the N. A. sing. only. The first two supplement the -an stems áh-an- and úidh-an- in those cases. I This form is used 5 times as a L. sing. dropping the -i like the -an stems, as áhan beside áhani. 2 Strong form of tár- = stár- 'star'. The gender is uncertain. 3 Once the weak form dúras. 4 The strong form dvaras is once used. The accentuation of a weak case, durás, - occurs once. 5 Occurring only in x. 263; it is a n. sing. according to BR. 6 The meaning and derivation of these two words is uncertain; see WHITNEY's note on AV. XVIII. 2²8. 7 From pur 'stronghold' and púr 'abun- dance'. 8 Weak form, accented like a dissyllabic stem. In Kh. 1. 116 normally accented, but spelt with ri as stribhís. 9 With L. pl. ending kept in the first member. Ic In this they resemble the N. m. of nouns of the -an declension. ¹1 Except nár-as and usr-ás. 12 This word is probably derived with the suffix -ar; cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 359. 1 Here -sar is probably a root; cp. BRUGMANN, op. cit., 2, p. 8, footnote. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS. - Inflexion. 358. Sing. N. m. hatá-svasā (AV.) 'whose sisters have been slain'. f. svása; saptá-svasã 'having seven sisters'. - n. áhar, údhar, vádhar. A. m. deváram, náram. - f. svásāram. - I. f. svásrä. — D. m. náre; svár-nare. f. svásre. Ab. f. svásur*. G. m. náras. - f. usrás, nánāndur (AV.), svásur. L. m. nári. f. usri and usrám ³, nánāndarit. V. f. usar. - Du. N. A. m. nárā, V. narā and narau. f. svásārā and svásārau.— L. f. svásros. f. svásaras. Pl. N. m. deváras, náras, V. naras, suar-ṇaras. A. m. nin 5. f. usrás, svásīs. I. m. nýbhis. D. m. nýbhyas. Ab. m. nibhyas. f. svásybhis. G. m. narám and nrnám7. L. devişu, nisu. f. svásrām6 and svásīnām. - - - - 243 - 4 The metre requires nánändri (x. 8546). 5 On nin as a metrically shortened form for other cases see PISCHEL, VS. I, p. 42 f. b. Stems in -tar. 359. This group includes two subdivisions, the one forming its strong stem in -tar, the other in -tar. The former consists of a small class of five names of relationship: three masculines, pi-tár- 'father', bhrá-tar- 'brother', náp-tar-8 'grandson', and two feminines, duhi-tár-'daughter', and mā-tár- 'mother'; and the m. and f. compounds formed from them. The second class consists of more than 150 stems (including compounds), which are either agent nouns accented chiefly on the suffix, or participles accented chiefly on the root. These are never used in the f., which is formed with - from the weak stem of the m., e.g. jánitr-í- 'mother' (377). a. This declension is almost restricted to the m. and f. gender. The only n. stems are dhar-tár- 'prop', dhmã-tár- ‘smithy', sthā-tár- ‘stationary”, vi-dhar-tár- ‘meting out'; and from these only about half a dozen forms occur. The only oblique cases met with are the G. sthātur and the L. dhmätárī (Pada -tári). The N. A. sing. which might be expected to appear as -tár, seems to have attained to no fixity of form, as it was of extremely rare occurrence. It seems to be represented by the following variations: sthātar (VI. 496), sthatin (1. 726), sthātúr (1. 585, 68¹, 707), dhartári (IX. 864²; II. 23¹7), vi-dhartári (VIII. 59²; IX. 474) 9. Inflexion. 360. The inflexion is exactly the same in the m. and f. except that the A. pl. m. ends in -tn, but the f. in -tīs. The forms actually occurring, if made from mātár- f. 'mother', as re- presenting a name of relationship, and from janitár- m. 'begetter', as re- presenting an agent noun, would be as follows: Sing. N. mata; janitá. A. mätáram; janitáram. I. mätrá; janitra. D. mätré; janitré. Ab. matur; janitúr. G. matur; janitúr. L. mātári; janitári. V. mátar; jánitar. Du. N. A. mātárā and matárau; janitārā and janitärau. I. janitýbhyām (VS.). D. janitřbhyam. G. mätrós; janitrós. L. matrós; janitrós. I The ending ur in this declension 6 The only two forms in the derivative -(t)ar appears to represent original -yz through declension in which -ām is added direct to rr; cp. LANMAN 426, BRUGMANN, KG. p. 381 the stem. (middle). 7 Often to be read as nynắm; see LAN- MAN 43. 2 The metre requires uşári. As to the sr cp. 57, I u.. 3 The ending -ām is a transfer from the - declension. The metre requires uşárām in which -am is added direct to the stem. 8 In the RV. this stem occurs in weak forms only, being supplemented in the strong by nápat. The TS. (1 3. 4¹) however has the strong form náptāram with long vowel, like svásāram. 9 See LANMAN 422 f. 16* I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Pl. N. mātárás; janitáras. A. māts; janitřn. I. mātýbhis; janitŕbhis. D. mätýbhyas; janitŕbhyas. Ab. matŕbhyas; janitybhyas. G. matṛṇám; jani- trnám. L. matsu, janitisu. V. mátaras; jánitāras. 244 Forms actually occurring are the following: Sing. N. I. m. pitá, bhrátā; dákṣa-pitā (TS. Iv. 3. 4¹; VS. xiv. 3) ‘having Dakşa as father', tri-mātá ‘having three mothers', dvi-mātá ‘having two mothers', hatá-bhrātā (AV.) 'whose brothers have been slain', hatá-mātā (AV.) 'whose mother has been slain'. f. duhitá, mātá; a-bhratá 'brotherless', sindhu- mātá having a stream as mother'. I 2². m. anv-ā-gantú (VS.xvIII. 59) ³, avitá 'protector', upa-sattá (TS.VS. AV.) 'attendant', krostá ‘jackal' ('yeller'), janitá, jaritá 'praiser', trātá protector', tváṣṭā ‘fashioner', ditá 'giver', dhartá 'supporter', netá 'leader', prati-grahītá (VS. VII. 48) 'receiver', prati-dhartá (VS. xv. 10) 'one who keeps back', pra- vaktá (Kh. Iv. 88) 'speaker', vodhá and vidha 'driving'; etc. A. 1. m. pitáram, bhrátaram; ádri-mataram 'having a rock for a mother', já-mataram 'son-in-law', sindhu-mataram. - f. duhitáram, mātáram, saptá- mataram 'having seven mothers'. 2. m. adhi-vaktáram 'advocate', anu-kṣattáram (VS. xxx. 11) 'doorkeeper's mate', abhi-sektáram (VS.XXX.12) 'consecrator', abhi-sartáram (VS.) 'assistant', ava- sātáram 'liberator', avitáram, ástaram 'shooter', a-yantáram 'restrainer', iş-kartá- ram ‘arranging', upa-manthitáram (VS. xxx. 12) 'churner', upa-sektáram (VS.xxx. 12) 'pourer-out', kártāram 'agent', kṣattáram (VS.xxx.13) 'door-keeper', gántāram 'going', goptáram (Kh.v.33) 'protector', céttaram 'attentive', janitáram (VS.XIII. 51), jaritáram, jétāram'victorious', jostáram (VS.XXVIII.10)ʻcherishing', tarutáram ‘victor', trātáram, tváṣṭāram, dātāram ‘giver', dátāram ‘giving', dhartáram, ni- dātáram 'one who ties up', nis-kartáram (TS.IV.2. 7³)4, netáram 'leader', panitáram ‘praising', pari-veştáram (VS. XXX. 12) 'waiter', pavitáram 'purifier', pura-etáram (VS.xxxIII. 60) ‘leader', pešitáram(VS. xxx. 12) ‘carver', pra-karitáram (VS. xxx. 12) 'sprinkler', pra-netáram ‘leader', pra-dātáram (VS. VII. 46; TS.) 'giver', pra- hetáram impeller', bodhayitáram 'awakener', bhettáram (TS.1.5.64) ‘breaker', mandhatáram 'pious man', marditáram 'comforter', yantáram 'ruler', yántāram 'restraining', yatáram 'pursuer', yoktáram (VS. xxx. 14) 'exciter', rakṣitáram 'protector', vanditáram 'praiser', vi-bhaktáram 'distributor', vi-moktáram (VS.xxx. 14) 'unyoker', śamitáram (VS. XXVIII 10) 'slaughterer', śrtam-kartáram (TS. III. I. 44) 'cooking thoroughly', śrotáram 'hearer', sanitáram 'bestower', sam- eddháram 5 'kindler', savitáram 'stimulator', stotáram 'praiser', hantaram 'slayer', has-kartáram 'inciter', hétaram 'driver', hótaram 'invoker'. I. I. m. nápträ, pitrá, bhrátrā (AV.). — f. duhitrá, mãtrá (VS. AV.). 2. m. ástrā, tváṣṭrā (AV.), dhātrá ‘establisher', pra-savitrá (VS.x. 30) 'impeller', savitrá. · D.I.m. náptre, pitré. - f. duhitré, mātré. – 2. m. ástre (AV.), kartré (AV.), krostré (AV.), jaritré, jóstre (VS. XVII. 56), tvástre (VS. XXII. 20), datré, dhartré (VS.XVII. 56; TS. Iv. 6. 3²), dhātré (AV.), prati-grahītré (VS. VII. 47), raksitré (AV.), vi-dhātré (AV.) 'disposer', samitré (TS. IV. 6. 33³), savitré, stotré, hantré (VS. XVI. 40), hótre. Ab. 1. m. pitur, bhrátur, ví-jāmātur 'son-in-law'. f. duhitúr, mätúr. 2. m. ástur, tvástur (AV.), dhatúr, savitúr, hótur. ¹ On the Sandhi of these nominatives in | cipient use as a periphrastic future: -ā see LANMAN 423-5. follow'. - 2 The nominatives of the m. agent nouns are so numerous (140 in the RV. alone) that examples only can be given here. 3 Used with the A., an example of in- = 'will 4 RV. x. 1405 and VS. XII. 110 have iş-kartáram in the same passage. 5 For *edh-táram, from idh- kindle'. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. CONSONANT STEMS, G. I. m. náptur, pitúr, bhrátur. - f. duhitúr, nánandur (AV.), mātúr. 2. m. abhi-kṣattúr 'carver', avitur, ástur, utthatúr (AV.) 'resolving', kartúr (Kh. IV. 56. 16), cettúr (AV.), janitúr, jaritúr, trātúr, tvástur, dātúr, dhātúr (VS. TS. AV.), ni-dhātúr 'one who lays down', netur, néstur 'leader', mandhātúr, yantúr (VS. Ix. 30), vanditúr, vāvátur 'adherent', vódhur draught-horse', samitur, sanitúr, savitúr, sotúr 'presser of Soma', stotúr, hitur. L. I. m. pitári. f. duhitári, mātári. 2. m. netári, vaktári (AV.) 'speaker', sotári. - With metrically protracted -7: etárī, kartárī, vaktárī ³. V. I. m. jāmātar, pitar, bhratar. f. duhitar, matar. - 2. m. ava- spartar 'preserver', avitar, janitar, jaritar, tratar, tvastar, dartar 'breaker', dosa-vastar 'illuminer of the dark', dhartar, dhātar, netar, nestar, pra-netar, pra-yantar 'bringer', yajña-hotar 'offerer at a sacrifice', vi-dhartar 'ruler', vi-dhatar, vi-sastar (AV.) ‘slaughterer', sanitar, savitar, su-sanitar ‘liberal giver', sotar, stotar (VS. XXIII. 7; TS. VII. 4. 20), sthātar ‘guider', hotar. Du. N. A.V.4 1. m. pitárā, bhrátarã; ihéha-matarā 'whose mother is here and there', dáksa-pitarā, mātárā-pitára 5 'father and mother', sindhu-mātarā. — f. duhitárā, mātárā, sam-mātárā 'twins'. With -au: m. pitárau, sam- mātárau (AV.). - f. duhitárau (AV. Kh. III. 15³), matárau. -2. m. avitárā, a-snātārā 'not (fond of) bathing', ustára 'ploughing bulls', gántārā, coditárā 'instigators', janitárā, dhartáră, ni-cetara 'observers', pretára 'lovers', yantárā 'guides', rakṣitárā, śamitárā, sthátārā, hitārā. — With shortened vowel: manotára 'disposers'. With -au: anu-şthatárau (AV.) 'undertakers', kṣattárau (AV.) 'carvers', goptárau (AV.), datárau, rakşitárau, hótärau (VS. XX. 42), hotārau (TS. IV. 1.8²). With shortened vowel: dhánutarau 'running swiftly', savātárau (VS. xxvIII. 6) 'having the same calf'7. I. 2. m. hátrbhyam (VS.xxx. 53).—D. I. m. pitŕbhyām³.. D. I. m. pitrbhyām ³.-G. 1. m. pitrós. f. matris. - 2. m. pra-śāstrós (VS.) 'directors'. L. I. m. pitrós. - f. matrós⁹. Pl. N. I. m. pitáras, V. pítaras, bhrátaras; dákṣa-pitaras, dákṣa-pitāras 10 (TS. 1. 2. 3¹), gó-mataras 'having a cow for mother', piśni-mataras 'having Prśni for a mother', sindhu-mātaras, su-mātáras 'having a beautiful mother'. f. duhitáras, mātáras, V. mátaras; a-bhratáras and a-bhrátaras (AV.). 2. m. agni-hotāras 'having Agni for a priest', abhi-kṣattáras, abhi-svartáras 'invokers', ástāras, upa-kṣetāras 'dwelling near', gántāras, cetáras 'avengers', jaritáras, jostáras, trātáras, daditáras (VS.VII. 14) ‘keepers’, dātáras, dhartáras, dhátaras, ni-cetáras 'observing' and 'observers', ninditaras 'scorners', ny-patáras 'protectors of men', nétāras and netáras, panitáras, pari-vestáras (VS. VI. 13), pavitáras 'purifiers', pura-etaras (VS. xvII. 14; TS. Iv. 6.14), pra-jñātáras 'con- ductors', pra-netáras, pravitáras 'promoters', pretáras, yantáras, rakṣitāras, vantáras 'enjoyers', vi-dhatáras, vi-yotáras 'separators', samitáras, śrótāras, sanitáras, sotaras, stotaras, sthatáras, sváritāras 'roaring', hétaras, hitāras". - ¹ For *váh-tur, from vah- ‘draw'. 2 GRASSMANN takes this form (v. 4110; VI. 12*) as a N. f. of etár- 'one who approaches or asks'. 3 The Pada text has ¿ in all these forms. Cp. NEISSER BB. 20, 44- 4 In the RV. the ending -à occurs 176 times, -au only 10 times: LANMAN 427 (mid.). 5 A Dvandva compound in which both members are inflected. 6 The shortening is probably metrical. 7 This is the interpretation of the com- mentator; but the derivation of the word is obscure. - - — - 245 — 8 No form in -bhyam with the Ab. sense occurs. 9 These G. L. forms as well as svásros must be pronounced trisyllabically in the RV. except matrós in VII. 3%. See LANMAN 428. 10 With long grade yowel. II The form vasu-dhataras (AV. v. 276) may be N. pl. with shortened vowel, but WHIT- NEY regards it as a comparative N. sing. 'greater bestower of wealth'. See his note on AV. V. 276. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. A. I. m. pitýn³; dákṣa-pitṛn, pŕśni-mātṛn. f. mātis². 2. m. ástrn, a-snātŕn, kartŕn (AV.; Kh. iv. 5³º), goptřn (AV.), jaritŕn, trātŕn, dātŕn, pätŕn (AV.) 'drinkers', pra-vodhŕn 'carrying off', stotýn, sthatýn, hótrn. I. I. m. niptrbhis, pitŕbhis, bhrátṛbhis; saptá-mātṛbhis. - f. matjbhis. 2. m. ástṛbhis, kartýbhis, dhātýbhis, partýbhis ‘with aids', setýbhis 'bindings', sotibhis and sótrbhis, hetýbhis, hótrbhis. 246 D. I. m. pitýbhyas. - f. mātŕbhyas. — 2. m. kṣattybhyas (VS.XVI. 26) 'cha- rioteers', rakṣitibhyas (AV.), stotýbhyas, sam-grahītŕbhyas (VS.xvI. 26) 'drivers'. Ab. I. m. pitrbhyas. f. matybhyas. G. m. 1. pitřnám ³. - 2. unnetřnám (VS. VI. 2) kind of Soma priests, jaritṛṇám, datṛṇámª (AV.), dhatṛṇám, stotṛṇám, hótṛṇām. --- With r: 1. pitrnám dātřnám4 (TS. I. 3. 6¹ etc.); 2. dhatrnám (TS. IV. 7. 143), netrnám (TS. 1. 3. 6¹)5. L. 1. m. pitsu (AV.). f. matrşu. 2. m. hótysu. - — - 2. Stems in y and v. 361. These stems, of which there are only five, form a transition to the vowel declension because, while taking the normal endings like the ordinary consonant declension, they add -s in the N. sing. m. f. and show a vowel before the endings with initial consonant. There are no neuter forms 6. a. Stem in -ây (-ai). 362. This type is represented by only one word, usually stated in the form of rái, which never appears in any case. This word, which is both m. and (rarely) f., means 'wealth', being in origin doubtless connected with the root rā- 'give'. The stem appears as rūy- before vowels and rā- before The forms occurring are: Sing. A. rám. I. raya. D. rāyé. Ab. rāyás. G. rāyás¹. Pl. N. ráyas. A. rāyás³. G. rāyám. consonants. a. The inflexion of ráy- is supplemented by rayi-, m. f., from which occur the addi- tional cases sing. N. rayis, A. rayim, I. rayyá and rayinā; pl. L. rayibhis, G. rayīņām. b. There are three forms which seem to be irregular compounds of ray-: sing. G. ydhád-rayas (fincreasing wealth') N. of a man, D. brhád-raye 'having much wealth', and du. N. šatá-rā ‘having a hundred goods'. In the first two forms the vowel of the stem has probably been shortened metrically 9; in the third form, the stem as it appears before consonants has been used. 1 On the Sandhi of these accusatives see LANMAN 429. 2 Once with m. ending mātřn (x. 35²). 3 With n before the ending -ām as in the vowel declension, and accent shifted to the ending as in the i- and u- declension when those vowels are accented. b. Stems in -av (-o) and -äv (-au). 363. There are two stems in -ar, viz. gav- m. 'bull', f. 'cow', and dyáv- m. f. heaven', 'day'. Both distinguish strong forms, in which the vowel is lengthened; both take -s in the N. sing. before which the end of the stem assumes the form of -au. Both show various irregularities in their inflexion. 4 See WHITNEY's note on AV. v. 24³. 5 Also udgātṛṇām (TS. III. 2. 95) and bhrá- trnām (TS. 11. 6. 6²). See BENFEY, Vedica, p. 1-38; IS. 13, 101; LANMAN 430. 6 Except the isolated dyavi occurring once as V. du. of dyáv- 'heaven'. 7 The G. a few times has the irregular accent rayas. 8 Accented thus 22 times as a weak case in the RV., and four times rayas as a strong case (also VS. 11. 24). The SV. I. 4. 1.41 has the A. pl. ras in the variant adhad ráḥ for adhatta of RV. VIII. 96¹3. 9 According to BR. and GRASSMANN, they are formed from the stems byhád-ri- and rdhád-ri-. Cp. LANMAN 431. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. STEMS IN SEMIVOWELS. The inflexion of gáv-, which is almost complete (the only forms not represented being the weak cases of the dual) is as follows: Sing. N. gaus. A. gám. I. gáva. D. gáve. I. gáva. D. gáve. Ab. gós. G. gos. L. gávi. - Du. N. A. gáva and gavau. Pl. N. güvas. A. gás. I. góbhis. D. gibhyas. G. gúvam and gśnām. L. gisu. V. gavas. a. Three of these forms, gắm, gắs, gós must, in the RV., be read as dissyllables in a few instances, though this is doubtful in the case of gás ¹. b. The normal G. pl. gávam, which is by far the commoner, occurring 55 times in the RV., is found only 3 times at the end of a Pada (which in two of these instances ends iambically); the irregular G. gónām ², occurring 20 times in the RV., is found at the end of a Pada only. The use of the latter form thus seems to have arisen from metrical exigencies. c. It is to be noted that from the point of view of accentuation the stem is not treated as a monosyllable, since the Udätta never shifts to the ending in weak cases. d. There are three compounds formed from this stem: á-gos 3 G. sing. m. having no cows'; prśni-gavas N. pl. m. 'having dappled cows'; rúsad-gavi L. sing. f. 'having bright cows'. 364. The strong form of dyáv- (in which they has often to be read as i) is dyáv-, which appears as dydu- before the -s of the N., and with loss of the final u, in the A. sing. dyam 5. The normal stem dyáv- appears in weak cases only, in the contracted Ab. G. dy's and the L. dyávi; it is otherwise entirely displaced by the Samprasāraṇa form div- (from which the accent shifts to the ending in weak cases) before vowels and dyú- before consonants. The weak grade stem div- has not only entirely ousted dyáv- from the I. D. sing., and largely from the Ab. G. L. sing., but has even encroached on the strong forms: divam occurring (21 times) beside dyám (79 times), and divas (once) beside dyávas (22 times) in the N. pl. Similarly dyú-7 has displaced dyáv- in the weak plural forms: A. dyún (for *dyávas) and I. dyúbhis (for *dyó-bhis). 247 The inflexion of dyáv- is less complete than that of gåv-, the D. Ab. G. L. pl. being wanting as well as all the weak cases of the dual. The forms occurring are the following: Sing. N. dydus. A. dyám; divam. I. divá. D. divé. Ab. dyós; divás 8. G. dyis; divás⁹. L. dyávi; divi¹0. V. dyáus and dyàus". Du. N. A. V. dyáva¹2; dyavi¹3. Pl. N. V. dyávas; divas ¹4 (once). A. m. dyún; f. divas ¹5 (twice). I. m. dyúbhis ¹6. — a. The A. dyắm seems to require dissyllabic pronunciation in a few instances. The form dáus occurs once (1. 718) as an Ab. instead of dyos. The form dívam doubtless made its way into the A. sing. owing to the influence of the very fre- quent weak cases divás etc., which taken together occur more than 350 times in the RV. I See LANMAN 431 (bottom). The form gavas is actually used for the A. in Kh. II. 6¹5. Formed on the analogy of the vowel declension. 3 This might be formed from the reduced stem á-gu-. 4 There is also from the reduced stem g-the A. sing. m. prśni-gum, as the N. of a man. 5 For *dyd[u 6 Like gds for *gávas. 7 Based on diu-. 8 In the RV. dyós occurs only twice as Ab., divás 50 times. like gắm for *gium 9 In the RV. dyós occurs 4 times as G., divás 180 times. 10 dyávi occurs 12 times, divi 118 times in the RV. II dyàus, that is, diaus occurs only once and is to be read as a dissyllable. 12 In the G. du. of the Dvandva divás- pythivyós, the G. sing. takes the place of the G. du., which would be divós. 13 The neuter form used once for the m. 14 Also twice in AV. 15 Also 3 or 4 times in AV. 16 dyún and dyúbhis occur only in the RV. or in verses borrowed from the RV. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. b. Starting from div-ás etc. a transition stem divá- according to the a- declension came into being. From this occur the forms divá-m 'heaven' and divé-dive 'every day', and in compounds tri-divá-m (AV.) 'third heaven', tri-divé, su-divá-m (AV.) bright day'. c. It is to be noted that the accentuation of forms from div- follows the rule of monosyllables, while that of forms from dyáv- and dyú-, as may be inferred from dyávi and dyúbhis, does not, being the same as that of gáv-. d. The following case-forms of compounds of dyáv- occur: sing. N. pra-dyáus (AV.) 'highest heaven', I. pra-diva, Ab. pra-divas, L. pra-divi; áhar-divi 'day by day'; du. N. A. prihivi-dyava earth and heaven', dyávā-kṣámā, dyávā-prthiví, dyává-bhumi heaven and earth', vrsti-dyāvā 'having a raining sky'; pl. N. vrsti-dyāvas, su-divas. 248 365. There are two stems in -ãv, viz. náv- (náu-) f. ‘ship', and gláv- (gláu-) m. or f. 'lump'. The inflexion is very incomplete, as no dual and only two plural forms are found; but as far as can be judged from the forms occurring it is quite regular, the accentuation being that of monosyllabic stems. The forms of náv- are: Sing. N. naus. A. návam, su-návam 'good ship' (VS. xxI. 7). I. nāvá¹. G. navás. L. naví. Pl. N. návas. I. naubhís. only the two forms N. sing. gláus (AV.) and I. pl. — From glav- occur glaubhís (VS. xxv. 8)². B. Vowel stems. 366. The vowel declension comprises stems ending in a, i, u, both long and short. These differ considerably in their inflexion according as they are radical or derivative. The radical stems, which virtually all end in the long vowels ā, ī, ū³, are allied to the consonant declension in taking the normal endings; but they add -s in the N. sing. m. f. The derivative stems, which end in both long and short vowels, modify the normal endings considerably; though they for the most part add -s in the N. sing. m. f., those in -ā and -ī regularly drop it. I. a. Stems in radical -ā. 1 367. Radical ā- stems are frequent in the RV., but become less common in the later Samhitãs where they often shorten the final vowel to à and are then inflected like derivative a-stems. The great majority of the forms occurring are nominatives or accusatives, other cases being rare and some not occurring at all. In the RV. the N. sing. forms with a occur ten times oftener than those with the shortened vowel à, and five times oftener than the forms with a in the AV. On the other hand, the AV. has only slightly more forms with ā than with à, and no m. forms at all from ā- stems in the oblique cases. This tendency to give up the à forms in the later Samhitās may be illustrated by the fact that the forms of the RV. N. sing. carṣaṇi- prá-s 'blessing men', nama-dhá-s 'name-giver', prathama-já-s 'first-born', V. soma- pa-s 'soma-drinker', are replaced in the AV. by carşani-prá-s, nama-dhá-s, prathama-já-s5, V. soma-pa respectively. This declension includes stems formed from about thirty roots. Of these, four appear as monosyllables in the m.: já- 'child', trá- 'protector', dá- 'giver', stha- 'standing'; and seven in the f.: ksá-6 abode', -khá- 'well', gná-7 'divine 1 There is also the transition form accord- | consonant declension by almost always ing to the à declension I. sing. nāváyā, the adding the root determinative -t. accentuation of which indicates that it started from nāvá. 4 See LANMAN 435¹. 5 The form prathama-ja-s, however, also occurs in the AV. 6 From kşā- = kşi 'dwell', 'rule'. 3 These, however, by being shortened 7 Perhaps formed with suffixal à from a often appear secondarily as a, i, u, when root *gan- and sometimes to be pronounced they are inflected like derivative stems. as a dissyllable (ganá-), but inflected as if Radical and 7 stems have joined the a radical stem. 2 The N. pl. glāvas also occurs in the AB. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. woman', já-'child', jyá- 'bowstring', má-'measure', vrá-¹'troop'; the rest appear only at the end of compounds: -krá-² 'doing', -krá-3 'scattering', -ksá- 'ruling', -khá-'digging', -khyá- 'seeing', gá-'going', -gá- 'singing', -já- 'born', -jñá-'knowing', jya- 'power', -ta- 'stretching', -dá- giving', -dra- 'sleeping', -dha- 'putting', -dhat- sucking, pá- guarding', pá- 'drinking', prá- 'filling', -bhá- 'appearing', -má- 'measuring', yá- ‘going', -vá- 'blowing', -sa- 'winning'5, -stha- 'standing', -sná- 'bathing', -há- 'starting'. These stems are inflected in the m. and f. only. There are no distinctively n. forms, as the stem shortens the radical vowel to à in that gender and is consequently inflected according to the derivative a-declension. a. Three anomalously formed m. derivative stems in -ã follow the analogy of the radical ā-stems. I. From the adverb tá-tha 'thus' is formed the N. sing. á-tathā-s ‘not saying "yes". 2. ušánā-, N. of a seer, forms its A. uśánām and D. uśáne 7; the N. sing. being irregularly formed without -s, has the appearance of a N. sing. f. from a derivative a-stem8. 3. The strong stem of pathi- 'path' is in the RV. pánthä- only: N. sing. pántha-s (+ AV.), A. pántha-m (+ AV.), N. pl. pánthas. The AV. also uses the stem pánthan-, from which it forms N. sing. pántha (once), A. pánthanam (once), and N. pl. pánthanas. Though the stem pánthan never occurs in the RV., the evidence of the Avesta points to its having been in use beside pántha- in the Indo-Iranian period 9. The A. pánthām ¹º, as a contraction of pánthānam, may have been the starting point of the N. sing. pánthā-s. Inflexion. 368. The forms occurring in the oblique cases are so rare that some endings, such as those of the L. sing., G. L. du. and G. pl. are not represented at all. The m. always takes -s in the N. sing., but the f. often drops it, doubt- less owing to the influence of the f. of derivative a-stems. Excepting the few forms occurring in the D. and G. sing. ", the N. sing. with -s is the only case in which the inflexion of the radical stems can be distinguished in the f.¹² from that of the derivative a-stems in form ¹3. The forms actually occurring would, if made from já- 'offspring', be the following: Sing. N. m. f. já-s, f. also já. A. m. f. jä-m. I. f. j-á. D. m. f. j-e. G. m. j-ás. V. m. jä-s. Du. N. A. V. m. já, jáu. I. jä-bhyām ¹4. PI. N. m. f. jás. A. f. jás. I. m. f. já-bhis. D. f. já-bhyas. Ab. m. já-bhyas. L. f. jä-su. The forms actually occurring are the following: Sing. N. m. já-s¹5 ‘child', dã-s¹6 ‘giver', sthá-s 'standing'. dadhi-krá-s ¹7, From an extended form of the root vr-ition forms L. sing. āpayāyām, N. of a river, 'surround'. and puro-dhayām (AV.). 2 An extension with -ā of kr- ‘do'. 3 An extension with - of kr- 'scatter'. 4 The root mla- 'soften' occurs in the modified form of -mna in carma-mnă- 'tanner'. 12 The N. sing. with -s is about as common as that without it in the RV., the latter occurring in late hymns; in the AV. the former are less common.

3 But on etymological grounds other cases

may commonly he distinguished as belonging to either one group or the other; thus A. f. á-gopām 'having no herdsman' must be regarded as a radical ā-form, because the m. is almost without exception go-pá-m, and not as a derivative f. from go-pă-. 14 Contrary to the rule generally applicable to monosyllable stems, the accent remains on the radical syllable throughout. 5 Four of these roots, khā-, gã-, jā-, sā-, are collateral forms of others ending in a nasal, khan-, gam-, jan-, san-; cp. DELBRÜCK, Verbnm, p. 92 f., LANMAN 442. 6 Five N. sing. m. forms with -s are found in agreement with n. substantives. 7 There is also a L. sing. uśáne, which is formed as if from an a-stem. 249 8 The starting-point of this may have been usánām as a contracted A. for usánasam. 9 See LANMAN 441. to The aualogy of pathi- is followed by mathi- 'churning-stick', which once has the A. form mánthă-m. — 15 LANMAN 443 thinks gá-s in x. 1278 is a N. sing. 'singer' (ga- 'sing'), hut it is probably the A. pl. of go 'cow'. 16 Also dha-s in TS. II. 6. 44. 17 These compounds are arranged accord- 1¹ There are otherwise only the f. trans- | ing to the alphabetical order of the roots. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. N. of a divine horse. rbhu-kså-s lord of the Rbhus'. -bisa-khá-s 'digging up lotus fibres'. agre-gå-s (VS.XXVII. 31; Kh. v. 6¹) 'going before', an-a-gá-s 'not coming', puro-gá-s ‘leader', samana-gá-s ‘going to the assembly'. ga-s 'singing chants'. sāma- adri-jă-s 'produced from stones', apsu-já-s 'born in the waters', ab já-s 'born in water', abhra-já-s (AV.) 'born from clouds', ṛta-já-s 'truly born', rte-ja-s ‘produced at the rite', go-ja-s 'born from the cow', tapo-ja-s (VS. xxxvII. 16) 'born from heat', divi-ja-s born in the sky', deva-já-s 'god- born', dvi-já-s 'twice-born', nakşatra-já-s (AV.) ‘star-born', nabho-já-s 'produced from vapour', nava-já-s 'newly born', pura-já-s 'primeval', pūrva-ja-s ‘born before', prathama-já-s 'first-born', bahu-pra-já-s 'having numerous progeny', manusya-já-s born of men', vane-ja-s 'born in woods', vata-ja-s (AV.) 'arisen from wind', sana-já-s 'born long ago', saha-ja-s 'born together', saho-ja-s 'pro- duced by strength', su-pra-já-s 'having good offspring', hiranya-já-s (AV.) 'sprung from gold'. rta-jná-s 'knowing the sacred law'. parama-jyá-s 'holding supreme power'. apana-dá-s (TS. VS.) 'giving the downward air', atma-dá-s 'granting breath', ayur-dá-s (TS. VS) ‘granting long life', āsīr-dá-s (VS.XVIII. 56) 'fulfilling a wish', ojo-dá-s 'granting power', go-da-s 'giving kine', cakṣur-da-s (TS.Iv.6.15) 'giving sight', dravino-da-s 'giving wealth', dhana-da-s 'giving booty', prāṇa-da-s (VS. TS.) 'life-giving', bala-da-s ‘giving power', bhūri- dá-s giving much', rāṣṭra-dá-s (VS.x. 2) 'giving dominion', varivo-dá-s (VS. TS.) 'giving space', varco-da-s (VS. TS.) 'giving vigour', vasu-dá-s (AV.) 'giving wealth', vyana-da-s (VS.TS.) 'giving breath', sahasra-da-s 'giving a thousand', saho-da-s 'giving strength', svasti-da-s 'giving happiness', havir-dá-s (AV.) 'giving oblations', hiranya-da-s yielding gold'. abhi-dhá-s (VS. XXII. 3) 'surrounding', kiye-dhá-s 'containing much', cano-dhá-s (VS. vIII. 7) 'gracious', dhāma-dhá-s ‘founder of dwellings', dhiyam-dhá-s 'devout', nama-dhá-s 'name- giving", bhaga-dhá-s (TS. Iv. 6. 3¹) 'paying what is due', ratna-dhá-s 'pro- curing wealth', reto-dhá-s 'impregnating', vayo-dhá-s 'bestowing strength', varco-dhá-s (AV.) ‘granting vigour, višvá-dhā-s (VS. 1. 2) 'all-preserving', sarva- dhá-s 'all-refreshing'. adhi-pá-s 'ruler', apana-pa-s (VS. xx. 34) 'protecting the downward breath', abhisasti-pá-s 'defending from imprecations', abhiști- pá-s¹ 'protecting with assistance', aprita-pá-s (VS. VIII. 57) 'guarding when gladdened', ayus-pa-s (VS. xxII. 1) life-protector', rta-pá-s 'guarding divine order'; go-pa-s 'herdsman', á-gopa-s 'lacking a cowherd', devá-gopa-s ‘having the gods for guardians', su-gopă-s 'good protector', sóma-gopā-s 'keeper of Soma'; cakṣus-pá-s² (VS. II. 6) 'protecting the eyesight', tanu-pá-s 'protecting the person', nidhi-pá-s (AV. VS.) ‘guardian of treasure', paras-pa-s² protecting afar', pasu-pá-s 'keeper of herds', prāṇa-pá-s (VS. xx. 34) ‘guardian of breath', vrata-på-s 'observing ordinances', sevadhi-pa-s 'guarding treasure', sti-pa-s 'protecting dependents', sva-på-s³ (AV.) 'protector of his own'. ăn tu pā-s 'not drinking in time', rtu-pá-s ‘drinking at the right season', pūrva-på-s 'drinking first', suta-på-s 'drinking the Soma-juice', soma-pá-s 'drinking Soma', hari-pa-s 'drinking the yellow (Soma)'. antariksa-prá-s 'traversing the air', kratu-prá-s 'granting power', carşani-prá-s 'satisfying men', rodasi-prá-s4 'filling heaven and earth'. rna-ya-s 'exacting obligations', eva-ya-s 'going quickly', tura-ya-s 'going swiftly', deva-ya-s 'going to the gods'. ap-sa-s 'giving water', asva-sa-s giving horses', dhana-sa-s "winning wealth', vāja-sa-s 'winning booty', sata-sá-s 'gaining a hundred', sahasra-sá-s 'gaining a thousand'; go-șă-s 'acquiring cattle', ny-sa-s 'procuring men', su-șá-s gaining 250 - ― - - - — 1 In abhiştipasi (II. 202), where the Pada| 3 The Pada text of AV. III. 31 divides text reads abhiști-pă asi. See LANMAN 443 | sva-páḥ; but the correct division may be (bottom). su-apaḥ; see WHITNEY's note. 2 On the Sandhi in this compound cp. 78 c. 4For rodasi-pra-s. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. easily', svar-sá-s 'winning light'. ádhara-sthā-s¹ (Kh. II. 8²) 'subordinate', ṛta-sthi-s (AV.) 'standing right', rocana-sthá-s 'abiding in light, supa-sthắ-s² (VS. xxi. 60; TS. 1. 2. 2³) 'forming a good lap'; ange-sthá-s (AV.) 'situated in a member of the body', adhvare-stha-s 'standing at the sacrifice', giri-stha-s 'mountain-dwelling', ni-sthá-s 'excelling', puru-ni-sthá-s 'excelling among many', bhuvane-sthá-s3 (AV.) 'being in the world', mamhane-sthá-s 'liberal', madhyame- sthá-s (AV. VS. TS.) 'standing in the middle', rathe-sthá-s 'standing on a car', vandane-sthá-s ‘mindful of praises', vandhure-sthá-s 'standing on the car-seat', savya-şthá-s4 (AV.), hari-sthá-s 'borne by bay horses'. - ghrta-sná-s 'sprinkling ghee'. Also the abnormal forms á-tatha-s 'not saying "yes", pánthā-s 'path'. 'f. ksá-s 'abode', gná-s 'divine woman', ará-s5 (1. 1248) 'troop'. rta-pá-s, rte-já-s, kula-på-s (AV.) 'chief of a family', go-dhá-s6 'sinew', go-pa-s (AV.) 'female guardian', go-sa-s, divi-ja-s, divo-já-s born from heaven', vane-ja-s, vayo-dhá-s (AV.), vasu-dá-s (AV.), śata-sá-s, samana-gá-s, sahasra-sá-s7. Without -s in the Pada but with hiatus in the Samhita³: jyá ‘bowstring'; ni-drá 'sleep', pra-pá 'place for watering', śrad-dhá 'faith', sva-dhá ⁹ 'self- power'; un-má (TS.) 'measure of height', prati-má (TS.) 'counter-measure', pra-má (TS.) 'fore-measure', vi-má (TS.) 'through-measure' 1⁰ Without -s as in the derivative a declension: já (AV.), má (TS. Iv. 3. 7¹) 'measure'. ápa-gā¹¹ (AV.) 'going away', abhi-bhá 'apparition', á-samjña (AV.) 'discord', upa-já (AV.) ‘distant posterity', go-dhá ¹², dur-gá (AV.) 'hard to go upon', devá- gopā, dyu-ksá 'heavenly', pra-já 'offspring', prati-má 'image', pra-pá (ÂV. III. 306), pra-má 'measure', madhu-dhá ¹3 'dispensing sweetness', śrad-dhá (AV.), sana-já, svá-gopā 'guarding oneself', sva-dha. IO - VI. DECLENSION. — n. With -s and agreeing with n. substantives: sthá-s 'stationary'; indra- já-s (AV.) 'descended from Indra', fata-sá-s, su-pra-ya-s 'pleasant to tread on', soma-já-s¹4 (AV.) 'Soma-born'. A. m. jám, trắm 'protector', sthám.— dadhi-krám, rudhi-krám N. of a demon. tamo-gám 'roaming in the darkness', tavā-gám 'moving mightily', svasti-gám 'leading to prosperity'. sāma-gám. agra-jám 'first-born', ab-jám, nabho- jam, pura-jám, prathama-jám, bharesu-jam existing in battles'. - án-asva-dām 'not giving horses', án-aśīr-dām 'not giving a blessing', a-bhikṣa-dám¹5 *giving without being askeď, upa-dăm (VS. xxx. 9) ‘giving a present', jani-dám 'giving a wife', dravino-dám, dhana-dám, rabho-dám 'bestowing strength', vasu-dám, saho-dám, havir-dám (AV.). ratna-dhắm (AV., VS. IV. 25), reto-dhám (VS. VIII. 10), vayo-dhắm, varivo-dhắm ‘granting space', varco-dhăm (VS.Iv.11), vipo- dhám 'inspiring'. abhisasti-pám, go-pám, tanu-pám, ni-sikta-pám 'protecting the infused (semen)', vrata-pám. - añjas-pám 'drinking instantly', śrta-pám 'drinking boiled milk', soma-pám. antariksa-prám, kaksya-prám 'filling out the girth', The Ms. reads ádhira-sthā nīnašat. 2 That is, su-upa-sthá-s. 3 While Kh. III. 222 has in the same verse bhúmane-ştháḥ (sic). 4 The Pada reads savya-stháḥ; see APr. II. 95, and cp. WHITNEY's note on AV. VIII. 823. 5 N. sing. GRASSMANN and LANMAN, N. pl. | NEY's note on AV. 1. 345. ROTH and SĀYAŅA. 6 The derivation is uncertain. 7 The above are the only N. sing. f. forms written with -s in the Pada text. - 8 It may therefore be assumed that the N. was formed with -s. — 251 |(1. 1656) and svadhámitā (V. 34¹), where it must be pronounced with hiatus. 9 Cp. RPr. II. 29. With regard to sva-dhá, the Samhita text is inconsistent, writing it contracted with a following vowel in svadhásit ('destroying'). 10 All these four compounds of mā- 'measure' occur in TS. IV. 4.11³; see TPr. x. 13, IS. S. 13, 104, note ². 1¹ BR. would accentuate apa-gắ; cp. WHIT- 12 Probably go-dhắs in x. 28¹¹; cp. LANMAN 445- 13 Also maryáda limit' if marya-dā, but the derivation is doubtful. 14 These forms must be regarded as m. used as n. Cp. the -as forms of -as stems used as n. (344). 15 According to the Pada text abhi-kşa-dám I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 2 carsani-prám, ratha-prắm 'filling a car', rodasi-prắm *. ap-sắm, uroarā sắm 'granting fertile land', ksetra-sám 'procuring land', dhana-sám, sada-sắm 'always gaining', sahasra-sắm; go-sám, svar-sám. - rocana-sthúm, sv-asa-sthám (VS.II.2) 'offering a good seat'; giri-sthám, nare-sthám 'serving for a man to stand on', ni-sthám, karma-nişthám 'diligent in religious acts', pathi-sthám (AV.) 'being on the way', pathe-sthắm 3 'standing in the way', pari-sthắm 'surrounding', parvate-sthám 'dwelling on the heights', barhi-sthám 4 'standing on the sacrificial grass', rathe-sthám, rayi-sthám (AV.) possessed of wealth', hari-şthám. - Also the abnormal derivative forms pántham, mántham 'churning-stick'. f. ksám, khám 'well', gnám, jám, jyám, vrám. — á-gopam, antarikṣa- prám, ava-sám 'liberation', áśva-sám, upa-vám (AV.) 'act of blowing upon', uru-sám 'granting much', rta-jñám, tiro-dhám (AV.) 'concealment', dur-dhám 'disarrangement', dhana-sám, pra-jám, prati-dhám (AV.) 'draught, prati- sthám ‘standpoinť, pra-vám (AV.) ‘blowing forth', pra-hám 'advantage', yakṣmo- dhám³ (AV.) ‘maker of disease', vaja-sám, śrad-dhắm, sabhám ‘assembly', su-prajám, sva-jám 'self-born', sva-dhám, svar-sám. 252 I. f. apa-dhá 'concealment', abhi-khya 'splendour', a-stha 'without standing'7, asír-dá (VS.) 'fulfilment of a wish', prati-dhá, prati-sthá³, sva-dhá. D. m. dé; kilala-pé ‘drinking (the beverage called) kīlāla', dhiyam-dhé 'devout', pasu-sé 'bestowing cattle', rayas-posa-dé (VS. v. 1) 'granting increase of wealth', suci-pé 'drinking the clear (Soma)', śubham-yé 'flying swiftly along', havir-de. f. ksé; śrad-dhé⁹. Also the infinitives pra-khyái 'to see', vi-khyái 'to look about; parā-dải ‘to give up; vayo-dhái ‘to strengthen’; prati-máivo ‘to imitate'; ava-yái 'to go away', a-yái 'to approach', upa-yai 'to come near', pra-yái 'to go forward; ava-sái¹¹ to rest'¹² 12 G. m. krsti-prás 'pervading the human race', pašu-sás¹³. V. m. rta-pa-s (TS. III. 2.8¹), rtu-pa-s, puro-ga-s (TS. v. 1.114), bhúri-da-s, śukra-puta-pa-s 'drinking bright and purified (Soma)', suci-pa-s, śrotra-pa-s (VS. xx. 34) 'protecting the ear', suta-pa-s, soma-pa-s ¹4. Du. N. A. V. m. kaksya-prá, go-pá, gharmye-stha 'being in a house', chardis-pá protecting a house', jagat-pá 'protecting the living', tanu-pá, tapus-pá 'drinking warm beverage', dravino-dá ¹5, paras-pá, purā-já, púru-tra protecting much', vaja-da 'bestowing vigour, suci-pa, su-gopa, soma-pá, sti-pá. With -au: á-krau* 'inactive', a-doma-dháu (AV.) ‘not causing inconvenience', adhva- gáu 'travelling', go-páu, go-pau, madhu-pau ‘drinking Soma', rayi-dáu 'bestowing wealth', suta-pau¹7. I For rodasi-prám. 2 The D. case-form of nf- 'man' being retained in the compound. 3 The L. of the stem patha- retained in the compound. pathi- being = 4 barhi- for barhiş-: see 62. 5 With the N. case-form retained in the compound; see WHITNEY's note on AV. Ix. 89. 6 The derivation of this word is uncertain. 7 Used adverbially 'at once'. - — 8 Cp. LANMAN 447¹. There are also the transition forms jyáyā, prajayā. 9 Also the transition form prajayai. 10 The infinitive prati-mé is probably a locative. - . 12 See below, the Dative Infinitive, 584. 13 The form jás- in jás-pati- (1. 1858) lord of the family' is probably a f. G. of ja-; and gnás probably G. of gná- in gnäs-páti- 'husband of a divine woman'. There are also the transition forms jyayās and pra- jayas. 14 There are also in the f. the transition forms gange, śrad-dhe, tiro-dhe (AV.) 'conceal- ment'. ¹1 These dative infinitives are formed by combining the full root with the ending -e, while in the ordinary datives the radical a seat'. is dropped before the ending. 15 The Pada text reads draviņo dáu. 16 Some of these duals in -au may be formed from radical stems with shortened -a; cp. LANMAN 450¹ 17 There are also the f. transition forms rdu-pé 'drinking what is sweet', purva-jé born before', sv-asa-sthé 'sitting on a good VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. I. Only four compounds of -pā in TS. III. 2. 10²: kratu-pábhyām watching one's intentions', cakṣus-pábhyam, vak-pábhyam 'protecting speech', śrotra- pábhyām ¹. Pl. N. V. m. rbhu-kṣās.- agni-jás (AV.) 'fire-born', d-pra-jās 'childless', apsu-jás (AV.), oṣadhi-jás (AV.) 'born among herbs', khala-jás (AV.) ‘produced on a threshing-floor', deva-jás, pura-jás, prathama-jás, pravate-jás 'grown in an airy place', raghu-jás 'produced from a racer', saka-dhuma-jás (AV.) 'produced from cow-dung', su-pra-jás, sva-jás. rta-jñás, rta-jñas, pada-jñás 'knowing the track'.- asva-dás 'giving horses', asír-dás (VS. VIII. 5), go-dás, dravino-dás, dhana-dás, vara-dás (AV.) 'granting boons', vastra-dás and vaso-dás giving garments', hiraṇya-dás. jani-dhás (x.295), dhiyam-dhás, ratna-dhás, reto- dhás, vayo-dhás. payo-dhás 'sucking milk'. kula-pás 'heads of the fa- mily'; go-pás, indra-gopas 'protected by Indra', devá-gopas, väyú-gopas pro- tected by Wind', su-gopás; tanu-pás, pašu-pás, vrata-pás. agre-pás ‘drinking first', añjas-pás, payas-pás ‘drinking milk', manthi-pás³ (VS. vII. 17) 'drinking the stirred Soma', soma-pás, síma-pās (AV.), havis-pás ‘drinking offerings'. carma-mnás 4 'tanners'. -jma-yás 'going on the earth'. dhana-sás, sada-sás, sa hasra-sás. prthivi-sthás 5 'standing on the earth', rathe-sthás, harmye- ghrta-snás 'sprinkling ghee'. Also the ― - - - — - 2 sthás ‘dwelling in the house'. abnormal derivative pánthäs¹. f. gnás, vrás. á-gopas, ava-sthas 'female organs', áhi-gopas 'guarded by the dragon', a-tas 'frames', rta-jñás (AV.), giri-jás 'mountain-born', jarani-prás2, devá-gopas, deva-yás, pada-jñás (AV.), pra-jás, prathama-jás, pra-yás 'advance', manusya-jás (AV.), vaksane-sthás being in Agni' (?), vaja-dás, susma-dás 'bestowing strength', su-gopás, soma-pás, svayam-jás8 'self-born'. A. m. There is no certain example: vane-jás (x. 797) is possibly one ⁹. f. kṣás, gnás, jás. án-agni-trās 'not maintaining the sacred fire', anu- sthas following in succession', asva-dás, deva-yás, pari-jás (AV.) 'places of origin', pari-sthas impediments', pra-jás, manusya-jás, vi-sthas positions', sahá- gopas 'accompanied by herdsmen', su-gás 'easy to traverse', sva-dhás. f. gnábhis; rtu-pábhis, ratna-dhábhis, prajábhis, I. m. agre-pábhis. śrad-dhábhis, sva-dhábhis. D. f. pra-jábhyas. Ab. m. bhūri-dábhyas ¹⁰. L. f. kṣásu, gnásu, jásu; á-tāsu¹¹, pra-jásu, sabhásu. - I In the L. du. there also occur the f. transition forms janghayos (AV.) and sva- dháyos. 2 Of doubtful meaning. 3 The stem is manthi-pá- according to BR. 4 From Vmla: 'softening hides'. 5 Pythivi- = prthivi.. 6 With the L. ending retained in the first member of the compound. 7 The form pánthāsas also occurs once. It is doubtful whether the plurals dyu-kşásas and priya-sásas are to be regarded as formed from a stems. Such plurals are probably made from a stcms. 253 - - I b. Stems in Radical -a. 369. These consist almost entirely of stems in radical a which has been shortened to d. With the exception of khá-12 'aperture' they occur at the end of compounds only. They are: -ksṣá- ‘dwelling', khá-, gá- 'going', -gá- 'singing', -já- ‘born', -jya- 'bowstring', -ta- 'stretching', -tra-¹3 'protecting', dá- ‘giving'¹4, -dá- 'binding", -dhá- 'putting', pá- 'guarding', -pá- 'drinking', prá- 'filling', -mná- 8 There is also the f. transition form náva-gvās. 9 Cp. LANMAN 4514. 10 In the G. occur the f. transition forms pra-jñánām (AV.) 'fore-knowing', vi-bhánām 'radiant'. = ¹1 Probably from tā- tan- 'stretch'. 12 The nominatives drá-s and vrá-s in AV. XI. 73 (also nyá-s, 74) are of unknown meaning (see WHITNEY's note). 13 Cp. GARBE in KZ. 23, 476, 480. 14 Perhaps also -dra- 'running' in krsna- drá-m (AV.). I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 'thinking', -mla-¹ 'softening', -sá- 'winning', -sthá- 'standing'; also -grá-² 'swallow- ing', gva-3 'going', -há-4 'slaying'. These stems are inflected in the m. and n. only. This is the form assumed in the n. by all radical ā-stems (367). 254 Inflexion. 370. The inflexion of the radical a-stems is identical with that of the derivative a-stems (371). The forms which occur are the following: Sing. N. m. dyu-kṣá-s 'dwelling in heaven'. su-khá-s having a good (axle) hole'.. agre-gá-s 'going in front', ašum-gá-s (AV.) ‘swift-going', rju-gá-s (AV.) 'going straight on', patam-gá-s5 'going by flight, vala-gá-s (AV.) ‘hidden in a cave', sitim-gá-s (AV.x1.5¹²) 'white-goer', su-gá-s ‘easy to traverse'. dása- gva-s7 'going in tens', náva-gva-s7 'going in nines' 8.— a-já-s ‘unborn', adhri-ja-s 'irresistible', eka-já-s (AV.) ‘produced alone', jarāyu-já-s (AV.) ‘viviparous', ni-já-s (AV.) ‘familiar', prathama-já-s (AV.) 'first-born', samudra-já-s (AV.) ‘sea-born', stamba-já-s (AV.) ‘shaggy'(?). · - an-anu-dá-s 'not giving way', dānu- dá-s ‘dripping', dāyā-dá-s (AV.) ‘receiving (ā-da-) inheritance (dāya-), prāṇa-dá-s 'life-giving'. -nama-dhá-s (AV.) 'name-giver'. ākūti-prá-s (AV.) 'fulfilling wishes', kāma-prá-s (AV.) ‘fulfilling desire', carṣaṇi-prá-s (AV.) ‘satisfying men’, prthivi-prá-s (AV.) 'earth-filling' 0 - apnaḥ-sthá-s 'possessor', go-şthá-s (AV.) 'cow-pen', puru-nisthá-s 'excelling among many'. satru-há-s (AV.) 'slaying enemies', sahasra-há-s (AV.) ‘slaying a thousand'. IO N. A. n. khám 'aperture'.- a-doma-dám (AV.) 'not causing inconvenience', antári-kşam 'air', krsna-drám (AV.) 'black runner' (?)¹¹, tuvi-kşám 'destroying many', dur-gám impassable', dyu-kṣám, prathama-jám (AV. VS.), vắta-gopam (AV.) 'guarded by the wind', vrtra-hám 'slaying foes', satra-hám 'always destroying', sadhá-stham 'abode', su-gám, su-mnám 'benevolent'. A. m. atithi-gvám ('to whom guests go') N. of a man, an-ānu-dám, arāti-hám (AV.) 'destroying adversity', aśva-pám (VS. xxx. 11) 'groom', á-sva- gam (AV.) 'homeless', eka-jám, garbha-dhám (VS. TS.) 'impregnator', grha- pám (VS.xxx.11) ‘guardian of a house', go-pám ‘herdsman', carma-mnám (VS.) ‘tanner', tri-șthám 'having three seats', dása-gvam, dāva-pám (VS. xxx. 19) 'forest-fire guard', dyu-kşám, patam-gám, prathama-jám (VS.xXXIV. 51), madhu- pám 'honey-drinker', vana-pám (VS. xxx. 19) 'wood-ranger', vala-gám (AV.), vitta-dhám (VS.xxx. 11) 'possessing wealth', su-khám, su-gám (AV.), hasti-pám (VS. xxx. 11) 'elephant-keeper'. - — I. m. rathe-sthéna 'standing on a car'. n. antári-ksena, rtá-jyena 'whose bowstring is truth', kama-préna, su-géna (AV.), su-mnéna. D. m. atithi-gvaya, dyu-ksáya, patam-gáya, rathe-sthaya¹². n. parás- paya (VS.) 'protecting from afar', su-mnaya. Ab. m. rsya-dắt (x. 39³) 'pit for antelopes'. n. antári-kṣāt¹3, dur-gat, sadhá-sthat. 4 A reduced form of han- 'slay'. 5 See BARTHOLOMAE, BB. 15, 34 and cp. BB. 18, 12. - - 6 The etymology and meaning are some- what doubtful; cp. IS. 4, 304. 7 These two compounds as well as atithi- gvá- and éta-gva-, are with more probability derived from a reduced form of go- 'cow' by - I In the form of-mna-in carma-mná-‘tanner'. | BLOOMFIELD, AJPh. 17, 422-27; cp. above 2 An extension of gr- 'swallow'; cp. -krā- and ura- among the radical ā- stems. p. 153 (mid.). 8 The compound puro-gavá-s 'leader' pos- 3 In its original form perhaps gvā; a sibly = *puro-gvá-s; but it is probably a reduced form -gu- appears in vanar-gú- 'forest- | governing compound; cp. above, p. 176¹. roaming'. 9 See WHITNEY's note on AV. III. 5². 10 Also pašu-sa-s (v. 41¹) if it is N. sing. and not a G. of pašu-șă-. ¹1 Сp. WHITNEY's note on AV. Ix. 7ª. 12 svajaya (AV.) is analyzed by the Com- mentator as sva-jaya 'self-born', but is ex- plained by WHITNEY (AV. VI. 56²) as 'con- strictor' (from svaj- ‘embrace'). 13 See LANMAN 337. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. 255 G. m. a-jásya, atithi-gvásya¹. - n. antári-kṣasya, asthi-jásya (AV.) 'pro- duced in the bones', tanu-jásya (AV.) 'produced from the body', su-mnásya. L. m. dáša-gve, náva-gve, ratha-samgé 'encounter of war-cars', sam-sthé 'presence', sam-gé 'conflict', su-khé, svargé 'going to heaven'. n. antári-kse, khé. karanja-hé 'pernicious to the Karañja tree', dur-gé, bhayá-sthe 'perilous situation', sadhá-sthe, su-mné. V. m. eka-ja, dyu-kşa, patam-ga (AV.), soma-pa (AV.) 'drinking Soma'. 2 Du. N. A. m.² éta-gva 'going swiftly'. - A. n. sadhá-sthe. Pl. N. V. m. ajya-pás (VS. xxI. 40) 'drinking clarified butter', éta-gvās, tanū-jás (AV.), tapojas (AV.) produced by austerity', dása-gvās, náva-gvās, patam-gás, vala-gás (AV.), su-gás. Also four forms with asas: dáśa-gvāsas, dyu-kṣásas, náva-gvāsas, priya-sásas3 'granting desired objects'. N. A.n. 1. ámsa-tra 'armour protecting the shoulder', antárikṣa, durgá, prathama-já4 (AV.), sadhá-stha, su-gá, su-mná. 2. khổng. antári-kṣāni, ararín-danis, durgáni, sadhá-sthani, su-gáni, su-mnáni. A. m. go-pán, tapo-ján, dur-gán (AV.), patam-gán, pūrva-ján (TS.) 'born before', śrta-pan 'drinking boiled milk', saha-ján (TS.) 'born at the same time', su-gán, soma-pán (AV.). I. m. 1. tuvi-grébhis 'swallowing much', mithó-avadya-pebhis 'mutually averting calamities', ratna-dhébhis 'preserving wealth', sāma-gébhis (AV.) 'reciting chants', su-gebhis. 2. á-tais "frames', dása-gvais, náva-gvais, dhana-sáis 'winning wealth', náva-gvais, patam-gáis, su-kháis. n. I. madhu-pébhis, su-gebhis, su-mnébhis. -2. su-mnáis. - D. m. purva-jébhyas. G. m. dvi-jánām (AV.) 'twice-born', sakam- jánām 'being born together'.- L. m. dravino-déşu 'giving wealth', su-khésu. - n. dur-gésu, sadhá-stheṣu, su-géşu, su-mnésu. - 2 a. Derivative stems in -a. BENFEY, Vollständige Grammatik p. 293-317. WHITNEY, Grammar 326-334 (p. 112-116). LANMAN, Noun-Inflection 329-354. - I svajásya in AV. X. 410. 15 is according to WHITNEY 'constrictor', not sva-jásya 'self- born'; cp. p. 254, note 12. 2 Some of the m. duals given under the radical ā-declension ought possibly to be placed here. 3 There is no reason to suppose that any of these are plurals of a stems, since the first three appear as å stems only and priya-sa- does not otherwise occur. The pl. 371. This is the most important of the declensions as it embraces more than one-half of all nominal stems. It is also the most irregular inasmuch as its ending diverge from the normal ones more than is elsewhere the case. This is the only declension in which the N. A. n. has an ending in the singular. Here the I. D. Ab. G. sing. are peculiar; and in the plural, the A., the G., one of the forms of the I. and of the N. A. n. do not take the normal endings. The final vowel of the stem is also modified before the endings with initial consonant in the du. and pl. Three of the peculiar case-endings of the sing. (I. Ab. G.) are borrowed from the pronominal declension, while in the pl. two of the case-endings (G. and N. A. n.) are due to the influence of the stems in -n. This is the only declension in which the Ab. sing., as a result of taking the pronominal ending, is distinguished from the G. As else- where in the vowel declension, the N. sing. ni. here adds the ending -s throughout; but the V. sing. shows the bare stem unmodified. This declension includes pánthāsas, occurring once beside the ordinary panthas formed from the anomalous deri- vative ā- stem pántha-, proves nothing regard- ing radical ä- stems. 4 This is the reading of the Pada text, the Samhita having -jă r- (70 a). 5 A word of uncertain meaning. 6 Two other forms, átās and átāsu are formed from the f. stem of this word, a-tā-, which is probably a radical ā- stem. 256 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. m. and n. stems only, as the corresponding f. follows the derivative ā-declension. There is here no irregularity in the accent, which remains on the same syllable in every case except the V., where it of course shifts to the first. Inflexion. 372. The inflexion of the n. differs from that of the m. in the N. sing. and the N. A. du. and pl. only. In the G. L. du. y is inserted between the final -a of the stem and the ending -os. The forms actually occurring, if made from priyá- 'dear', would be the following: Sing. N. m. priyá-s, n. priyá-m. D. priyaya. Ab. priyát. G. priyásya. Du. N. A. m. priyá and priyáu, I. D. Ab. priyábhyām. G. L. (priyayos. Pl. N. m. priyás and priyasas, n. priyá and priyáni. A. m. priyán, n. priya and priyani. I. priyáis and priyébhis. D. Ab. priyébhyas. G. pri- yaṇām. L. priyésu. V. priyās and priyāsas. Owing to the enormous number of words belonging to this declension, only forms of commonest occurrence will be given below as examples under each case. A. priya-m. I. priyéņa and priyá. L. priyé. V. priya. n. priyé. V. m. priyā and priyau. Sing. N. m. This case is formed in the RV. by 1845 a-stems and occurs more than 10000 times. The most frequent substantive is indras N. of a god, found more than 500 times; next in order come sómas (220) N. of a plant, devás (203) 'god', mitrás (132) N. of a god, várunas (94) N. of a god. A. m. After the N. sing. m., the A. sing. m. is the commonest declensional form in the RV., being made from 1357 stems and occurring nearly 7000 times. The nouns most frequently found in this case are indram (335), sómam, (212), yajnám (183) 'sacrifice', vájam (123) 'vigour', súryam (90) 'sun', hávam (88) 'invocation', vrtrám (82) N. of a demon, stómam (77) 'praise'2. I N. A. n. This is the only declension in which these cases take an ending. They here add-m, being thus identical in form with the A. sing. m.³. They are very frequently used, being formed from about 950 stems and occurring, taken together, more than 4000 times. Examples are: rtám (70) 'sacred order', ghṛtám (47) ‘clarified butter', padám (46) “step', rátnam (44) 'wealth', sakhyám (43) friendship’, dráviņam (41) ‘wealth', satyám (40) 'truth'. I. m. n. 1. The usual form of this case ending in -ena is very frequent, being formed from more than 300 stems nearly equally divided between m. and n. The commonest forms are: m. súryena (37), indrena (34), vájrena (33) 'thunderbolt', yajñéna (13). - n. ghrténa (31)5. a. The final vowel appears lengthened in about twenty-five forms: amŕtenā (AV.) ‘ambrosia', á-šivenā 'malevolent', ájyenā 'melted butter’, ṛténā, kávyenā 'wisdom', kúliśenā ‘axe', pétvenā 'ram', taviséņā 'strong', dáksinenā 'right', dáivyena 'divine', bákurenā 'bagpipe', bhadréņā (AV.) 'excellent', mártyenā 'mortal', márutena 'consisting of storm-gods', raváthena 'roar, várunena, vithurénā 'staggering', vi-ravéna 'roar', vīryèna 'heroic power', vrjánenā might', vrṣabhéna 'bull', sahasyena 'mighty', sáyakena 'missile', súryenā, skámbhanenā The pronominal forms tám and yám | mining whether a word is m. or n.; cp. occur 509 and 259 times respectively in LANMAN 331 (middle). the RV. 2 On the occasional elision of the -m be- fore iva and subsequent contraction, see LANMAN 331. 3 For this reason there is in some in- stances not sufficient evidence for deter- 4 On occasional elision of the final -m and subsequent contraction, see LANMAN 331. 5 The final vowel is twice naşalized: ghanénam ékas (1. 334) and téjanenaṁ ékam (1. 1105). VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. 257 'support'. These forms regularly occur where the metre at the end of a Pāda favours a long vowel; e. g. skámbhanenā jánitrī (III. 31¹2), but kámbhanena skábhīyān (x. 1115); on the other hand, the long vowel appears to be used arbitrarily at the beginning of a Päda, though the short vowel here is much more frequent. Hence the à seems to be a survival and not to be due to metrical exigencies. 2. There are also more than a dozen forms made with the nominal ending -ā. In the m. there are no quite certain examples beyond yajña; possibly also krāṇá ‘acting', ghaná ‘club', džná ‘gift'², camasa ³ 'cup'. The n. forms are kavitvá and kavitvaná 'by wisdom', taranitvá 'by energy', mahitvá and mahitvaná 'by greatness', ratna-dhéya 'by distribution of wealth', ráthya 'belonging to a car', vīryà 'with heroism', sakhya 'with friendship', sarva-ratha with the whole line of chariots', su-háva 'with good invoca- tion'4. This ending is also preserved in a few instrumental adverbs: and hereby', uccá 'above', paścá 'behind', sána 'from of old's. D. m. n. This case, which has the abnormal ending -aya, is of very frequent occurrence, being formed in the RV. from over 300 stems in the m. and from nearly 150 in the n. The commonest forms are: m. indraya (188), mádīya (76) 'exhilaration', deváya (26), mártyāya (25), mitráya (23); várunīya (23), yájamānāya 'sacrificing', suryaya (11); n. suvitẩya (34) ‘wel- fare', sakhyáya (29), tokấya (21) 'offspring', tánayaya (18) line of de scendants'6. a. The normal form would have been for example *yajñái — yajná-e7. This would in Sandhi have become *yajñay, which was ultimately extended with -a, owing to the frequent combination with a following a in Sandhi (e. g. yajñáy-a pi for yajñay api), or with the shortened form of the preposition 8. Ab. m. n. These are the only nominal stems in which the Ab. is formally distinguished from the G. Instead of the normal ending -as, they take the -d which appears in the pronominal declension (e. g. má-d 'from me'), lengthening the -a of the stem before it. This Ab. in -ad is formed in the RV. from over 200 stems, nearly equally divided between m. and n. Some of the n. forms are used as adverbs. Forms of common occurrence are: m. samudrát (15) 'sea', upásthāt (9) 'lap', indrāt (8); n. antári-kṣāt¹⁰ (15) ‘air'; dūrất (19) 'from a distance', paścát (26). G. m. n. These are the only nominal stems in which the G. sing. does not end in -s**. Instead of the normal ending -as, they add -sya ¹2 which is 1 In all these forms the Pada text has the | fore vowels: tad-vaśayan eşá (11. 14²) and short final vowel à; see RPr. VIII. 21 and cp. saváyaṁ evá (1. 113¹). APr. III. 16. The pronominal forms ténā, yénā, svénā also appear, and always with the short vowel in the Pada text; on the other hand, ená is always end in the Pada, while the unaccented en, beside ena, has the short vowel in the Pada. See LANMAN 332 (bottom). 2 See LANMAN 334 (middle). 3 Nasalized in camasam iva (x. 254), Pada camasin. On these forms see LANMAN 335. 4 This form of the instrumental also appears a few times in the pronoun tvá beside the usual tváyā; it also occurs in a few compounds, as tvá-datta- and tvá-data- ‘given by thee'; cp. LANMAN 334 (middle). 5 Perhaps also nicá 'below', cp. nicáis; but it may be the I. of nyàñc-. 6 Such D. forms are twice nasalized be- Indo-arische Philologie. I. 4. 7 The normal ending -e is actually used in the pronominal declension, e. g. tásmai tásma-e. 8 See JOHANSSON, BB. 20, 96 ff. and BAR- THOLOMAE, Arische Forschungen 2,69; 3,63. 9 Cp. JOHANSSON, BB. 16, 136 and BRUG- MANN, Grundriss 2, 588. 10 This is really a radical a- stem; see above, 370. ¹ In the G. sing. of stems in -ar and -tar, the final seems to represent original -s; see above 358, note on svásur. - 12 They is never to be read as i; possibly however about five times in the pronominal asyá. The final -a in two or three instances undergoes protraction of a purely metrical character: see LANMAN 338³. 17 258 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 2 otherwise found in the pronominal declension only. This case is very common, being formed in the RV. from over 500 stems in the m. and 175 in the n., occurring altogether over 3300 times. Among the frequent forms are: m. indrasya (123), súryasya (93), sómasya (88), devásya (60), yajñásya (55), sutásya (53) pressed'; n. rtásya (187), bhúvanasya (39) ‘world', amŕtasya (35) ³. L. m. n. This case is formed with the normal ending -i, which combines with the final -a of the stem to e. It is formed in the RV. from 373 stems in the m., and over 300 in the n., occurring altogether about 2500 times. Among the frequent forms are: m. adhvaré (68) 'sacrifice', suté (53), upá-sthe (49), máde (48), dáme (40) ‘house', indre (33), yajñé (28), jáne (26) ‘man’, grhé (23) 'house'; n. vidáthe (49) 'assembly', ágre (43) 'front', sádane (35) ‘seat', padé (33), duroné (31) ‘abode', mádhye 'middle' (29). V. m. n. In this case the bare stem (always accented on the first syllable) is employed. It is formed in the RV. from about 260 stems, occur- ring about 2500 times in the m.; but in the n. there is no undoubted example. The AV. however has four or five n. vocatives. Among the commonest forms are: m. sóma and soma (240), deva (132), sūra (94) 'hero', pavamāna (63) 'bright Soma', puru-huta (49) ‘much invoked', varuna (45), mitra (35), yavistha (29) 'youngest', vrṣabha (27) ‘bull', ugra (23) 'mighty', amṛta (12)³; n. antarikşa (AV. vi. 1304), tráikakuda 'coming from the three- peaked (mountain)' and dévāñjana (AV. xIx. 44º) ‘divine ointment’, talpa (AV. XII. 24⁹) 'couch', víșa (AV. iv. 6³) 'poison¹7. Du. N. A. V. m. The ending of these cases in the RV. is ordinarily -ā, much less frequently -au8. The former is taken by over 360 stems occurring about 1150 times, the latter by fewer than 90 stems occurring about 170 times. The ending -ā is therefore more than seven times as common as -au. The rule is that -ā appears before consonantsº, in pausa at the end of a Pada ¹º, or within a Pada in coalescence with a following vowel; while -au occurs in the older parts of the RV. only before vowels in the Sandhi form of -av, within a Pada. Examples of this rule are tá vām (1. 184¹); rtivṛdhi | (1. 473b); dasrát¹² (1. 116¹°c) for dasra át; mitrágním (1. 14³) for mitrá agním; but tắv ¹ aparám (1.184¹). Hiatus, when the metre requires two II ¹ The pronominal genitives asya and asyá, | times a various reading for -a of the RV. tásya, yásya, vísvasya occur over 900 times In the independent Mantra portions of the in the RV.; cp. LANMAN 338. TS. there are at least seven forms in -ā and 2 The commonest G. in -sya is the pro- nominal asyá which (accented or unaccented) occurs nearly 600 times in the RV. 3 The final vowel is once nasalized at the end of a Pada in ṛtásyaṁ ékam (VIII. 895); cp. RPr. II. 31. 4 Cp. LANMAN 339. There are two instances of the final -a being nasalized: ugraň ókas (VII. 254) and puru-stutam éko (VIII. 153. 11); cp. RPr. xiv. 20. There is a purely metrical lengthening of the final vowel in vṛṣabhā (VIII. 4522. 38), simā (VIII. 4¹), and hariyojanā (1. 6116); perhaps also maryā (1. 6³); cp. `LANMAN 339. 6 Properly a radical a- stem. 7 By a syntactical peculiarity the N. indras ca is some ten times coupled with a vocative váyo, ágne etc. See LANMAN 340 (top). 8 In the AV. -au is more than twice as common as in the RV.; it is there some- fourteen in -au. In the Khilas -ā is nearly three times (32) as common as -au (12). 9-au occurs 23 times before a consonant within a Pada; mostly in passages showing signs of lateness. Cp. LANMAN 576. 10 -au occurs 5 times at the end of an odd Pada before a consonant; and 4 times as -ãv at the end of an odd Pada before a vowel. At the end of an even Pada -au occurs 4 times. 11 LANMAN 343 enumerates the forms in -au which occur in the RV. 12 At the end of an odd Pada -ā is always written in the Samhita contracted with a following vowel, but must always be read with hiatus. 13 This is the normal use of -au, which in 70 per cent of its occurrences is found as -ãv before a vowel within a Pada; in the AV. the percentage is only 26. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. 259 syllables, is thus removed by the use of -āv, except when u or u follows ². In the latter case the Samhitā text writes -ā u-³, e. g. ubhá upāmśú (x. 837), though the Pada always has -au u-. There are seven or eight passages of the RV. in which -a is written with hiatus before other vowels (a- i- o-), but those passages are all obscure or corrupt 5. a. About a dozen forms, occurring altogether some 20 times, shorten the dual -ā to a, mostly owing to the metre, but in a few instances against the metre. In the forms asura, aditya, deva, dhrta-vrata, mitra, varuṇa, indrā-varuṇa, mitrā-varuņa6 the Pada text has -ā; but in paura (v. 744) and vīra (vI. 6310) the short vowel appears in the Pada also. A similar shortening occurs in the first member of the dual compounds indră- vīyū (1. 24) and mitrā-rājānā (v. 62³). N. A. n. This form takes the normal ending -, which combines with the final -a of the stem to -e. It is made in the RV. from about 30 nominal stems. The vocative does not occur. Only seven of these n. forms are found more than once, sige 'two horns' being the commonest (5) ³. a. The n. nákta- 'night' is irregular in forming its du. N. as a m. in the compound ušāsā-náktā ‘dawn and night', in agreement with which a f. adjective is used, owing donbtless to the predominance of 'Dawn', in the combination. In II. 39*,, yugéva nábhyeva like two yokes, like two naves', though analyzed by the Pada as juga iva and nábhyā iva, must be explained as regular n. forms yugé and nábhye+va. I. D. Ab. Before the normal ending -bhyam 9 which forms these cases, the final -a of the stems is lengthened, e. g. násatyabhyām. In the RV. this form is made from only about a dozen nominal stems in the m. and three in the n. The cases can of course only be distinguished exegetically. I. m. kárṇābhyām (AV.) ‘ears', dámṣṭrābhyām (TS. AV.) ‘teeth', daksina- savyábhyam (AV.) 'right and left', dáśa-sakhabhyam 'having ten fingers', mitrá-váruṇābhyam, yuktábhyām 'yoked', vrīhi-yavábhyām (AV.) 'rice and barley', subhrábhyam 'shining', surya-candramásābhyam (AV.) ¹0 sun and moon', hástabhyam 'hands', haryatábhyam 'desirable'. - n. rk-samábhyam hymn and chant', ngabhyām (AV.). II D.m. tveṣabhyām 'violent', násatyabhyam 'truthful', nicirábhyam 'attentive'. Ab. m. ámsabhyām 'shoulders', kárṇabhyim. n. pārśvábhyām (AV.)

sides', prá-padābhyām 'tips of the feet', máta-snabhyām certain internal organs.

G. L. These cases take the normal ending -os, between which and the stemy is inserted. In the RV. only eight nominal forms occur with the genitive sense, and twelve with the locative sense. One form, dhvasrayos (Ix. 583), seems to be used as an Ab. There are one or two others which anomalously drop the final -a of the stem, instead of inserting y, before the ending -os¹2 ¹ In two instances hiatus is removed by nasalization: upásthāṁ ¹ ékā (1. 356) and jánam ásamā (VI. 67¹). 2 There are 40 instances of this in the RV.; see LANMAN 575. 3 This is also the practice of the Brah-LANMAN 343. maņas; see AUFRECHT, AB. 427; cp. Sarvā- nukramaṇī, ed. MACDONELL, p. X. In the AV. (as in the later language) -āv u- is regularly written (except muská upávadhīt, XX. 1362). 4 See LANMAN 3414. 5 Except VIL 704 where devà óşadhişu (Pada devau) is written, o- being treated like u-, perhaps owing to its labial character. 6 See RPr. IV. 39, 40. 7 The shortening of the du. -ā at the end of odd Pādas before, occurring in four passages (II. 37; VI. 68²; -VIII. 66¹¹; x. 66¹³) is due to Sandhi; see 70. 8 These neuter duals are enumerated by read bhiam in two or three forms. 10 In this compound only the second dual takes the proper case-ending. 1¹ There are also the pronominal forms G.L.m. ayós, ubháyos, táyos, yáyos; táyos also as G. n. 12 Also the pronominal forms av-ós, en-is, -ós. Cp. LANMAN 344. 9 To 17* 260 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. The forms occurring are: G. m. indrā-varuṇayos, īśāndyos ‘ruling', deváyos, mitráyos, mitrá-váruṇayos, yamáyos 'twins', várunayos, vaikarṇáyos ‘descendants of Vikarṇa'. - n. pasy-ds (for *pāsyd-y-os) 'pressing stones', puran-y-bs¹ (for *purāṇá-y-os) 'ancient'. L. m. ámsayos, áśvayos, upākáyos 'closely connecteď, kárṇayos (AV.), jámbhayos (TS. IV. 1. 10³) jaws', tuvi-jatayos 'of powerful nature', dámstrayos (AV.), nadáyos 'roarers', mitráyos, muskáyos 'testicles', várunayos, váhisthayos 'drawing best', vi-vratayos 'refractory', şthuráyos 'strong', hástayos. Pl. N. V. m. Here there are two forms. In the more common form the normal ending -as coalesces with the final of the stem to -ās, e. g. devás. The less common form appears to be made by adding the normal ending -as over again², e. g. devás-as. The form in -as is about twice as frequent in the RV. as that in -asas³, the former being made from 808 stems, the latter from 403. In the original parts of the AV. -ās is 24 times as frequent as -āsas, the former occurring 1366 times, the latter only 57 times 4. Both forms frequently occur side by side, the choice of the one or the other being often no doubt determined simply by the metre; e. g. brháa vadema vidáthe suvírāḥ (II. 1¹) ‘abounding in heroes we would speak aloud in the assembly', but suviraso vidátham á vadema (II. 12¹5) 'abounding in heroes we would speak to the assembly'. Examples of the most frequent forms made with the two endings are: 1. devāsas (86), jánāsas (41), sómāsas (41), sutāsas (29), ādityásas (24) ‘Adityas', yajñíyāsas (21) ‘holy', amŕtīsas (11). -2. dévis and devas (311), sómās (42), ādityás (39), sutás (27), jánās (24), amŕtās (22), yajñíyās (10). N. A. n.5 Here, as in the N. m. there are two forms, a shorter and a longer, the former being the older and original, as well as the more fre- quent one. The older form is made not by adding the normal ending -i, but by lengthening the final -a of the stem, e. g. havya ‘oblations'. The later form ends in -âni and is doubtless due to transitions from the stems in -an7 which form the n. pl. N. A. with both -ā and -āni, e. g. nămã and námäni. The form in -a is in the RV. made from 394 stems, that in -āni from 280, the proportion of the occurrences of the former being roughly three to every two of the latter. The proportion in the AV. is almost exactly reversed, the form in -a being there made from 102 stems, that in -āni from 1588. The two forms are so common side by side that when two n. plurals occur in the same Pada, the one generally ends in -ani and the other in -ā⁹; e. g. yá te bhīmáni áyudhā (IX.61³⁰) 'thy terrible weapons'. This phenomenon ¹ With y inserted though -a is dropped. a collective; this would account for the 2 See BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 661, agreement of the singular verb with this pl. where several examples are given of endings in Greek; cp. also sárvā tá astu (RV. I. being repeated in other languages. 1628); see BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 682. 3 The form in -āsas seems to be an Indo- Iranian innovation, as there are no certain traces of it in other Indo-European languages; cp. BRUGMANN 1. c. 7 The G. áhānām is an example of the transference of another case from an -an stem. 4 In the original Mantra portions of the TS. the pl. in -ās is very numerous, but I have noted only 11 forms in -asas. In the Khilas, ſorms in -ās are three times (30) as numerous as in -āsas (10). 8 In the independent Mantra portions of the TS. the forms in - seem to outnumber those in -āni in about the same proportion as in the RV.. there are at least 20 forms of the former and 14 of the latter. In the Khilas the two forms are almost equally divided, as 10 examples of -ã and 12 of -āni occur. 5 There is no example of a V. in the RV., and only one, cittani (III. 24), in the AV. where the Mss. have cittáni. 6 This form in -a is commonly supposed to have started from a N. sing. f. in -ā as 9 Similarly, the form in - appears beside n. pl. forms in -īni, uni or even -āmsi, -īmși, -ūmşi; e. g. bhūrīņi bhadrá (1. 16610); VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. is clearly due to the influence of metre. The - here seems never to be shortened to -, as is so frequently the case in the N. A. n. pl. of -an stems *. Nor does it avoid hiatus (like the -a of the N. A. du. m.), though coalescence with a following vowel sometimes takes place ². Examples of the commonest forms are: 1. havyá (44), bhúvanā (36), durită (31) 'distresses', sávanā (30), ukthá (25) ‘praises'. -2. bhúvanani (57), vrtráni (36) 'foes', vratáni (34) 'laws', havyáni (25), kṛtáni (20) ‘done'. A. m. The ending of this case is not the normal -as, but -n, before which the final vowel of the stem is lengthened ³, e. g. áśvā-n. The form is frequent, being made from more than 250 stems in the RV. That the ending was originally -ns is shown by the treatment of an in Sandhi, where it becomes -am before vowels and the sibilant itself occasionally survives before c- and t-4. I. m. n. In this case there are two forms, the one adding the normal ending -bhis (before which the final vowel of the stem becomes -e), while the other ends in -ais (which does not appear in any other declension). The form in -ais is only slightly commoner in the RV., being made from 221 stems, while that in -bhis is made from 211. In the AV., however, the former is 5 times as frequent as the latters. The two forms often appear in the same Pāda; e. g. upamébhir arkáis (L. 33²) 'with highest songs'. The choice is often due to the metre; e. g. yatám áśvebhir aśvina (VIII. 57) 'come with your steeds, O Aśvins', and ādityáir yātam aśvinā (vIII. 35¹³) ‘with the Adityas come, O Aśvins'. In the RV. the m. forms are roughly twice as numerous as the n. Examples of the most frequent forms are: I. arkáis (43); uktháis (35), yajñáis (34), deváis (31), ášvais (30), stýmais (25). 2. devébhis (52), stómebhis (26), vájebhis (21). 261 D. m. n. This case is formed with the normal ending -bhyas, before which the final -a of the stem appears as -e. In the RV. it is made from over 40 stems in the m., but from only one in the n. In about half the forms occurring the ending has to be read as a dissyllable -bhias. The forms occurring are: ajárebhyas 'unaging', ámavattarebhyas 'mightier', áranebhyas (Kh. v. 12) 'foreign', arbhaktbhyas 'small', adityébhyas, ašinébhyas 'ageď', àsv-àpas- tarebhyas 'working more quickly', úmebhyas 'helpers', gárbhebhyas infants', grhébhyas, jánebhyas, jivébhyas 'living', jñātebhyas (Kh. III. 16¹) 'known', tāvakébhyas 'thy', dása-kakşyebhyas 'having ten girths', dása-yoktrebhyas 'having ten traces', dáśa-yojanebhyas 'having ten teams', devébhyas, pajrébhyas 'strong', párvatebhyas 'mountains', pasprdhanebhyas 'striving', pitu-kyttarebhyas 'procuring more nourish- ment', písunebhyas 'treacherous', putrebhyas 'sons', puruṣebhyas 'men', párvebhyas 'former', badhitebhyas 'oppressed', bharatebhyas 'descendants of Bharata', mártye- 2 On some probable mistakes made by the Pada in contracted forms see LANMAN 348. - sávanā puruni (111. 368); urdhvá socímși prásthita 5 In the independent Mantra portions of rájāmsi (III. 44); rabhasá vápumsi (III. 18). the TS. the proportion is about the same There seems no sufficient reason to as in the AV. The following four forms with assume that in vísvéd áha (1.92³) as com--bhis occur: étasebhis (1. 2. 4¹), devébhis (111. pared with áha víšvā (1 130²), áha is formed 1. 43), rudrébhis (II. 1.11²), su-yámebhis (IV. 7. from the transition stem áha- rather than from áhan-; cp. LANMAN p. 348. 153). In the Khilas 5 forms in -ais to 7 in -ebhis occur. The latter are: amiva-cátanebhis (1. 117), artavébhis (111. 166), ukthebhis (V. 6³), svébhis (111. 17), kárvarebhis (1. 5¹), ráthebhis (1.117), sāraghébhis (1. 117). In the later language the form in -bhis survives in the pronominal ebhis alone. 3 This lengthening is at least Indo-Iranian: BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 672². 4 See above 77; and cp. LANMAN 346 on the Sandhi of an in general. 6 On the origin of the two forms cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 717. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. bhyas, mānavébhyas 'men', mánuşebhyas 'men', manebhyas 'descendants of Māna', yajatébhyas adorable', yajñíyebhyas, ráthebhyas 'chariots', vidústarebhyas 'very wise', viprebhyas 'seers', vy-àśvebhyas 'horseless', śasamanébhyas 'toiling', suvida- triyebhyas 'bountiful', sóma-rabhastarebhyas 'intoxicated with Soma', somyébhyas 'preparers of Soma', stenébhyas 'thieves'. - n. bhivanebhyas 'beings'. Ab. m. n. This case is formed like the D. with the normal ending -bhyas from nearly two dozen stems in the RV. about equally divided between the m. and n. In more than half of these forms the ending must be pronounced as a dissyllable. The forms occurring are: m. ántebhyas 'ends', ásurebhyas 'divine spirits', ugrebhyas, grhébhyas, jánebhyas, jivebhyas 'living beings', devébhyas, párvatebhyas, makhébhyas 'vigorous', viprebhyas, sürebhyas, syené- bhyas eagles'. n. anyá-kṛtebhyas 'done by others', antrebhyas entrails', duritébhyas, nakhébhyas 'nails', padébhyas, párthivebhyas 'terrestrial spaces', bhuvanebhyas, mrdhrébhyas contempt', vánebhyas 'forest trees', harmyébhyas 'houses'. 262 - G. m. n. Instead of the normal ending -ām these stems almost invariably add the ending -nam, before which the final vowel is lengthened as in the -i, -u and - stems. This ending (like -āni in the n. pl.) must have been due to the influence of the -n stems. The case is thus formed in the RV. from over 100 stems in the m. and over 20 in the n. In nearly half these forms the final syllable may be metrically read as aam². Two-thirds of these reso- lutions are, however, not necessary as they occur at the end of octosyllabic Pādas which may be catalectic; but many undoubted resolutions are required within the Pãda ³. Among the forms of most frequent occurrence are m. devánām (148), jánānām (34), yajñíyānām (12), ādityánām (11), adhvarāṇām (10). n. dhánānām (13). a. The organic form e. g. from devá- would have been devám (= devá-ām). Not more than three or four, examples of this survive in the RV., and only two of these seem undoubted: yuthyam áśvānām (VIII. 564) 'of horses belonging to the herd' and carátham in gárbhaś ca sthātắm gárbhaś caráthám (1. 70³) offspring of things that are stationary, offspring of things that move'4. There are further some half dozen forms written with final -ān or -an which seem to stand for the G. pl. in -ām: deván jánma (1. 71³; VI. 11³) the race of the gods' (Pada deván); deván jánmana (x. 6414) 'with the race of the gods' (Pada deván); vísa á ca mártan (IV. 2) and hither to the dwellings of mortals' (= mártām); coşkuyáte visa indro manusyan (VI. 4716) Indra protects the tribes of men'. L. m. n. This case adds the normal ending -su before which (as before -bhis and -bhyas) -e takes the place of the final vowel of the stem and cere- bralizes the following sibilant. It is formed from some 123 stems in the m. and some 92 in the n. 5 It is almost invariably to be read with hiatus, even before u-7. Among the most frequently occurring forms are: m. devéșu (99), vājesu (41), yajñéṣu (35), adhvaréșu (27), mártyeșu (25), sutéșu (16). - n. vidáthesu (33), váneșu (20), sávaneșu (14), bhůvaneșu (12), ukthéșu (10). ¹ See LANMAN 352 c; BRUGMANN, Grund- riss 2, p. 691. 2 LANMAN (352, bottom) enumerates the forms in which resolution takes place. 3 LANMAN 3524, gives a list of the forms in which resolution is required; cp. ARNOLD, Vedic Metre 143 (p. 92). F 4 Perhaps also himsānām (x.142¹) if G. pl. of a participle himsana-, and sasám if G. of šāsá- 'ruler' (II. 2312), vanám (x. 465) is G. pl. of ván- rather than vána-. Cp. LANMAN 353. 5 The gender is doubtful in some in- stances. 6 The only undoubted exception to this rule in the RV. occurs in a late hymn (x. 1218), where devéşv ádhi must be read. Cp. LANMAN 354. 7 On the probable origin of the ending -su cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p 700. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. 263 2 b. Derivative Stems in -ā. LANMAN, Noun-Inflection 335–365. — WhiTNEY, Sanskrit Grammar p. 131—137. — Cp. Collitz, die herkunft der a-deklination, BB. 29, p. 81—114. 373. The derivative ā-declension corresponds to the derivative a-declen- sion, for the m. adjectives of which it furnishes the f. stems. It includes more feminines than any other declension. Like the a-declension it has many irregularities of inflexion, every case in the singular, except the A., and two cases in the plural showing some abnormal feature. The N. sing. shares with the derivative i-declension the peculiarity of not adding the ending -s; the I. sing. has an alternative form borrowed from the pronominal declension; the D. Ab. G. L. sing. are formed under the influence of the derivative - stems; and the V. sing. ends in -e instead of appearing in the form of the bare stem. In the plural the N. has to a limited extent the same alternative form in -asas as the m. of the a-declension, and the G. is similarly formed with -nām. As in the a-declension, the accent remains in the same position throughout except the V., where it of course shifts to the first syllable. Inflexion. 374. The forms actually occurring, if made from priyá- 'dear', would be as follows: Sing. N. priya. A. priyám. I. priya and priyayá. D. priyayai. Ab. G. triyayas. L. priyayam. V. priye. Du. N. A. priyé. I. Ab. priyábhyam. G. L. priyayos. Pl. N. priyas and priyasas. V. priyas. A. priyas. I. priyábhis. D. Ab. priyábhyas. G. priyánām. L. priyásu. Sing. N. This case never adds the normal ending -s. It is formed in the RV. from 424 stems and occurs more than 1000 times. Examples of the most frequent forms are: yiṣā (24) maiden', dákṣiņā (24) 'good milch cow', ila (17) 'refreshment', jayd (17) 'wife', su-bhága (13) 'beautiful', sūnýta (10) 'joyful', citrá (9) 'brilliant'. a. At the end of odd Padas the final -ā of this N. is regularly written with Sandhi, but must always be read with hiatus; coalescence with e- and r- is, however, twice avoided by nasalization ², while twice3 the -a is shortened before y.. b. Within a Pāda the -ā is written with Sandhi in 160 instances in the RV., but is pronounced (unlike the -ā of the N. A. du. m.) with hiatus in 23 of these instances; while the nominatives is 'car-pole' and manișă devotion' are written as well as pro- nounced with hiatus 4, the former once, the latter four times. A. This case, which is formed with the normal ending -m, is in the RV. made from over 200 nominal stems occurring more than 400 times. Examples of the most frequent forms are: manīşám (21), jayám (11), ámīvām (9) 'distress', yoṣām (7), yóṣaṇām (6) ‘maiden'. a. This case is often identical in form with the L. sing. f. of stems in -ī; thus purvyám may be the A. of purvyá- 'previous' or L. of purvi 'much'. In one instance at least elision of the -m, followed by contraction, takes place 5: śatatamáviveṣīḥ (VII. 195) for ¹ The stem gná- 'woman', though originally | manīşá iyám (V.115; VIL 70¹); manīṣá asmát (VII. dissyllabic, came to be regarded as a radical 34¹); cp. RPr. 11. 29. LANMAN 356 suggests that a-stem and accordingly forms its N. sing. the comparative frequency of this hiatus justi- gnå-s (IV. 94).. fies the restoration of the augment in Pädas short of a syllable; e. g.prá sá [a]vāci(VII. 586). 2 šášadānāṁéşi (1. 12310) and yam'ṛṇamcayé (v. 30¹4). 5 On some contractions in which m has 3° priyá¹ý- (1. 151¹), rju-hásta'y- (V. 41¹5). Cp. 70. probably been elided but explained wrongly 4 işá ákço (VIII. 529); manisá abhi (1. 1017); by the Pada as containing nominatives in -ā, see LANMAN 356. 264 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Satatamám avivesīḥ. In two or three instances the metre seems to require -ām to be read as - aam ¹, I. There are two forms of this case. In the one, the normal ending - is added directly to the stem and, by contracting with its final -ā, produces a form identical in appearance with the N., e. g. jihvá (– jihvá-ā) 'tongue'. In the other, y is interposed between the ending - and the final -a of the stem, which is shortened, e. g. jihvá-y-a. The latter form is due to the in- fluence of the regular pronominal I. sing. f., e. g. táyā². This form is already slightly the more common in the RV.3, being made from 113 stems4 as compared with 95 which take the older form with -a. In the later Samhitās the I. in -ā is very rare in original passages, the AV. using only five such forms independently5. Both forms are (unlike the N. pl. m. in -asas and -us) comparatively seldom made from the same stem, as jihvi and jihváya. Two thirds of the total number of 95 stems which have the older form, end in the suffixes -tā and -ya, as puruṣá-tā 'after the manner of men', hiraṇyayá 'golden'. The choice of the alternative forms is, as elsewhere, often deter- mined by the metre 6. Examples of the commonest forms are: 1. doşá (13) 'evening', barháṇā (13) 'might', manīṣá (13), mamhánā (11) ‘willingness', śravasyá (7) ‘desire to praise'7. Also aśīr-dayá (TS. 111. 2. 8¹) 'fulfilment of blessing', viśvá-psnyā (TS. 1. 5. 3³; VS. XII. 10) 'omniform'. 2. dhắrayā (53) ‘stream', jihváyā (24), māyáyā (20) 'craft'. a. There are some instrumentals sing. f. formed from derivative a- stems, which are used as adverbs with shift of accent to the ending. Such are: a-datrayd 'without a gift' (a-datra-), ubhayá in both ways' (ubháya-), rtaya in the right way' (rtá-), daksiná on the right' (dákşina-), naktayá by night' (nákta-), madhya 'in the middle' (mádhya-), samana 'together' (sámana-), svapnayá (AV.) 'in dream' (svápna-)8. D. This case is anomalously formed by adding -yai to the stem, e. g. jara-yai ⁹. It is not of common occurrence, being made from only 14 nominal ¹0 stems in the RV. The forms occurring are: a-gótayai ‘lack of cows', a-vira- tāyai 'lack of sons', ukhayai (TS. IV. 1.93) pot', uttanayai (TS. IV. 1.4¹; Kh. v. 164) 'supine', ghşayai N. of a woman, caráyai 'for going', jaráyaj (AV.) ‘old age', tvá-yatayai 'presented by thee', ducchúnāyai 'mischievous demon', putrá-kāmāyai (Kh. iv. 13¹) 'desiring sons', pūtá-kratāyai N. of a woman, manayai ‘eagerness', vispáläyai N. of a woman, siváyai 'auspicious', vetanáyai 'dawn', sunýtāyai 'joy', suryayai 'sun-goddess'. a. Two forms have been preserved in which the D. is made by adding the normal ending -e directly to the stem with the -ā of which it coalesces to ai: mahiyai (1. 1136) 'greatness', sv-apatyái ¹1 (1. 54¹¹) accompanied with fair offspring'. These are formed like the D. infinitives from radical à-stems such as vi-khyái (584). b. In one passage (VII. 1¹9) the form a-virale, for a-viratayai 'lack of sons', I See LANMAN 357 (top). 2 Cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 629, 783. 3 The corresponding later form in the Avesta is much commoner than the older: BRUGMANN 2, p. 629. 4 This number given by LANMAN 357 in- cludes some pronominal stems. BRUGMANN'S statement (2, p. 629) that the form in -ayā is less common than the form in -a in Vedic, is not applicable even to the RV. 5 The forms are dakṣiná, devátā, doșá, sumnayá, vitta-kāmya; only the last is peculiar to the AV. 6 Euphony also has some influence; thus hiranyayaya does not occur. 7 LANMAN 358 enumerates the homopho- nous instrumentals. 8 These forms may have been due to the | influence of the pronominal adverb a-y-á in this way' (with adverbial shift of accent, cp. táyā etc.); see J. SCHMIDT, Pluralbildung 212 ff., and BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 629; otherwise BARTHOLOMAE, BB. 15, 20 f. 9 Formed in the Indo-Iranian period, pro- bably under the influence of the derivative stems in -ī originally -yā, i. c. -yái for -ya-e. 10 Also sväyai from the possessive pronoun svá-. ¹1 BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 600, thinks this form may be shortened for sv-apatyayai. 265 VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. takes the ending -e direct, but with elision of the stem vowel, as in the radical - declension ¹. Ab. This case is formed anomalously by adding the ending yas to the stein. It is rare, being made in the RV. from only seven stems, the AV. having three additional examples. The forms occurring are: urdhváyās (AV.) ‘upright', kanāyās 'maiden', jihváyās, dákṣiṇāyās, dur-évayas ‘ill-disposed', dur-háṇāyās 'mischief'. dáivyayās 'divine', dhruváyās (AV.) ‘firm', nidāyās ‘dis- grace', vy-adhváyās (AV.)³ ‘lying half-way'. G. This case is formed in the same way as the Ab., but is much more frequent, being made from 26 stems in the RV. The forms occurring are: ághnyāyās and aghnyáyās 'cow (not to be killed)', iläyās, ukháyās, usriyāyās 'ruddy cow', irmyayas 'night, kanáyás, káşthayas 'course', jihváyas, dákṣiṇāyās, darśatayas 'conspicuous', dúrvayas 'Dürva grass', dhişánayas 'offering', ‘Dūrvā dhisamanayas 'longing', pájrayas 'vigorous', pári takmyayas 'wandering', mahinayas 'mighty', rasayas a mythical river, vayayas 'branch', vispálayas, sasvattamáyas 'most recent', siphayas N. of a river, sucáyas 'pure', sabar-dighayas 'yielding nectar', schanáyäss 'victorious', surayas intoxicating liquor', suryayas. L. This case is formed by adding the anomalous ending -yam to the stem, e. g. bhadrá-yam. It is not common, being formed from only 16 or 17 stems in the RV. The forms occurring are: apayáyām6 N. of a river, āmáyām ‘raw', uttānāyām ‘outstretched', usriyāyām, (á)-gatāyām 'come', grīvāyām 'neck', jurnayam 'ancient', návāyām 'new', pári-takmyāyām, bhadráyam bene- ficent', yamúnayam N. of a river, varatráyam 'thong', váśayām (Kh.II. 105) 'cow', simśápayām N. of a tree, sirinayām 'night', sabhayam (TS. 1. 8. 3') 'assembly', súrāyām, su-ṣómāyām7 N. of a river, hariyūpiyayim N. of a locality. V. This case has the abnormal ending -e8 and is in the RV. formed from over 50 stems; e. g. aśve. The original form must have been the bare stem with the final vowel shortened; e. g. *ásva, but of this there is no certain survival. The form amba which occurs in the RV. three times (unaccented) may originally have been an exclamation, and it can have this sense alone in one of the three passages of the RV. (x. 972), where it is used with a plural. In the two other passages it may very well mean 'O mother' (11.41¹6; x. 867). The VS. (xxIII. 18) and the TS. (VII. 4. 19¹) have the V. ámbe as from a stem ámba 'mother'9. The forms occurring are: ághnyāsye¹⁰ (Kh. Iv. 526. 32) 'cow-faced', aghnye, apve N. of a disease, amartye 'immortal', ámbike (TS. VS.) 'mother', ambitame 'most motherly', asve 'mare', aśva-sunrte 'rich in horses', aditya-varne¹¹ (Kh. II. 66) 'sun-coloured', arjikiye N. of a river, ile goddess of devotion, istake (TS. IV. 2. 92) 'brick', ugra-putre 'having mighty sons', uttare 'mightier', uttana-parne 'having extended leaves', uru-vraje 'extending afar', urmye, rşve 'exalted', kadha-priye 'ever pleased', kane 'one-eyed', kama-dughé (TS. IV. 2. 96) 'cow of plenty', krtye (Kh. iv. 5²5) 'magic', ghóra-rūpe (Kh. 1v. 5²6) 'of awful form', gange 'Ganges', ghore 'awful', citre, citra-maghe 'having brilliant gifts', jaye, dūrve (TS. IV. 2. 9²), deva-jūte 'impelled by the gods' This forms a transition to the consonant declension like devátüte beside devátātaye; cp. LANMAN 359². 2 Like the D. it is due to the influence of the stems in derivative -, to the fuller form of which, -ya-, the normal ending -as was added. 3 Also the pronominal sváyās 'own'. 4 Participle, perhaps desiderative, of dhi- 'think'. 5 Perfect participle middle of sah- 'conquer'. 6 A transition form from the radical ā- declension, see p. 249, note ¹¹. 7 Also the pronominal form svayām. 8 The origin of this ending is uncertain; cp. BRUGMANN 2, 541. 9 This is a common stem in post-Vedic Sanskrit. 10 The ed. has aghnyásye. 11 The ed. has āditya-varne. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. devi-tame 'most divine', dhisane 'goddess of devotion', nadi-tame 'best of rivers', pathye 'path' (as goddess), pastye ‘goddess of the house', putra- kāme, puru-priye 'much beloved', prthu-jaghane 'broad-hipped', prthu-stuke 'having broad braids of hair', priye (TS. vII. 1. 6³), brahma-samśite 'sharpened by prayer', marud-vrdhe N. of a river, yamune, rake N. of a goddess, vapustame (Kh. Iv. 77) 'most beautiful', vára-rupe (Kh. Iv. 526) of excellent form', vi-kate 'monstrous', vivasvad-vāte (TS. Iv. 4. 124) 'desired by Vivasvat', višva-rūpe (TS. IV. 2. 5²) 'omniform', visva-vare possessed of all goods', saravye 'arrow', śitike 'cool', śúnge (Kh. v. 15³) N. of a goddess, subhre 'shining', sa-danve 'associated with demons', sarame N. of a goddess, site 'furrow', su-jāte 'well-born', su-putre 'having good sons', su-bhage, su-lābhike 'easy to win', su-snuse 'having fair daughters-in-law', sū-nṛte, sūrya-varṇe (Kh. IV. 77) 'sun-coloured', surye, stóma-trayastrimše (TS. IV. 4. 124), háriklike (Kh. v. 15¹) 'yellowish', hiranya-parne (Kh. Iv. 77) 'gold-winged', hladike 're- freshing'. 266 Du. N. A. V. These cases are identical in form, having final -e which doubtless contains the same dual ending -7 as N. A. V. du. of the a- declen- sion. They are of frequent occurrence, being made from over 130 stems in the RV. The ending -e is Pragṛhya, being distinguished by the Pada text with an appended iti from the e of the V. sing. f.; e. g. V. du. f. subhre iti, but V. sing. f. śubhre. 3 Examples of the most frequent forms are: ubhé (66) ‘both', su-méke ³ (8) 'well-established', devá-putre (7) ‘having gods as sons', vi-rūpe (7) ‘of different forms', sipre (5) 'cheeks'. The compound sitūsite 'black and white' occurs in a Khila (p. 1715). I. Ab. These cases, made with the ending -bhyam, are identical in form with the I. D. Ab. m. n. of the a- declension. They are represented by only two forms in the RV.: siprabhyām (x. 1055) which seems to be I., and násikābhyām (x. 163¹) 'nostrils', Ab. No form with a D. sense occurs. G. L. Both these cases add, with interposing -y, the normal ending -os to the final -a of the stem, which is shortened. They are thus identical in form with the G. L. du. m. n. of the a- declension. There are only four nominal forms in the RV. and AV.: in the G. sense jánghayos (AV.) 'legs', yamáyos 'twins'; and in the L. sense uttanáyos, svadháyos 'homestead's. Pl. N. V. The regular form ends in -as and is very common, being formed from nearly 260 stems in the RV. Examples of the commonest forms are: bhadrás (19), dháras (16), manīsás (10)6. There is, however, a second form in -āsas which occurs nearly 20 times in the RV. Considering the rarity of this form here, while it is the commoner as N. pl. m. in the a- declension, the probability is that its intro- duction was due to those very numerous masculines. The forms occurring are: á-tandrāsas 'indefatigable', a-mŕtāsas (AV.) ‘'immortal', dur-mitrāsas un- friendly', pasprdhānásas vying'¹, párthivāsas® 'terrestrial', pāvakásas ‘pure', bhejanásas 'having obtained', vanvānāsas¹ (SV.) ‘having obtained', vašásas, 1 Superlative of devi-, the final being shortened as in the simple vocative devi. 2 Cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, 286 (p. 643). 3 Cp. WINDISCH in Festgruss an O. v. BÖHT- LINGK 114f. 4 The pronominal form tábhyām (x. 88¹5) has a locative meaning. 6 In two or three passages the Pada text seems to confuse forms in -ās with others in -ā; see LANMAN 362. 7 Perfect participle middle of sprdh-. 8 Cp. LANMAN 362. 9 Perfect participle middle of bhaj- 'share'. 10 The variant of the SV. for bhejanasas 5 There are also the pronominal forms of the RV. ayos and yayos. In III. 542 the Pada text reads ayós probably for ayos. VI. DECLENSIONS. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. 267 vāśrásas 'roaring', vidūnásas¹ 'being found', vydhasas 'helping', a-suṣāṇāsas ² 'stimulating', sughanásas 3 'swift', sámmitasas (AV.) 'corresponding', smáyamanāsas 'smiling', hávamānāsas 'calling' 4. A. This case is formed with the normal ending -as which coalesces with the final of the stem to -äs, e. g. sünŕtas. It is very frequent, being made from more than 160 stems in the RV. Examples of the commonest forms mayás (22), pŕtanäs (13) 'battles', usrás (12) 'dawns', dhárās (11), usriyas (10) 5. Two instances occur of forms in -äsas being wrongly used as A. pl. f.: samvidanásas (x. 30¹4) 'united' and aram-gamásas (AV. XIII. 233) 'ready to help'. I. This case is always formed by adding the ending -bhis directly to the stem, e. g. sunita-bhis. It is made from over 80 stems in the RV. Examples of the most frequent forms are: mayábhis (13), citrábhis (8), dhárābhis (7), hítrābhis (7) ‘libations', ilabhis (6). The form drághisthabhis (111. 62¹) 'for longest times'6 is used adverbially. D. Ab. These cases are formed with the same ending -bhyas (sometimes to be read as two syllables) added directly to the stem. In the RV. only 4 datives and 11 ablatives occur from nominal stems7. The forms occurring are: D. aghnyábhyas, usriyabhyas, ducchúnabhyas, devátabhyas (TS. Iv. 2. 96) 'deities', vrtábhyas 'movements'. - Ab. ádharabhyas 'lower', ásabhyas 'regions', úttarābhyas, uṣṇihābhyas ‘nape of the neck', kikasābhyas 'cartilages of the breast-bone', gúdabhyas intestines', grīvábhyas, damsánabhyas 'wondrous powers', dhisánabhyas 'Soma bowls', vaksánabhyas 'bellies', syavyàbhyas 'darkness'. G. This case being made with the abnormal ending -num is identical in form with the G. pl. m. of the a- declension. It is formed in the RV. from 22 stems. There is no certain example here of forms with the normal ending -am which is found in a few genitives of the a- declension (372). There are only a couple of instances in which the resolution of the final syllable as -aam seems required by the metre 8. The G. of kanyà- 'girl' always appears in the contracted form of kanínām (occurring five times) in the RV. ¹0 The forms actually occurring are: ákṣarānām 'speech', ághnyānām, a-niveśanánām affording no place of rest', á-bhayānām 'free from danger', áśma-vrajānām 'whose pen is a rock', ásanām (TS. Iv. 4. 12³), urvárāṇām 'arable fields', usrāṇām, usriyāṇām, káṣṭhānām, kṛtyánām (Kh. Iv. 53º), jihmánām 'transverse', divyánām 'heavenly', důghānām ‘milch kine', devátānām (Kh.11.4¹), deva-senánam 'hosts of the gods', dhişáṇānām, návānām, navyinām 'navigable rivers', pastyànām 'abodes', manīṣáṇām, rámyāṇām nights', sámānām 'years', sūnŕtānām 'songs of joy', stiyānām 'still waters'. L. This case is formed by adding the ending -su directly to the stem. The final - though always combined with a following vowel both at the end of an internal Pada or within a Pada, is invariably to be read with hiatus ¹ Participle middle, with passive sense, of vid- 'find'. 2 Participle middle of Vivas. 3 This word (AV.) is of uncertain deri- vation. 4 There are besides two or three doubtful instances which may be m.; see LANMAN 362. 5 In several instances -ās is most probably to be read where the Pada text has 7, see LANMAN 363. In a few forms the resolution of -as as -aas or -aas seems necessary; LANMAN 1. c. 6 Cp. aparibhyas 'for future times'. 7 There are also the pronominal forms abhyás aud abhyas, tábhyas, yábhyas. 8 dhanánām in VIII. 5912 and pŕtanānām in VIII. 59¹. In sūnýtānām (1. 3¹¹) the metre seems to require the shortening of the final of the stem: sunýtănām; Lanman 364. 9 This is a form of some importance as showing how the suffix - arose from -ya-, 10 It also occurs once in Kh, 1, 57. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. in the RV.; e. g. svásu urvárāsu (x. 50³) for svásürvárāsu. This case is formed from over 50 nominal stems in the RV. The forms occurring are: aghasu 'evil', amŕtasu, ávarāsu 'later', amásu, ártanasu 'uncultivated', ilasu, úparāsu 'neighbouring', urvárasu, usriyāsu, úrmyasu, kanyasu, kästhāsu, krsnásu 'black', grīvásu (TS. Iv. 2. 5³), cittá-garbhasu 'visibly pregnant', citrásu, jagmānusu² 'having gone', jātásu 'born', tugryāsu 'des- cended from Tugra', dúryāsu ‘abodes', devátāsu (TS. 1. 6. 4³), dhísṇyāsu ‘fire- places', dhruvásu unchangeable', návasu, pathyàsu, pádyasu footsteps', pastyasu, pánca-janyasu 'relating to the five tribes', puru-péśasu 'multiform', púrvasu earlier', pŕtanāsu, pradhanyasu ‘forming the spoil', priyásu, mádyāsu 'fond of exhilaration', madhyamasu 'middlemost', manusyasu 'human', mandrásu (TS.Iv. 1.8²), mártyāsu 'mortal', mahināsu ‘mighty', yajñíyāsu ‘devouť, (prá-)- yatāsu 'presented, yóṣaṇāsu, rámyāsu, ropaṇákāsu a kind of bird, vaksánāsu 'bellies', vyddhásu 'great', rrdhasanásu 3 'growing', sayásu 'resting-places', śúskāsu 'dry', syavásu 'nights', śrutásu 'famous', sánayasu 'old', saptá-sivasu 'blessing the seven (worlds)', sirásu 'streams', su-vrjánāsu 'dwelling in fair regions', hávyāsu 'to be invoked'. 268 3. a. Stems in radical -ī. LANMAN, Noun-Inflection 365-4co. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 348-359. 375. This declension consists primarily of fewer than 50 m. and f. nouns derived from 9 roots. Only four of these words appear as monosyllables, the rest being compounds. The analogy of this primary group (A) is closely followed both in inflexion and accentuation by a second group of about 80 polysyllabic stems which, though formed with derivative -ī, are for the sake of clearness best treated as a division (B) of this declension. The normal endings as they appear in the inflexion of consonant stems are taken throughout this declension. The G. pl., however, with the exception of a single form occurring only once (dhiyám), takes the ending-nām; and the N. sing. always adds -s. Accentuation on the final syllable of the stem is characteristic of this declension; and except in monosyllabic stems the acute remains on that syllable throughout4. Before vowel endings the - is split to -iy in the mono- syllabic nouns; e. g. dhiy-am; this is also the case in compounds formed with these nouns, except -dhi when it is accented, e. g. jana-śriyam, nắnā- dhiyas, but ā-dhiam; in compounds formed with roots it is split only when two consonants precede; e. g. yajña-priyam, but yajña-níam; in the secon- dary group it is split in samudri- and partly in cakrí, e. g. samudriyas and cakriyau, but cakrías. Otherwise the 7 is always written as y, but is in the RV. invariably5 to be pronounced as a vowel; e. g. nadyàm pronounced nadíam6. — A. The stems belonging to the primary group are: 1. the monosyllabic feminines dhí- 'thought', bhí- 'fear', śrí- 'glory'; and the m. vi- 'receiver' (which occurs only once in the N. sing.). 2. Compounds (mostly Bahuvrīhis) formed with the first three: à-dhí- f. 'care', itthá-dhì- 'right devout', dirghadhi- - ¹ Cp. the L. pl. of the a-declension. 2 Perfect participle middle of gam- 'go'. 3. Participle middle from urdh- 'grow'. 4 There are one or two exceptions to this rule in compound words in the A group, and a few others, in the AV., in the B group. 5 There are only two exceptions in the RV.: A. sing. staryàm (VII. 688) in a late verse (cp. LANMAN 379¹) and N. pl. nadyàs (VII. 504). The AV. has six such forms: aśvataryàs, nadyàs, naptyàs, nāḍyàs, pippalyàs, vrkṣa-sarpyàs. 6 The resolved forms are therefore always given helow, spelt with i in this declension. This will not lead to any confusion with the written forms of the Samhita text in which the i of the stem always appears as ży or y. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. 269 'having a far-reaching mind' (a-dh-), dur-a-dh- 'malevolent', dūrá-adhi-' 'longing for the distance', sv-adhi- 'attentive', du-dhi-² malevolent', nánā-dhī- ‘of various intent', visváto-dhi- 'all-attending', su-dhi- 'devout'; avadya-bhí- f. 'fear of blame'; agni-sri- 'fire-bright', adhvara-śri- 'adorning the sacrifice', kṣatra-śrí- 'blessing dominion', ghrta-sri- 'glittering with ghee', jana-śrí- 'blessing men', darśata-śrí- 'of beauteous splendour', márya-śrī- adorned like a wooer', yajña-śrí- 'beauti- fying the sacrifice', su-sri- 'glorious', hari-śrí- 'of golden glory'. 3. Com- pounds formed with the roots krī- 'buy', nī- ‘lead', prī- 'love', mī- ‘diminish', vi- 'move' and 'cover', sī- 'lie', śrī- 'mix': pra-krí- (AV.) 'purchasable', sadyaḥ- kri- (AV.) 'bought on the same day'; agre-ni- (VS.) 'leading', rta-ni- 'leading the rite', grama-ní- 'leading the community', pada-ni- (AV.) 'following the steps of another', pra-ní- f. 'furtherance', pra-není- powerfully furthering', mana-ni- 'spirit-leading', yajña-ni- 'leading the sacrifice', vasa-ní m. 'commander', vrata- ní- 'carrying out the ordinance', sadha-ni- accompanying', sen 7-ni- mn. 'leader of an army', skambha-ni- (VS.) 'furnishing a prop'; abhi-pri- 'gladdening', kadha- prī- 'gladdening whom?', pari-prí- 'dear', brahma-pri- 'prayer-loving', yajna-pr- 'sacrifice-loving'; manyu-mi- 'rage-obstructing', váta-pra-mi- 'surpassing the wind'; takva-vi- m. ‘(swiftly darting) bird', deva-ví- and devā-ví- 'god-refreshing', pada- vi- m. 'leader', parna-vi- 'moving with wings', prati-vi-s 'gladly accepting', hiranya-vi- 'gold-bringing'; pra-ví- (VS.) 'wound round'; jihma-si- 'lying pro- strate', patsu-tas-si-6 'lying at the feet', madhyama-sí- ‘lying in the midst', syona-si- 'lying on a soft couch'; abhi-sri-7 'admixture', gana-sri-7 'mixing in troops'. B. This secondary group comprises upwards of 80 polysyllabic stems, accented on the final vowel, which are all substantives except about half a dozen. It includes fewer than a dozen masculines. Of the remainder, which are feminine, more than half are names of female beings; about 30 are the f. form of m. stems that are not accented on the final vowel, as purusí- 'woman' beside púrusa- 'man'. There are also some f. adjectives corresponding to m. in -ya, as svarí beside svaryà- 'resounding'. This derivative group closely follows the analogy of the third division of the radical group (compounds ending in roots with final accented -ī); it joined the radical declension doubt- less owing to the accentuation of the final vowel. 2 For duré-adhi-. 2 From dus-dhi-. 3 Mostly Tatpuruşas, generally with accu- sative sense; some Karmadharayas. 4 An intensive formation from ni- 'lead'. 5 'Coming towards', práti, with lengthened final vowel. 6 From patsu-tás, an adverb anomalously — The m. stems are: ahí- 'serpent', upaví-(VS.) 'encouraging', daksi9 'flaming'; praví-'attentive', duș-prāví- ‘unfriendly', su-prāvi- ‘very attentive'; yayi- 'going'; rathi- 'charioteer', á-rathi- 'not a charioteer'; sahásra-stari- 'having a thousand barren cows', híranya-vāśi- ‘wielding a golden axe'. The f. stems are: athari flame', atharví- 'priestess' (m. átharvan-), á-durmangali- 'not unlucky', apari- pl. 'future days' (m. ápara-), apasí- (VS.) 'industrious' (m. apásya-), ambi- 'mother', arayi- 'demoness' (m. árāya-), aruņi- 'dawn', asvatarí- (AV.) ‘she-mule', asta-karní cow with notched ear', à-pathi- 'impediment', ení- ‘doe' (m. éta-), oní- ‘breast', kalyāṇí- 'fair woman' (m. kalyāṇa-), kavaşí 'creaking' (m. kaváşa-), kilāsí- 'spotted deer' (m. kilása-), kumāri- (AV.) 'girl', kūdi- (AV.) 'fetter', krsní- 'night', ksoni- 'flood', khārí- 'measure', gandharvi- 'female Gandharva', gauri- 'buffalo cow', cakri- 'wheel', tandri- 10 formed by adding the suffix -tas to the L. pl. of pád- 'foot'. 7 Formed directly from the root r 'mix', and not from the substantive frí-. 8 From upa and pra+av- 'favour'. 9 To be assumed as the stem of the V. dakşi, Pada text dhaksi. 10 The final vowel is here perhaps radical in origin. 270 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 2 (AV.) 'weariness' (m. tándra-), tapaní- 'heat' (m. tápana-), tila-pinji-¹ (AV.) N. of a plant (m. tila-pinja-), tīkṣṇa-śṛngi- (AV.) 'sharp-horned' (m. tikṣṇá- śṛnga-), dūti- 'messenger', dehi- 'dam', nadí- 'stream', naptí- 'daughter' (m. náptr-), nadí- 'pipe', nandi- ‘joy', niștigri- N. of Indra's mother, palūli-¹ (AV.) ‘stalk', pippali- (AV.), 'berry' (m. pippala-), puruși- ‘woman' (m. púrusa-), prapharví- 'voluptuous girl', maṇḍūki- 'female frog' (m. mandúka-), mayuri- 'peahen' (m. mayúra-), mahi-nadī- 'great stream', mahisí- (TS.) 'buffalo cow', meși- ‘ewe', yami- 'Yami', yayi-² 'quick', yātudhāni- 'sorceress' (m. yatudhana-), rathí- 'female chario- teer' (m. rátha- 'car'), lakṣmí- ‘mark', lalāmí- 'speckled mare' (m. laláma-), vaksí- 'flame', vi-kesi- (AV.) ‘shaggy hog', vibalí- N. of a river, vi-liptí- (AV.) 'cow', vi-lidhi- (AV.) 'female monster', viśva-rūpí- 'brindled cow' (m. višvá-rūpa-), zrki- 'she-wolf' (m. výka-), vyksa-sarpi- (AV.) 'tree-serpent', vesi- 'needle', vyasta-keší- (AV.) 'shaggy hog', sakați- 'cart' (sákaṭa-), šabalí- (TS.) 'cow of plenty' (m. sabála-), sakthí- 'thigh' (n. sakthi-), sasarpari 'trumpet', sahasra- parní (AV.) N. of a plant (m. sahásra-parna-), sinhi 'lioness', su-mangali-3 'lucky woman' (m. su-mangála-), surmi- 'pipe', sní- 'sickle', starí 'barren cow', sphigi- 'hip', hastini- (AV.) 'female elephant', hiranya-ke'í- 'gold-haired' (AV.) (m. hiranya-keśa-). a. There are further a few f. adjectives in -ī from m. stems in -ya: ápi- ‘watery' (m. ápya-), samudri-5 'belonging to the sea' (m. samudriya-), svart- resounding' (m. svaryà-). a₂ There are a few transition forms from the i-stems: karkaryàs6 (AV.) from karkari- 'lute' (karkari-); N. sing. arísī (VS. vi. 36) from ar- ſaithful' beside the usual ari-; and the stems yayi, sakthi, sṛni also occur beside yayi-, sakthi-, sýni- respectively. The only certain transition from the derivative - declension to the radical 7 declension is represented by stri- 'woman', originally a dissyllable 8, from which occur the forms A. sing. striyam, N. A. pl. striyas, I. strībhis. Other transition forms are probably prianias G. sing. N. pl., yahvias A. pl., suparnias N. A. pl. Inflexion. 376. The forms actually occurring if made from dhi- 'thought', yajña- śrí- m. f. 'adorning the sacrifice', senā-ni- m. 'leader of an army', rathi- m. f. 'charioteer' respectively, would be the following: A. I. sing. N. dhís. A. dhiyam. I. dhiya. D. dhiyé. G. dhiyás. Pl. N. dhiyas. A. dhiyas. I. dhibhís. G. dhĩnám ¹⁰. G. dhīnám ¹0. L. dhisú. 2. sing. N. yajña-śrís. A. yajña-śriyam. I. yajña-śriya. D. yajña-śriye. G. yajña-śriyas. Du. N. A. yajña-śríyā and yajña-śríyau (AV.). N. yajña-śriyas. A. yajña-śriyas. I. yajña-śríbhis. Pl. Du. 3. sing. N. senā-nís. A. sena-niam. D. senā-nie. G. senā-nías. N. A. senā-nia. G. senā-nios. Pl. N. seni-nías. A. senã-nías. D. senā- nibhyas. G. senā-nínām. B. Sing. N. rathis. A. rathiam. I. rathia. D. rathie. G. rathias. V. rathi. - Du. N. A. rathia. I. f. rathibhyam. G. f. rathíos. L. rathíos. - Pl. N. rathías. A. rathías. I. rathibhis. D. f. rathibhyas. G. rathínām. L. f. rathisu. ¹ In these words the accent is shifted to a vowel ending in weak cases. 2 The final vowel in this word is perhaps radical in origin (from yā ‘go'). 3 The V. pl. su-hastias (IX. 46¹), presupposes a stem su-hasti-, but as the form is a m., the reading ought perhaps to be emended to suhastiãs with BR. - 5 GRASSMANN regards this as a f. of an adjective samudi á-. See WHITNEY on AV. iv. 375. 7See LANMAN 371³. 8 In I. 1227 staris seems to be the equi- valent of strí. See pw. s. v. 9 Cp. LANMAN 372². 10 The form dhinám occurs 7 times in kastinī- (IX. 3¹7) means 'having a hand. the RV., dhiyam only once. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. — The forms actually occurring are the following: Sing. N. A. I. m. vís.- f. dhís, bhís, śrís. - 2. m. itthádhīs, kṣatra- śrís, ghṛta-śrís, darśata-śrís, dūrá-adhis, márya-śrīs, visváto-dhis, sv-adhis. f. abhi-sris. 3. m. agre-nis (VS. VI. 2), grāma-nís, takva-vís, deva-vts and deva-vis, patsu-tas-śís, pada-nis (AV.), pada-vís, pari-vís (VS. vI. 6), parṇa-vis, pra-krís (AV.), pra-nenis, madhyama-sís, manyu-mís, yajña-nís, yajña-prís (VS. XXVII. 31), vaša-nís, sadyaḥ-krís, senā-nís, skambha-nis (VS. 1. 19), syona-sis. f. pra-kris (AV.), vrata-nis. B. m. á-rathis', prāvis, su-prāvis, rathis² sahásra-starīs, híranya-vāsīs. f. á-dur-mangalīs, aruṇis, kalyāṇis, kṛṣṇís, kṣonis ³, gandharvís, gaurís, jātrísª (AV.), tandrís (AV.), dūtis, naptís, nāḍis, mahişís5 (TS. 1. 2. 12²), yamís, yātudhānis (AV.), rathís, lakṣmís, lalāmís, višva-rūpís (TS.1.5.6²), vrkís, šakațís, šabalís (TS.Iv. 3. 115), sasarparís, simhís (TS. I. 2. 12²), su-mangalis, staris¹. Acc. A. 1. f. dhiyam, bhiyam, śriyam. - 2. m. dur-adhiam, sv-ādhiam, adhvara-śriyam, kṣatra-śriyam, ghrta-śriyam, jana-śriyam, yajña-śriyam, su- śriyam, hari-śriyam³. f. abhi-śriyam. 3. m. gatha-niíam, grama-niam (VS. xxx. 20), yajña-níam; devā-viam, pratī-viam; abhi-priyam, ghṛta-priyam (AV.), brahma-priyam. f. deva-viam 9. B. m. rathíam, su-praviam. f. atharviam, arayiam, kumariam (AV.), kūdiam (AV.), gauriam, nadiam, naptiam, nandiam, prapharvíam, yamíam, lakṣmiam (AV.), lalāmiam (AV.), vibaliam, viliptiam (AV.), vilīḍhiam (AV.), viśva-rupiam, vrkiam, simhíam, surmiam, stariamo, sphigiam, svariam. 12 I. A. 1. f. dhiya, bhiyá, śriyá. - 2. m. du-dhia. ā-dhiá ¹2 (AV.). B. m. rathia. - f. tila-piñjia ¹² (AV.), mandukia, vesía, sahasra-parniá ¹2 (AV.), sūrmia, sphigia.. may be a contraction for tapania ¹3. D. A. 1. f. dhiyé, śriyé. f. à-dhie. - 3. m. gana-śriye (VS. xxII. 30), yajña-priye; jihma-sie, sena-nie (VS. XVI. 17). - B. m. rathie, su-pravie ¹4. G. 15 A. I. f. dhiyás. - 2. m. dū-dhias, 3. m. gana-śriyas; gatha-nías, manyu-mias ¹7. f. atharías, ápias 18, nadías, nişti-grias, prsanías, mesias, srnías. L. f. gaurí (IX. 12³) and sarasi (vII. 103²) may be locatives containing the normal ending -i. - - ¹ There is also the transition form arís (VS. VI. 36). 2 On rathiva occurring once or twice for rathir iva, cp. LANMAN 375 (bottom). 3 The N. sing. once (1. 1805) appears without the -s as ksoni. This word has other forms also according to the deri vative - declension; cp. LANMAN 372 (bottom). — 4 The reading of the Mss. in AV.xx. 48² is játrīs; the edition has jánis. 5 This is a transition from the derivative - declension for the máhişi of the RV. 6 The AV. has su-mangali three times; cp. LANMAN 377 (top). 7 There are also the transition forms árātīs (VI. 45), šakvarís (TS. Iv. 4. 4¹), devis (AV. VI. 592); vartanis (1. 1409) is a purely metrical lengthening; cp. LANMAN 377². 8 This form is also once (Val. II. 10) used in agreement with a neuter substantive (gotrám). — 2. m. itthá-dhiye, dur-adhie, du-dhie. 271 - f. avadya-bhiyá palaliá ¹² (AV.), The form tapani 12 f. nandie, meşie, vykie. su-dhías. n. sv-adhías 16 B. m. ahías, su-prāvias. —— II 9 9 In agreement with tvácam (1x. 745). 10 This form is once (VII.688) pronounced staryàm, being one of the two only examples in the RV. of the 7 in this declension being prononnced as y before a vowel. 11 Accented as if-bhiya were used indepen- dently; the form occurs in a late hymn (x. 1073). 12 Irregular accentuation of the ending. 13 Otherwise it may be an I. of the deri- vative 7-declension. 14 Cp. LANMAN 382³. 15 There is no example of an ablative. 16 This seems to be the only actual n. form of this declension in the RV. 17 The form ahi-ghnyás (AV.) is a transition form with shift of accent from the deri- vative 7-declension. 18 The form arunis (1. 121³) may be con- tracted for arunias. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. V. B. m. daksi. f. arayi, mahe-nadi², yami, lakṣmi (AV.). Du. N. A. A. 2. f. abhi-śriya, ghrta-śriya.— 3. m. mana-nía, sadha-niā; senäni-grāmanyàu (VS. xv. 15). - f. abhi-śriyau (AV.). B. m. rathía. f. cakriyā, nadiā, naptiā, yamiā, sakthiā, sṛṇiā; cakriyau (SV.), nãḍyàu (AV.), sakthíau (AV.) ³. I. B. f. ksonibhyām. L. B. f. onios, naptíos. G. A. 3. m. yajña-nios. - B. f. onios4, cakríos. Pl. N. V. A. 1. f. dhiyas, śriyas5. 2. m. dirghadhiyas, duradhías, dudhias, nána-dhiyas, su-dhiyas, sv-adhias; agni-śríyas, adhvara-śriyas, su- śriyas. f. adhías, vyadhias (AV.). — 3. m. grama-nías (AV.), deva-vías, pada-vías, sadha-nías; abhi-priyas, kadha-priyas, gana-śríyas, pari-priyas. f. abhi-śriyas, a-priyas (AV.), pra-nías, vata-pramiyas. - B. m. ahías, apathias, rathías, su-hastias1.f. apasías (VS. x. 7), arapías (AV.), arunías, enías, kalyānías, kavasias (VS. xx. 40, 60), gaurias, tīkṣṇa-śrigias, nadías, nãdias (AV.), mayūrías, yatu-dhanías (AV.), rathías, lakṣmias (AV.), vakşías, vi-kesias With (AV.), vyasta-keśías (AV.), samudriyas, sahasra-parnias( AV.), starías. ī pronounced as y: once nadyàs (VII. 504) and 6 forms in the AV., aśvataryàs, nadyàs, naptyàs, nūḍyàs, pippalyàs, vykṣa-sarpyàs. Acc. A. 1. f. dhiyas, bhiyas (AV.), bhiyás (TS. IV. 1.73 VS. XXVII. 7), śriyas. - 2. m. duradhias, dudhías, su-śriyas8. f. adhías (AV.). 3. m. sadha-nías.-B. m. ahías, duspravias, rathías. - f. arāyias (AV.), aṣṭa-karnias, kilasia khārías, dehias, nadías, naptías, mesias, yamías, yatu-dhānias, samudriyas, sambadha-tandrias (AV.) 'affliction and exhaustion', starías. 272 — - - - 12 I. A. 1. f. dhibhis, śrībhis. - 2. m. sv-ādhibhis. - 3. m. gana-śribhís¹. - B. m. híranya-vasībhis. - f. kalyaníbhis, kṣonibhis, nadibhis, naptíbhis. D. ¹2 A. 3. m. rta-nibhyas¹¹, śva-nibhyas¹¹ (VS.XVI. 27), senā-níbhyas¹¹ (VS. XVI. 26). B. f. aparibhyas, nadibhyas (VS. xxx. 8). G. A. 1. f. dhīnám and dhiyám, śrīņám. 3. f. hiranya-vínām. B. m. ahínām, nadinam 'invokers', rathinam ¹³. f. arunínām, krimiņām (AV.), nadínām, puruṣiṇām, svariņām. I L. A. I. f. dhish. - - 14 - B. f. aparişu, arunísu, nadişu ¹4. ¹ Pada dhakşi; cp. RPr. Iv. 41. 2 Treated as a compound in the Pada (VIII. 74¹5) though mahe is V. 3 The AV. shows no example of -ia. It has three transition forms āṇḍiau, phálgunyau, aksyàu. 4 Cp. APr. III. 61. 5 Also the transition form striyas. — — 6 This would be vya-dhiyas in the RV. where in compounds ending in -dhi- the 7 if unaccented is split. 3. b. Stems in derivative -ī. LANMAN, Noun-Inflection 365-400. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 362-366. 377. 1. This declension embraces a very considerable number of stems which are formed by means of the suffix - (originally -yā) and, except seven masculines, are restricted to the f. gender. It largely supplies the f. form of words requiring inflexion in more than one gender. Feminine stems are thus made from nouns in -a, e. g. devi (m. devá-); from adjectives in -u; e. g. prthvi (m. prthi-); from present participles in -ant; e. g. mád ant-i- — - 7 See above, 375 B a a, note 3. 8 Also the transition form to the deriva accented as a monosyllable. VS. tive i-declension dera-bris (TS. IV. 6. 3² xvII. 56) 'worshipping the gods'. 9 Also the transition form striyas; on yahvias and suparnias see 375 a a. 10 Also the transition form strībhís (accented as a monosyllabic stem). 11 Metrical shortening; see LANMAN 372³. 12 There is no example of an Ab. m. or f. 13 The accent of the G. atasinām 'beggars' would seem to require a stem atasi and not atasi-. — 14 There is also the transition form strīşú VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. (m. mádant-), -ánt, e. g. adat-í- (m. adánt-), or -at, e.g. píprat-ī- (m. piprat-); from perfect participles in -vāms, e. g. jagmús-i (m. jaganváms-); from comparatives in -yams, e. g. náviyas-i- (m. náviyāms); from words in tar (-tr), e. g. avitr-í- (m. avitár-); from adjectives in -mant, e. g. dhenu-mát-ì- (m. dhenu-mánt-), and -vant, e. g. áma-vat-í- (m. áma-vant-); from nouns in -an, e. g. sam-rájñ-i- (m. rájan-), -van, e. g. rtá-var-i- (m. rtá-van-); from adjectives in -in, e. g. arkín-i- (m. arkin-); from compounds ending in -añc, e. g. arvác-i- (m. arváñc-), in -drs, e. g. su-djs-i-, in -pad, e. g. a-pád-i-, and in -han, e. g. á-pati-ghn-ï-. 2. There is besides a large group of miscellaneous f. stems of an independent character, having no corresponding m.2, e. g. sác-ì- 'might'. 3. The seven m. stems³, of which five are proper names, are: Tiraści-, Námi-, Pŕthi-, Mátali-, Sóbhari-; ráştri- 'ruler', siri- 'weaver'. 273 a. The stems of this declension (in contrast with those of the B group of the radical - declension) do not normally accent the suffix. The exceptions to this rule are of a definite character. 1. When in the first f. group there is a corresponding m. accented on a final syllable which is liable to be reduced in such a way as to be incapable of bearing the accent, the acute is thrown forward on the ; e. g. m. urú-, f. urv-í-; m. netár-, f. netr-í-; m. ad-ánt-, f. ad-at-i; m. praty-ánc-, f. pratic-i; m. -han-, f. -ghn-i-. When the m. ends in -á, the accent also in several stems remains on the corresponding -; thus m. devá-, f. devi; papá- ‘evil', f. pāpi-4; ¸m. puro-gavá- 'leader', f. puro-gaví; m. rāmá- night, f. rāmi-; m. vamrá 'ant', f. vamri-. More usually, however, the accent of such feminines is thrown back on the first syllable 5; thus m. ayasá- 'made of iron', f. áyasi-; m. arușá- 'red', f. áruşi; m. gāndharvá- 'belonging to the Gandharvas', f. gandharvi-; m. tavisá- 'strong', f. távisi- 'strength'; m. parusá- ‘reed', f. páruṣṇī ‘reedy', Ñ. of a river; m. palitá- N. ‘grey', f. pálikni-; m. mahișá-6 buffalo', f. máhiși-; m. rohitá- 'ruddy', f. róhiņī- ‘ruddy cow', m. śam-gayá- 'procuring prosperity for the household, f. sam-gáyī-; m. śyāvá- ‘brown', f. syávi-; m. syetá- 'white', f. syéni- 'white cow'. 2. Again, the miscellaneous group of feminines hardly ever accents the final -7 of the stem except when it is a proper name, a shift of accent having here probably taken place to indicate a change of meaning; thus araṇyāní- 'Forest-goddess', arundhati-î (AV.) N. of a plant and a star, indrāni 'Indra's wife', rodasi N. of the Aśvins' wife, vadhri- mati N. of a mythical female, varunāní- Varuna's wife', favasi N. of Indra's mother, sinivali N. of a goddess; and the river names. añjasi, asikni-8 (but ásiknī- black' and 'night'), go-mat-t- (but gó-mat-i- 'rich in cows'), sutudri-. Inflexion. 378. The inflexion of the derivative - stems stands in marked contrast with that of the radicalī- stems in three respects: (1) no -s is added in the N. sing. masculine or feminine; (2) the endings diverge considerably from the normal ones, the Sing. A. taking m, the D. -ai, the Ab. G. -ās, the L. -ām, the du. N. A. -ī, the pl. N. A. -s; (3) stems accented on the final vowel shift the acute to the ending in the weak cases of the sing., in the G. L. du., and the G. pl. 1 Adjectives ending in -a do not form | adjectives and all participles ending in -a their f. in -ī unless they are accented on the form their f. with -ā. final syllable, when the accent almost always shifts to the first syllable; e. g. áruși- from arusá-; but pāpá- has papí- beside papá-. 5 This is the converse of the accentuation in the B group of the radical - declension, where the m. in unaccented a throws the acute on the final -7 of the f. 2 A list of these is given by GRASSMANN, Wörterbuch 1722-23. 6 Similarly varutý 'protector', f. várūtr-i-. 7 Originally a present participle *á-rundhat-i- 'not hindering'. 8 ásiknī also occurs once as the N. of the river. 3 Cp. ZUBATÝ, zn den altindischen männ- lichen 7-stämmen, Sitzungsberichte d. Böhm. Ges. d. Wiss. 1897, XIX (treats also of the radical 7-stems used in the masc.). 4 Beside papá. The great majority of Indo-arische Philologic. I. 4. 18 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. The forms actually occurring, if made from deví- 'goddess', would be as follows: Sing. N. deví. A. devím. I. devyá. D. devyái. Ab. devyás. G. devyás. L. devyám. V. dévi. Du. N. A. deví, V. dévī. D. Ab. devibhyam. G. L. devyós. Pl. N. devis. A. devis. I. devíbhis. D. devíbhyas. Ab. devíbhyas. G. devinám. L. devísu. V. dévīs. Forms actually occurring are the following: Sing. N. The m. forms are: námí, pŕthí, mátali, rástrí, sóbharī. The f. forms are very common, being made from nearly 300 stems in the RV. Among the most frequent are: prthivi 'earth' (57), deví (48), sárasvatī (43) N. of a goddess, mahí 'great' (35), ucchántī ‘shining’ (16), yatí 'going' (14), jánitrī 'mother' (10), brhati 'great' (10), ghṛtácī 'filled with ghee' (9), maghóni 'bountifuľ' (9), strí¹ 'woman' (3)². The f. is formed from over 100 stems in the RV. 274 A. m. námīm. Among the commonest forms are: pṛthivím (62), mahim³ (35), devím (18), táviṣīm (13), urvím (9) ‘wide', pipyúṣīm4 (9) 'swelling' 5. I. This case is formed with the normal ending -a. The only m. form is námya. But there are about 40 f. forms in the RV. In more than two-thirds of these the suffix is pronounced as a voweló -ià (in oxytones -iá), in the rest as a semivowel -yä (in oxytones -yá). The stem sámi- 'labour' has, beside sámya, the contracted form sámi, which also appears in the compound su-śámī 'with great care'. At the end of a Päda and before vowels this I. sámī is shortened to sámi8. The forms occurring are: 1. ánvya 'subtile', aśvabhidhánya (AV.) ‘halter”, ášvāvatyā 'furnished with horses', ásiknyā⁹ (AV.), kundrṇácyā 'house lizard', kumbhya (TS. III. 2. 84) 'jar', gatu-mátya 'spacious', gayatryá (TS. II.2.48) a metre, ghrtắcya, citántya 'observing', citáyantya 'appearing', jágatya (TS. II. 21. 4³), a metre, tmánya 'by oneself', dávidyutatya 'glittering', devácya 'directed towards the gods', dáivyā (AV.) 'divine', návyasya 'new', pátnya 'wife', mádhu-matyā accompanied by sweetness', róhinyā, vásvyā ‘good', vájavatyā 'rich in treasure', vásya (AV.) 'knife', viśvá-bheṣajyā (AV.) 'all-healing', visvácyā 'universal', višvyā 'everywhere' (adv.), šácyā 'might', śámyā, śarmayántyā 'pro- tecting', Simya 'work', satrácyā 'attentive', samícyā (Kh. III. 105) a goddess, sárasvatyä (AV.), sóma-vatyā ‘accompanied with Soma', stíbhantyā 'praising', hárinya 'yellow', hiraṇyáyā" 'golden'. Oxytones with shift of accent: annādyá (AV.) 'proper food', asiknyá, devyá, purāṇyá ‘ancient', prthivyá, mahya, samanyá 'similar', sadhäranyá 'common', sūcyá 'needle', sautrāmanyá (AV.) a kind of Indra sacrifice. The TS. and VS. also have urvyá as an adverb 'afar', which in the RV. appears only in the modified form urviyá. D. The ending looks like -ai, e. g. devy-ái; but it is doubtless in origin the normal ending -e fused with the suffix -ya, i. e. -yai-ya-e¹². Only 13 forms (all f.) occur in the RV. These are, besides a few others from the later — ——— ¹ Cp. WIEDEMANN, BB. 27, 211, footnote. | 7 This also occurs in the compound 2 In the AV. there are also the transition | urvi-ūtiḥ (VI. 24²), if urvi- the adv. instr. forms á-durmangalī, su-mangali, nadí. In RV. urvyä. 1.1805 ksoni has perhaps dropped its -s owing to the following s. 8 The compound su-śámi also occurs once in the TS. VS. as well as the RV. 3 Perhaps to be read uncontracted as mahiam in x. 505; vẫnīm (11. 118) is also to be read as vāņiam. 4 Perfect participle of pi- 'swell'. 5 There is also the transition form nadim (AV.). 6 The vocalic pronunciation seems to be the commoner in the AV. also; cp. LANMAN 381. - 9 Probably an error for ásiknyās; see WHITNEY on AV. v. 138. 10 For hiraṇyáyyā. 11 Cp. LANMAN 368 (top). 12 An indication of this origin is perhaps to be found in the fact that of the 13 stems in the RV. taking this dative only one, patnyai, has the vocalic pronunciation -iai VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. Samhitās: 1. arvácyai (VS. XXII. 24) ‘hitherward', ávacyai (VS. XXII. 24) 'downward', á-vyatyai 'not desiring', iyatyai 'so great', údīcyai (VS. xxII. 24) 'northern', jágatyai (VS.xxIv. 12), jāryái (TS. III. 2. 2²) ‘mistress', júryantyai ‘aging', jyáyasyai ‘elder', dhenumátyai ‘yielding milk', parjánya-patnyai' 'having Parjanya for a husband, pašumátyai 'consisting of cattle', praticyai (VS.xxII. 24) 'western', prácyai (VS. XXII. 24) 'eastern', yaso-bhaginyai (VS.11. 20) 'rich in glory', rátryai (VS.xxIv. 25) 'night', vájavatyai, vis-pátnyai, sahá-patnyai¹ (AV.) 'united with the husband'. -- 2. Oxytones: indrānyái (VS.xxxvIII. 3), urvyái (VS. XXII.27), kalyanyái² (AV.) 'good', gãyatryái (VS.xIII. 54), devyái, prthivyái, bṛhatyái, mahyái, rājāsandyái (VS. XIX. 16) 'Soma stand', sinīvālyái, striyái³ (AV.), hiranya-keśyái← (AV.) 'gold-haired'. Ab. The ending looks like -as, e. g. prthivy-ás; but it is doubtless the normal ending -as fused with the suffix -yā, i. e. -yās -ya-ass. Only five forms occur in the RV., besides a few others in the later Samhitās: avadyávatyas (AV.) 'disgraceful', urvásyas N. of a nymph, jágatyas (VS. XIIL 56), jívantyäss 'living', dur-admanyás (VS. II. 20) 'bad food', pátantyas 'flying', prthivyás, brhatyás (AV.), mahyás. G. The ending is the same as in the Ab. and of similar origin. m. tiraścyás, pŕthyas, sóbharyas. - f. The forms occurring in the RV.8 are: I. amśu-mátyās9 N. of a river, amhu-bhédyās (VS.XXIII. 28) 'having a narrow slit', uśīnárāṇyās N. of a people, ūrjáyantyäs 'vigorous', ésadhyas (VS.1. 25) ‘plant', távisyas, dánumatyäs 'rich in drops', mams-pácanyas 'flesh-cooking', rátryas, vivásvatyās ‘shining', sámyas, sósucatyas 'shining', súsyantyās 'about to bear'. 2. urvyás 'earth', devyás, prthivyás, mahatyás 'great', yatyás, yatyás 'going', vadhrimatyás N. of a woman, striyas 0. 12 L. This case seems to be formed with the ending -am, e. g. devy-am; but it may be due to the fusion of a particle *-am with the suffix -yä. It is formed from 15 stems in the RV., where the pronunciation -iam is con- siderably less than half as common as -yam. Forms occurring are: I. ásiknyām, ucchántyam, údicyām (TS. II. 4. 14¹), jágatyām (VS. xxxvIII. 18), jahnávyām 'race of Jahnu', drsádvatyam N. of a river, náryām (Kh. IV. 13³). 'woman', párusnyām N. of a river, prácyam (TS.II.4.14¹), yavyávatyām 'rich in streams', rátryām, varanávatyām (AV.) N. of a river, vasávyam 'treasury', sácyam, sárasvatyam N. of a river, soma-kráyaṇyam (VS. VIII. 54) 'serving as the price of Soma'. 2. araṇyānyắm, āṣṭryám 'fire-place', asandyam (AV.) 'stool', gavīnyám (Kh.1v.13³) ‘groin', gāyatryám (VS. AV.), catvāriņšyám 'fortieth', jyesthaghnyám (AV.) N. of an asterism, devyám, narācyám (AV.) N. of a river, prthivyám, striyám (AV.) ¹³. 275 I To be pronounced -iai. 2 This is an emendation for the reading kalyānyai of the edition; cp. Lanman 383². 3 With split 7 as in the radical - stems. 4 There are also the transition forms bhiyái, śriyái (VS. XIX. 94), hriyái (VS. XIV. 35) from the radical - declension, and from the i declension devá-hutyai, turyái, nirrtyai, pustyái, bhujyái, bhṛtyái, śrútyai. 5-yas is read as 4 times out of 25 in the RV. : prthivias 3 times and jivantias once, always for metrical reasons, cp. LANMAN 384 (top). 6 There are also the transition forms from the declension, nábhyās, bhúmyās, hetyás; and from the AV. á-bhūtyās, á-rāṭyās, á-šastyās, (and here the iis preceded by two con- | áhutyās, kṛṣyás, deva-hetyás, rátryas, śīrşaktyás; sonants). probably also yenyas (VI. 1214), Pada yónya. 7 Pronounced tiraściás. But cp. ROTH, ZDMG. 48, 115 (bottom). 8 This case is formed from more steins in the AV. than in the RV.; cp. LANMAN 355. 9 In about 15 per cent of the following genitives the ending is pronounced -iās. 10 There are also half a dozen transition forms from the declension in the RV.: anumatyās, árātyās, nirṛtyās, pŕśnyās, bhúmyās (once with crasis in bhúmyopári X. 753', yuvatyds; there are many others in the AV.; as jāmyas (also Kh. v. 5¹9); see LANMAN 3852. 11 Cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, 265 (p. 619). 12 It is much less common than this is the AV. in 13 There are also two transition forms 18* I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. V. This case is formed, by shortening the final, from 38 stems (all f.) in the RV. Examples are: devi (23), sarasvati (16), pṛthivi (11), maghoni (9), vibhāvari 'radiant' (8), mahi (6). From the TS.: ámbali (vII. 4.19¹) 'mother', kámpila- vasini (VII. 4. 19¹; VS.) 'living in Kampīla', darvi (1.8.4') ‘ladle', patni (1v. 4. 124), mánduki (Iv. 6. 12; VS.) 'frog', deva-yajani (VS.) 'whereon gods are adored'. Du. N. A. V. This form in the RV. ends in -ī exclusively, being made probably with the ending - (like the f. du. of the derivative -a stems), which coalesces with the 7 of the stem '. There is only one m. form, the V. mādhvī 'fond of sweetness', an epithet of the Asvins. The f. is very frequent, being made from 76 stems in the RV. and from over 20 in the VS. The commonest forms in the RV. are: rýdasī (87) ‘the two worlds', dyávā-prthivi (65) 'heaven and earth', mahi (27), urví (20), prthiví (20), deví (13), samīcí (11) ‘uniteď, bṛhatí (10), yahví (6) 'active', aksi (6) ‘eyes', prthví (5). From the TS.: N. chándasvati 'desiring' and súrya-patnī (IV.3.11¹) ‘having the sun as husband', V. úrvi, rodasī, patnī (Iv. 7. 15°). 276 a, The is twice metrically shortened in prthivi (11. 315; 111. 544) and in máhi (IV. 569; X. 93¹). b. In the AV. three stems of this declension form transition duals 2 according to the radical - declension: aksyàu, āṇḍyàu, phálgunyau ³; in other texts: gavinyàu (TS. III. 3. 10¹) 'the groins', pátnyau (VS. XXXI. 22), rébhatyau and su-párṇyau (Kh. 1. 37). I. akṣibhyam (AV.), kumbhíbhyām (VS. XIX. 27), jóstrībhyām (VS. XXI. 51) 'cherishing', madhucībhyam (VS.) 'sweetness-loving', madhvibhyam (VS.). D. rodasībhyam. - Ab. akṣíbhyām, dyávāpṛthivíbhyam (VS. xxxvII. 18). G. aksyós4 (AV.; TS. III. 2.55), ártniyos (TS. IV. 5. 2³) ‘ends of the bow', ártnyos (VS.XVI. 9), divas-prthivyós 5, ninyós 'secret', pari-nŕtantyos (AV.) 'dancing round', ródasyos7.-L. aksyós (AV.), arányos, árjunyos, dyávāpṛthivyós (VS. XX.10), pátantyos, ródasyos, samīcyós. Pl. N. V. The ending seems to be simply -s, but it is doubtless the normal ending -as, which originally coalesced with the suffix -yā to -yās, the latter then contracting to -ïs. In the m. the only example is siris. But the f. is very frequent, being tormed from 166 stems in the RV., and occurring in the independent parts of the TS. at least 25 and of the VS. at least 40 times. The commonest forms are: devis (43), pūrvís (36) ‘many', óṣadhīs (27), váņīs (12) 'songs', pátnīs (11), mahis (11), bhātís (8) ‘shining, yahvís (7), devayántīs (6) ‘serving the gods', vásvīs³ (6). In the Khilas occur the 7 forms a-lakṣmís (11.66), anís (Iv.85), devis (111.10²), pāvamānis (III.10¹) N. of certain hymns, bahvís (II. 84 etc.) ‘many', svastyáyanīs (III. 10'), hiraṇyáyīs (v. 15¹¹). a. Transitions from this to the radical i declension are almost unknown to the RV.: striyas is the only certain example, and prsanyàs and suparnyàs are probably such; the tendency to use such transition forms is only incipient even in the AV.9, where urvyàs ¹0 (once) and rudatyàs (once) occur ¹¹. In the Khilas also, occur the three forms ghrtácyas 10 from the radical - declension: śriyám (AV.) and dutyám; five from the i declension: púramdhyam, bhúmyam, bhrtyám, yuvat- yam, sámgatyām; besides at least 10 addi- tional ones from the AV.: ávyām, ákūtyām, cittyäm, devá-hutyām, nábhyām (+VS. XXIV. 1), prstyám, bhutyam, yónyām (+VS.), védyām, sámityām. ¹ Cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, 287 (p. 644). 2 There are also the transition forms from the radical - declension ksoni and once nadi. 3 This form in -yau becomes universal in the post-Vedic language. 4 The Mss. in AV. V. 410 read aksós; see WHITNEY'S note. 5 With the first member of the Dvandva inflected in the sing. G. 6 Either the G. of nini- (m. ninyá-) or shortened for ninyáyos. 7 Once (VI. 24³) used in the sense of an Ab. 8 éka-patnis (AV. x. 839) 'having one hus- band' is N. pl. f., not N. sing. m. 9 There seem to be no such transitions in the TS.; but there are at least 3 to the i declension: óşadhayas (1V. I. 44), revátayas (IV. 2. 11¹), pátnayas (V. 2. 11²). 10 Beside urvis which occurs 9 times. ¹1 And yet this form is the only one in the post-Vedic language. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. 277 (11.84), bahvyàs (III. 112), pāvamānyás (III. 10³). The VS. has about 10 such forms: devyàs (XXXVII. 4) beside devis, pátnyas (xXIII. 36) beside pátnīs (VI. 34), phálavatyas (XXII. 22), bahuyàs (XIX.44) beside bahvis, mahánāmnyas (XXIII. 35), maitravarunyàs (XXIV. 2), maitryàs (XXIV. 8), vatsataryàs (xxIv. 5), V. vamryas (XXXVII. 4), vaišvadevyàs (XXIV. 5), sarasvatyàs (XXIV. 4). b. There are no transitions from the radical - declension to this one in the RV., and in the AV. only nadis (beside nadyàs) and laksmis (beside lakṣmyàs). But the transi- tions from the i- declension are numerous: angúlis (AV.), avánīs, ājánīs, ūtis, rstis (AV.), dhamánis (AV.), náktīs, nábhīs (AV.), nirrtīs, niṣkṛtīs, pársnīs (AV.), puramdhis, prstis (AV.), bhimis, visvá-krstīs, śrénīs, sáyonis. A. This case is identical in form with the N., and its origin is doubtless similar. It is very frequent, being made from more than 100 stems in the RV. The commonest forms are: purvis (40), ósadhis (24), mahis (18), bṛhatís (12), dắásīs (9) 'demonesses’, pátnīs (7), pŕsatīs (7)² ‘dappled mares'. I. This case is fairly frequent, being made from 32 stems in the RV. The commonest forms are: śácībhis (36), távisibhis (13), śámībhis (8), óşadhibhis (6), prsatibhis 3 (5). The TS. has also símībhis (v. 2.12¹), sucibhis (v.2.11¹.²); the VS. aruníbhis (XII.74), jágatībhis (1.21), sthālíbhis (XIX. 27) 'cooking-pots'. D. This case is rare, being formed from only three stems in the RV. and a few others in the later Samhitās: āvyādhinībhyas (VS.xvI. 24) ‘assailing bands', ósadhibhyas, keśínibhyas (AV.) 'hairy', gandharvá-patnībhyas (VS. AV.) 'having Gandharvas for spouses', ghoṣiṇībhyas (AV.) 'noisy', táviṣībhyasª, tisthantibhyas (VS. XXII. 25) 'standing', tymhatibhyas (VS. xvI. 24) 'piercing', mănuşībhyas (TS. Iv. 1. 4³; VS. xi. 45) 'human', vrsanyántibhyas 'desiring a male', śaśvatíbhyas5 (AV.) ‘everlasting', srávantibhyas (VS. XXII. 25) 'flowing', hradúnībhyas (VS.xxi. 26) 'hail'. Ab. Only three forms of this case occur in the RV.: ósadhībhyas, padvátībhyas 'possessed of feet', brhatibhyas. G. This case, which as is usual in the vowel declension takes the ending -nām, is found in only one m. form, sóbharīnām; but it is fairly common in the f., being formed from 34 stems in the RV. The oxytones which number only six", throw the accent (as in the i-declension) on the ending: bahvinám, bhanjatinám 'breaking', bhatinám, bhunjatinám'gladdening', mahinám7, yatīnam. This rule does not, however, hold in the SV. and VS., which have mahinām (VS. I. 70; IV. 3); nor in the AV. where the forms nārāśamsínām 'eulogies' and rathajiteyinām 'chariot-conquering' occur. Of the remaining 28 genitives in the RV.8 the commonest are: šáśvatīnām (10), óṣadhīnām ⁹ (9), mánuṣīnām (8), śácīnām (4), īyúṣīņām¹⁰ (3) 'having departed'. From the VS.: āvyādhinīnām (XVI. 21). L. This case is fairly common, being formed from 30 stems (all f.) in the RV. The most frequent forms are: ósadhīṣu (20), mánuṣīṣu (8), náhusisu 'neigh- bouring', jágatīşu (2) 'females', táviṣīṣu (2), yahvísu (2), róhiṇīṣu (2). The rest occur only once each ¹2. From Khila III. 15¹7: suddha-dantīşu 'white-toothed'. 12 This form should perhaps be read as śréņayas in v. 597. 2 Also the transitions from the radical - declenslon arunts and yātudhānis (AV.). 3 The stems forming this case in the RV. are enumerated by LANMAN 396. 4 nárī- 'woman', by shortening its final vowel, forms its D. according to the i- declension: náribhyas. 5 Irregularly accented on the final of the stem, otherwise, šáśvati-. 10 6 Or 7 including strí: strinám. 7. On the exceptions mahinām (X. 134¹), yatinām (1. 1586), devayatinām (1, 36¹), see LANMAN 398 (bottom), II 8 The G. návyasīnām is once used in agreement with the m. marútām. 9 kanínām, with contracted -ya-, is the only G. pl. of kanya- in the RV., kanyánām occurs once in the AV.; see LANMAN 399 (top). io Perfect participle of i- 'go'. 11 There is also the transfer form from the - declension sváhakṛtīsu, in which the long vowel is perhaps metrical. On the other hand strīsu (accent) is a transfer to the radical -declension. 12 LANMAN enumerates the stems, 399. (bottom). 278 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 4. a. Radical stems in -/. 379. No nominal i-stems are derived from roots originally ending in -i, as these (some six or seven) have all joined the consonant declension by adding a determinative -t¹. There are, however, about a dozen stems in which is probably radical in a secondary sense, as representing a reduced form of roots ending in -a². These are with one or two exceptions m. com- pounds formed with -dhi dha- 'put': api-dhí- 'covering', a-dhi- 'pledge', utsa-dhi- 'receptacle of a spring', uda-dhí- 'receptacle of water', upa-dhi- ‘part of the wheel between nave and felly', garbha-dhi- 'nest', ni-dhí- ‘treasury', pari-dhi- 'fence', prati-dhi- 'cross-piece of car-pole', pra-dhi- 'felly', śeva-dhi- 'treasure', sá-dhi- 'abode'; perhaps also osa-dhi- f. as a shortened form of óşa-dhī- ‘plant'. Besides these there is prati-sthi- f. 'resistance', from stha- 'stand', and probably the reduplicated stem yayi- 'speeding', in which the -i is secondarily reduced through the older form yayi- from the -a of the root ya 'go'. These few stems have nothing distinctive in their inflexion, which follows that of the derivative i-stems in every particular. - The forms which occur from these words are the following: Sing. N. ä-dhí-s, ósa-dhi-s, nidhi-s, pari-dhi-s, prati-sthi-s, yayi-s, sá-dhi-s.- A. utsa-dhi-m, uda-dhí-m, ósa-dhi-m, garbha-dhi-m, ni-dhi-m, pari-dhí-m, pra- dhi-m, yayi-m, śeva-dhi-m. I. yayinā. Ab. uda-dhés. Du. N. upa- dhí, pra-dhí. Pl. N. óşa-dhayas, ni-dháyas, pari-dháyas, prati-dháyas, pra- dháyas. A. api dhín, uda-dhin, ni-dhín, pari-dhin, pra-dhin. - I. ni- dhíbhis. G. ni-dhinám. L. ni-dhísu. = — - ————— 4. b. Derivative stems in -/. LANMAN, Noun Inflection 365-400. WHITNEY, Grammar 335-340, 343. REICHELT, Die abgeleiteten i- und z-stämme, BB. 25, 238-252. - ¹ See above, stems in derivative -t (307). 2 Cp. LINDNER 56 and LANMAN 453. 3 See J. Schmidt, KZ. 29, 526, note 1. Cp. 380. This declension embraces a large number of m. and f. stems. There are comparatively few neuter stems; and, except the N. A. sing. and pl., neuter forms are rare, not occurring at all in several cases. The regular inflexion is practically the same in all genders, except that the N. A. sing. and pl. n. differ from the m. and f., and the A. pl. m. and f. differ from each other. There are several peculiarities here as regards the formation of the stem, the endings, and accentuation. The final vowel of the stems shows Guna in three of the weak cases of the singular (D. Ab. G.) as well as in the V. sing. and the N. pl. m. f., while it is abnormally strengthened in the L. sing. The normal ending -as of the Ab. G. sing. is reduced to -s, while that of the L. sing. is lost. Oxytone stems, when the vowel is changed to y, throw the accent on a following vowel not as Svarita but as Udatta; and even on the nam of the G. pl., though the stem vowel in that case does not lose its syllabic value. a. The only word which distinguishes strong forms is sákhi- 'friend', which takes Vṛddhi in its strong stem sákhay. These strong forms are frequent: Sing. N. sákhā ³, A. sákhayam. Du. N. A. sákhāyā4 and sákhāyau. Pl. N. sakhayas. This word has two further irregularities, the simple stem sákhi- adding -e in the D. sákhy-e, and the abnormal endingur in the Ab. G. sákhy-ur. The other forms occurring are regular: Sing. I. sákhyā, V. sákhe. Pl. A. sákhin, I. sákhibhis, D. Ab. sákhibhyas, G. sákhīnām. Eigh com- pounds in the RV.5 are inflected in the same way (also sóma-sakhā, VS. IV. 20); but of four others, which have joined the a- declension, there occur the forms A. dravayát- sakha-m (x. 39¹0), N. yāvayat-sakhá-s (X. 265), A. patayát -sakha-m) and mandayat-sakha-m (1. 47). 4 sákhāyā occurs 6 times (also VS. XXVIII. 7), sákhāyau only once. 5 See LANMAN 400³. 1 VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. 279 b. I. The stem páti-, when it means 'husband' and is uncompounded, shows irregular inflexion in the Sing. D. and G. (like såkhi-) and the L.: D. pátye, G. patyur ¹, L. pátyau. When it means 'lord' 2 or is compounded, it is regular: D. pataye, bŕhaspátaye, G. pátes, praja-pates (TS.), L. gó-patau. 2. The stem jáni- 'wife' also takes the abnormal endingur in the G. sing.: jányur. This stem has the further irregularity of forming its N. sing. jáni according to the derivative - declension. 3. The stem arí- 'devout' is irregular in forming several cases like the radical - stems (except in accentuation): Sing. A. aryám (beside arim), G. aryás 3. PI. N. A. m. f. aryás. The VS. has also the N. sing. aris beside the aris of the RV. c. Twenty-seven stems in the RV. show forms according to the derivative i- declen- sion in the D. Ab. G. L. sing. f.4, perhaps from a desire to add a distinctively f. ending in a declension which does not distinguish genders in these cases. There is a steady increase of such forms in the later Samhitās; thus while the RV. has only 7 datives in -ai from stems, the VS. has about 40. d. In the RV. 4 or 5 stems show the influence of the n- declension in the incipient use of the ending nī in the N. A. n. du., and (ī)-ni in N. A. n. pl.; and in the I. sing., stems taking the ending -nã are already 5 times as numerous as those adding the normal -ā. Inflexion. 381. The N. sing. m. f. always takes -s5, the A. simply -m. The D. Ab. G. V. gunate the suffix, to which the Ab. G. add only -s instead of -as. The L. sing. has an altogether abnormal form ending in -ā or -au. The N. pl. m. f. gunates the -i, to which the normal ending -as is added. The A. pl. in the m. adds -n, in the f. -s, before which the vowel is lengthened. The G. pl. always takes -nām, lengthening the preceding vowel. The frequent adjective súci-'bright' may be used to illustrate the forms actually occurring in the three genders: Sing. N. m. f. śúcis, n. súci. A. m. f. śúcim, n. śúci. I. m. śúcyā, śúcinā, f. súcya, súcī, śúci. D. m. f. n. sucaye. Ab. m. f. śúces. G. m. f. n. šúces, L. m. f. n. šúcā, śúcau. V. m. f. śúce. D. m. súcibhyām. Du. N. A. V. m. f. n. šúcī. I. m. f. n. šúcibhyām. Ab. m. f. śúcibhyam. G. m. f. śúcyos. L. m. f. n. śúcyos. Pl. N. m. f. śúcayas. N. A. n. śúci, śúci, súcīni. A. m. súcīn, f. súcis. I. m. f. súcibhis. D. m. f. súcibhyas. Ab. m. f. n. śúcibhyas. G. m. f. súcīnām. L. m. f. n. šúcișu. Forms actually occurring are the following: Sing. N. m. This form is very frequent, being made from nearly 250 stems in the RV. The commonest examples are: agnís (389) 'fire', kavis (90) 'sage', háris (58) 'tawny', byhas-pátis (52) 'Lord of Prayer', súcis (38) 'bright', şis (32) 'seer', bráhmaṇas-pátis (23) 'Lord of Prayer', átithis (20) 'guest". a. The stem ví- 'bird', besides the regular N. which occurs 6 times, has the anomalously gunated form vé-s', which occurs 5 times in the RV. b. The pronominal forms ná-ki-s (50) and má-ki-s (13) 'no one' are old nomiuatives which have become indeclinable. N. f. This form is frequent, being made from 136 stems in the RV. The commonest examples are: áditis (78) 'freedom', su-matís (22) 'bene- volence', rātis (22) 'gifť, nábhis (19) 'navel, matis (18) 'thought', yuvatis (18) 'maiden', bhúmis (12) ‘earth', prá-matis (11) 'providence' 8. T This ending is probably due to the 5 Except the irregular m. sákhã and the aualogy of the words of relationship, pitúr f. jánī (jánis in AV. xx. 482 is an emendation). etc.; cp. KZ. 25, 289 and 242 f. 6 There is also the transition form from the radical declension véşa-fri-s beautifully adorned' (TS.). 2 The VS., however, has pátye viśvasya bhumanas 'lord of the whole world'. 3 Cp. BB. 25,242; OLDENBERG, ZDMG. 54, 49-78. 4 Cp. REICHELT, BB. 25, 234-238, and J. SCHMIDT, KZ. 27, 382. 7 Cp. REICHELT, BB. 25, 250. 8 Also the transition forms from the i declension aranyanis, óşadhis, naptis (AV.), rắtris (AV., VS. xxxvII. 21). 1 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. N. A. n. This form has no ending. It is made from 37 stems in the RV. The commonest examples are: máhi (84) ‘great', bhúri (47) ‘much', sv-asti (35) 'welfare', hárdi (9) ‘heart'2. From other Samhitas: án-abhiśasti (VS.v. 5) 'blameless', a-mení (VS.XXXVIII. 14) 'not casting', ásthi (AV., VS.) 'bone', a-sthuri (VS. II. 27) 'not single-horsed', ātma-sáni (VS. xix. 48) 'life-winning', éka-nemi (AV.) 'having one felly', krivi (VS.x. 20) 'active' (?), kşatra-váni (VS.1.17) 'devoted to warriors', gāyatrá-vartani (TS. III. 1. 10¹; VS. XI.8) 'moving in Gayatrī measures', dádhi (AV., VS., Kh.III. 16¹) 'sour milk', pasu-sáni (VS. x1x. 48) 'cattle-winning', pŕśni (AV.) 'dappleď, brahma-váni (VS.1. 17) 'devoted to Brahmans', loka-sáni (VS. xix. 48) ‘causing space', vádhri (AV.) ‘emasculated', vári³ (VS. xxI. 61) 'choiceworthy', sajāta-váni (VS. 1. 17) ‘conciliating relations'. A. m. This form is very frequent, being made from 205 stems in the RV. and occurring more then 1200 times. The commonest examples are: agním (269), rayim (180) ‘wealth', yónim (61) 'receptacle', pátim (49) 'lord' or 'hus- band', áhim (40) 'serpent, ádrim (30) 'rock', kavim (28), átithim (25), bŕhaspátim (25), hárim (24), ūrmim (23) ‘wave', púramdhim (8) 'bountiful', yayim (2) '(speeding) cloud', arim4 (2) 'devout's. 280 f. This is a frequent form, being made from 156 stems in the RV. and occurring more than 600 times. It is thus about half as common as the m. The examples occurring oftenest are: su-matím (41), su-ṣṭutím (35) 'excellent praise', vrstim (26) ‘rain', matím (22), rātím (20), bhắmim (19), púramdhim (5), rayim (4) 6. I. m. This case is formed in two ways. I. Five stems in the RV. add the normal ending ā, before which the -i is generally pronounced as y, but half a dozen times as a vowel: pátya 'husband', sákhyā, ūrmyá¹, pavyá 'felly', rayyá³. -2. Owing to the influence of the n-declension 25 stems in the RV. add -nā instead of the normal -ã: agnínā, ánghriņā (VS. 11. 8) 'foot', ádriņā, asinā 'sword', áhina, ūrmíṇā, kavinā, kāśinā ‘fisť', kiki-dīvínā ‘blue jay', jamádagnina N. of a seer, devápina N. of a man, dhäsinā 'draught', panina 'niggarď, pátinā ‘lorď, pápriņā ‘delivering', paridhínā (VS.xvIII. 63; TS.v.7.7²) 'fence', panína (VS.1.16) ‘hand', pŕśninā (Kh.III.157), bŕhas-pátinā, maṇinā ‘gem', yayinā, rayiṇā, raśmínā rein', vádhrină, vavrínā ‘vesture', vastína (VS.xxv. 7) 'bladder', vŕşa-nabhina 'having strong naves', vrsnina 'strong', śúcinā, sásninā 'bountiful'. f. This case is formed in two ways. 1. About 30 stems in the RV. add the normal ending -ā, before which the -i is pronounced as a vowel in about three-fourths of the occurrences of this form, and as y in the rest ⁹. The forms occurring are (a) oxytones: asitya 'eighty', utyá 'aid', kīrtyá ¹⁰ (AV.) ‘fame', pańktyá (VS. XXIII. 33) a metre, pityá ‘draught', pustyá (AV. TS.) prosperity', matyá, mithatyá 'emulation', vasatyá 'abode', vrstyá, sanyá (VS. v. 7; TS. IV. 2. 1²) 'gain', su-kīrtyd 'praise', su-matyá, su-stutyá, svastya (VS. The only i- stem taking -m is the pro-| 7 Pronounced urmia, sometimes also pátiā, nominal ki-m, probably owing to the false|sákhiā. analogy of ká-m. 2 LANMAN 377 enumerates the forms. 3 The Pada text reads vári. According to BR. váry á here stands for váryam á. 4 Also aryám formed like a radical - stem (though differently accented). 5 There are also the transitions from the - declension pŕthim and sobharim. 6 Also the transfers from the i- declension aranyānim, onim, işadhim, rắtrim (AV.), snihitim (SV.). 8 ghiniva (11 336) possibly stands for ghini-iva (Pada i-iva), ghini then possibly being a contracted I. for ghynyā; cp. LANMAN 379 (middle). 9 On the other hand -ya is pronounced 5 times as often as -ia in the AV.; see LANMAN 380. zo All the Mss. but one read kirtyä or kīrtyà; see WHITNEY's note on x. 6²7. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. VIII. 15; TS. I. 4. 44¹); (b) otherwise accented: abhi-śastyā (AV.) 'curse', árāṭyā (AV.)ʻmalignity', ávartyā ‘distress', aśánya 'thunderbolt, ákūtyā ‘purpose', ábhūtyā ‘ability', istya 'sacrifice', jálpyž ‘whispering', tŕptyā (AV.) ‘satisfaction', tvisya 'brilliance', devá-hutya 'invocation of the gods', dhrájyä 'impulse'; nábhyā (VS. xxv. 9), pársnyä 'heel', púramdhyā, pústya (TS. III. 1. 5¹), prá- matyā, bhútyā (AV.) 'growth', bhůmya, rámhya 'speed', rájya 'direction', rúcyā (AV.) 'lustre', vícya 'seduction', śáktyā (VS. XI. 2; TS. IV. I. 5³) 'power', sú-bhūtyä (AV.) 'welfare', sýnya 'sickle', svádhityā (AV.) knife', hársya 'excitement'. 2. A contracted form in -ī is made by 35 stems in the RV. and occurs more than twice as often as the uncontracted -ya. The forms occurring are: d-citti 'thoughtlessness', á-prabhūtī 'little effort', a-vyathi 'sure-footedness', ahutī oblation', utí, rju-nītí ‘right guidance', citti 'understanding', justi 'favour', didhiti 'devotion', du-stutí and dú-ṣṭutī ‘faulty hymn', dhīti² ‘thought', ní-sitī ‘kindling', pári-viṣṭī ‘attendance', pur-jiti 'previous acquisition', prá- nītī ‘guidance', prá-bhūtī ‘violence', prá-yatî 'offering', prá-yutī ‘absence', matí, vartaní ‘felly', vistí 'effort', vīti ‘enjoyment', vrstí, śakti and śáktī, śrusți³ 'willingness', sá-hūtī ‘joint invocation', su-dīti 'bright radiance', sú-nītī 'good guidance', su-matí, sů-mitī ‘being well fixed', su-sastí (Kh.n. 10²) ‘good recitation', su-stuti, hásta-cyuti quick motion of the hand'. Also su-paptani (1. 1825)4 'with swift flight' (in Pada with -i); perhaps also the two forms hetí (vI. 18¹⁰) 'missile' and istī (1. 1804) 'desire', which occurring before - are given by the Pada as hetih 5 and -istiḥ. 281 a. This form is further shortened to - in about a dozen words6 in the RV., occurring altogether some 25 times: işáni 'setting in motion', úpa-śruti 'giving ear to', upábhrti 'bringing near, tri-visti 'thrice' (= adv.), _ni-tikti 'haste', prá-yukti 'impulse', vásat-krti 'exclamation vaşat', sadhá-stuti 'joint praise', su-vykti ‘excellent praise', su-sasti 'good praise', sv-asti, havis-krti 'pre- paration of the oblation'. Perhaps also á-smrti (AV.VII.106¹) 'through forget- fulness'. b. A few forms follow the analogy of the m. in adding -nā: dhāsinā 'abode', nábhinā, prétinā (VS. xv. 6) 'advance'. n. There is no certain instance of a neuter I.: súcina (11.388) is perhaps an example, but it may be taken as a masculine. D. m. The stem regularly takes Guņa before adding the normal ending -e; e. g. fşay-e. This is a form of frequent occurrence, being made from 44 stems in the RV. The commonest examples are: agnáye (48), átraye (12) N. of a seer, sanáye (12), ghŕsvaye (6) 'gladdening', dabhitaye (5) N. of a man 7. From the VS.: bráhmaye 'holy', bhuvantáye (xvI. 19) 'earth-extender' (?), vrsti- vánaye (XXXVIII.6) ‘rain-winning', sandháye (xxx. 9) 'agreement'. a. The only two stems not taking Guna are páti- 'husband' and sákhi-, which make pátye and sákhye8. When compounded páti- 'lord' forms its D. regularly as -pataye; e. g. byhas-pátaye, prajá-pataye (VS. XI. 66) 'Lord of Creatures', amhasas-patáve 1 This form is, except in two instances, written with y before a, but is to be read with hiatus; it coalesces in the written text withi or i, but is not always to be so pro- nounced. 2 This is the only contracted form occur- ring in the independent parts of the AV. 3 The form sadhri (11. 13²) is probably an adverb 'to the same goal' from sádhri- (LINDNER p. 112), or it might be an inst. f. of sadhri (LANMAN 380³). 4 See RPr. VII. 15. 5 Cp. LANMAN 3804. 6 These occur eight times at the end of a line or stanza, four times at the end of an internal Pada before vowels, two or three times within a Pada before vowels. 7 The stems which form this dative are enumerated by LANMAN 382. 8 These words are never pronounced as pátie and sákhie. 9 This is the only compound in the RV. formed with the D, of páti. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. (VS. VII. 30) 'Lord of distress', bhuvana-pataye (VS. 11. 2) 'Lord of the world', bhuva-fataye (VS. 11. 6) 'Lord of the atmosphere', vacás-pátaye (VS. vII. 1) 'Lord of speech', samveśá-pataye VS. 11. 20) 'Lord of rest'; also in the expressions kşétrasya pátaye (AV.) 'Lord of the Field' and (bhūtásya pataye (AV.) ‘Lord of the world', which are virtually compounds ¹; similarly diśám pataye (VS. XVI. 17); but fátye 3 viśvasya bhumanas (VS. XVII. 78) Lord of all the earth'. 282 f. This form is made like the m.; e. g. iştáy-e. It is very frequent, being formed from 50 stems and occurring over 500 times in the RV. The commonest examples are: utáye (88), pitaye (67), sóma-pitaye (49) 'draught of Soma', vája-sataye (34) 'winning of booty', sataye (34) 'acquisition', vitaye (31), devá-vitaye (22) 'feast for the gods', istaye (20) 'impulse'4. a. The form ūti is frequently used as a dative, similarly án-ūtī ‘no help' once and vīti twice. svasti occasionally has this value at the end of a Pada and when it alter- nates with svastáye in v. 51¹2, ¹3, but it may be intended for an adverb 5. b. In the RV. seven stems in -i (all but 2 of which occur in Maṇḍala x), follow the analogy of derivative i stems and take the ending -ai: turyái 'victory', devá- hutyai 'invocation of the gods', nirrtyai 'dissolution', pustyái, bhujyái 'favour', bhrtyái 'support', śrútyai 'hlessing'. The AV. forms such datives from at least 11 stems; the TS. has a-samartyai (III. 3. 8²) 'non-injury', dur-iştyai (III. 2. 8³) 'failure in sacrifice', śáktya (1v. I. 1¹); the VS. has nearly 40: á-ksityai (v1. 28) 'imperishableness', ádityai (1. 30) 'Aditi', anu-matyai (XXIV. 32) 'assent', á-bhittyai (xI. 64) 'not hursting', abhí-śastyai (11. 5), á-bhutyai (xxx. 17) 'wretchedness', á-raddhyai (xxx. 9) ‘mischance', á-riştyai (11. 3) safety', áva-rtyai (xxx. 12) 'distress', á-hantyai (xvI. 18) 'non-killing', akutyai (v. 7), ártyai (xXx.9.17) "trouble', utkrantyai (xv.9) 'upstriding?, étyai (XXVII. 45) ‘arrival', krsyár (IX. 22) 'tillage', dur-istyai (11. 20), dhrajyai (VI. 18), nabhyai (XXXIX. 2), niskrtyai (xXx. 9) atonement', paniktyái (XIII. 58), práti-sthityai (xv. 10) 'firm footing', prá-sityai6 (11. 20 'attack', práyas-cittyai (XXXIX. 12) 'expiation', prétyai (xXVII. 45), bhútyai (XII. 65), bhúmya (XXIV. 26), matyái (xxIv. 39), mahyái (XXII. 20), rayyái (IX. 22), viviktyai (xxx. 13) 'separa- tion', výstyai (XVIII. 28), védyai (XIX. 16) ‘altar', vystyai (xxII. 34) 'dawn', vyrddhyai (xxx. 17) 'failure', sántyai (111. 43) 'quiet', su-ksityái (XXXVII. 1o) 'secure dwelling', hetyái (XVI. 18) 'missile'. n. The only form which seems to occur is súcaye. Ab. m. The stem takes Guņa, to which -s only, instead of -as, is added; e. g. ádres. It is not common, being formed from only 8 or 9 stems in the RV.: agnés (TS. IV. 2. 104; Kh. Iv. 65), áhes, udadhés 'water-receptacle', girés ‘mountain', ghŕnes 'heat', tíraści-rājes (AV.) 'striped across', parna-dhés (AV.) 'feather-holder', prajapates (TS. Iv. 1. 114), plāšés (AV.) 'intestine', yónes, vrsá-kapes 'man-ape', śatá-m-utes' 'granting a hundred aids', sám-ṛtes 'conflict'. f. This form is made in the same way as in the m. from 11 stems in the RV.: ádites, ápītes 'entering (iti-) into (api)', abhi-sastes, abhi-hrutes ‘injury', ámates ‘indigence', árates, áhutes (AV.), dhasés ‘abode', dhūrtés ‘injury', nýtes³ (AV.), pári-sutes oppression', bhúmes (AV.), vasatés, srutés 'course'. a. The RV. has three forms according to the derivative - declension: nábhyas (X. 90¹4), bhumyas (1.80), hetyás (x.8719). Besides these the AV. has: á bhutyas, á-ratyās, á-fastyas imprecation', ahutyas, hrsyás, deva-hetyás 'divine weapon', sirşaktyás headache'; probably also yonyās in yónyeva (VI. 1214) for yónyā iva. G. m. The regular form of this case is identical with that of the Ab., but is much more frequent, being made from 42 stems in the RV. The commonest examples are: agnés (55), vés (14), ádres (10), paņés (8), bŕhas-pátes (6), sūrés (5) 'patron', átres (4), kavés (4), dhāsés (4) ‘draught', bhúres (4); pátes ‘lord' ¹ Equivalent to kşetra-pati- (K.) and bhūta- páti- (AV.). 2 And a number of other epithets in VS. XVI. 17-23. 6 Used in the sense of the ablative with pāhi 'protect from'. 7 Cp. RICHTER, IF. 9, 5. 8 This form nytes is probably an error 3 pátye otherwise means 'husband'. 4 LANMAN 382 enumerates the stems which | vi. 183. take this dative. 5 Cp. LANMAN 383 (top). for drtes 'skin'; see WHITNEY's note on AV. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. 283 occurs once. Elsewhere are found: jamád-agnes (VS. III. 62; Kh. v. 36), prajapates (TS. III. 1. 4'; Kh. III. 15¹3), yayés¹ (Kh. 1. 10²). a. The two stems ari- and ávi- 'sheep' do not take Guna, and add the normal ending -as: aryás2 which occurs nearly 40 times, and ávyas which curs nearly 20 times. The stem páti-, when meaning hushand', and sakhi- do not take Guņa either, but add the anomalous ending -ur: pátyur, sákhyur 3. f. This case, identical in form with the m., is made from 11 stems in the RV.: ádites, abhi-sastes, ámates, istés, krstés 'tillage', devá-vītes, nirrtes, pustés, prines, vrstés, vratátes 'creeper'. This form is also made by at least 8 stems in the AV. a. Six stems in the RV. form genitives according to the derivative - declension, occurring 17 times altogether: ánu-matyās, árāṭyās, nirṛtyās, pŕšnyās, bhúmyās, yuvatyás. the AV. such forms are made from at least 16 stems and occur over 50 times : jamyás ‘akin' etc. One of these, ádityās, occurs also in the TS. (1. 6. 5¹) and VS. (1. 11). In n. The only example is bhúres, which occurs 16 times. L. This case in all genders ends very anomalously in - or -au- The latter. ending occurs more than twice as often as the former in the RV. (272 times to 126), while in the N. A. dual -a is nearly 7 times as frequent as -au (1145 times to 171). The general conditions under which the parallel L. forms - and -au occur5 are the same as apply to the dual -ā and -au: -ñ appears before consonants, -au (as -āv) before vowels, e. g. vír yónā vasatáv iva (IX. 62¹5) ‘a bird in the receptacle as in a nest'. But while the dual -ā is the regular form at the end of a Pāda, the L. -au is almost exclusively found in that position. As in the dual N. A. and the perfect sing. I and 3, the a-form is doubtless the earlier. It is most pro- bably derived from a locative form with Guņa (like the D. Ab. G. V. sing.), e. g. *agnáy-i, which dropped the ending (like some other locatives), *agniy then losing its y7 before consonants and lengthening its -a: agná. The later form agnáu must have been due to the influence of the u- stems, the inflexion of which is closely parallel to that of the i- stems, through the Sandhi form - which is common to both 8. m. I. The form is made from 7 stems and occurs 40 times in the RV.: agná, ajá 'contest', urmá, kukṣá 'belly', ghŕṇā, yónā, su-rabhá ⁹ 'fragrant'. The AV. TS. VS. have no -a form in independent passages, but Kh. III. 15 19 has agná. 2. The form in -au is taken by 27 stems in the RV.: agnáu, ádrau, aratáu ¹⁰ manager', aratnáu 'elbow', ājáu, āṇáu 'pin of the axle', urmáu, gábhastau 'hand', giráu, gó-patau 'lord', jiráu" 'stream', trksáu N. of a prince, dhvasánau 'sprinkler', námucau N. of a demon, nipatithau N. of a man, pandu, prt-sutáu 'hostile attack', médhyatithau N. of a seer, yajñá-patau 'lord of sacrifice', yónau, ráthavītau N. of a man, vánas-pátau ¹² lord of 12 Emendation for yayáis. 2 Once or twice to be pronounced ariás. 3 Cp. WACKERNAGEL, KZ. 25, 289 f. 8 Cp. MERINGER, BB. 16, 224. 9 LANMAN 3882, suggests the possibility of restoring ajáyi in I. 11210 and yonayi in x. 466. The n. L. a-pratá is used adverbially 4 Cp. LANMAN 514. = 5 See LANMAN 385 ff.; and cp. for the 'without recompense' (VIII. 32¹6); cp. BAR- dual 340 ff. and 574-576. 6 The L. - appears only 5 times at the end of a Päda, and then only in the two forms devátātā and sárvatātā. 1 7 Cp. the N. sákhā for *sákhay. The old L. may be preserved in feminines like agnay-i 'she who is beside Agni'; cp. IF. 12, 3. THOLOMAE, IF. 9, 255 f. 10 BR. would read aratnáu. ¹1īri may be f. as there is nothing to show the gender of the word. 12 The form vánaspátau occurs in Kh. II. 105 also. 284 the forest', salmaláu 'silk-cotton tree', sánitau 'attainment', samvaranau 'des- cendant of Samvarana', syúma-raśmau N. of a man, svádhitau. The AV. also forms the L. in -au from at least 16 stems; among them appears the uncompounded pátau (AV. III. 183) 'husband' as a variant for jáne in the corresponding passage of the RV. (x. 145¹). The TS. has áhau (v. 6. 1² AV. III. 13¹). I I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. f. I. The form in -ā is made from 21 stems in the RV.: avána 'river- beď, āja, úditā 'sunrise', kṣétra-sātā acquisition of land', gó-ṣātā 'winning of cows', toká-sātā 'attainment of offspring', devá-tātā 'worship of the gods', dyumná-sātā 'obtainment of strength', nábhā, nŕ-ṣātā 'capture of men', nemá- dhita 'conflict', pītá, prá-bhṛtā ‘offering', medhá-sata 'receiving the oblation', yama-hūtā invocation by prayer', súra-sata 'battle', sám-rta, sarvá-tātā 'perfect prosperity', sātá², srutá, svàr-ṣātā ‘attainment of heaven'. The AV. has nábhā (vII. 62¹); and the SV. reads śámtātā 'beneficent', as a variant for samtāti of RV. VIII. 187. The TS. and VS. have no independent L. f. in -ā. 2. The form in -au is more than twice as frequent, being made from 49 stems in the RV. The commonest examples are sātáu (17), vája-sātau (16), vyùṣṭau (16) 'flush of dawn', abhistau (10) 'help', su-matáu (14), gávistau (7) 'fight', istáu (6), rātáu (5), pūrvá-hūtau 3 (5) 'first invocation'. The AV. makes this form from 7 stems in independent passages. The TS. has úditau (1.8.12³), pūrvá-cittau (IV.2.10²) 'first thought'; the VS. ratha-nabháu (xXXIV. 5) 'chariot nave', rátrau (xxIII. 4) 'night'; and Kh. I. 114 sura-sātau. a. There are 5 locatives f. formed according to the derivative - declension with the ending -ām: piramdhyām, bhúmyām, bhṛtyám, yuvatyám, sám-gatyām 'assembly'. The AV. has 9 more: ávyam, ákutyám, clttyām, devá-hutyam, prstyám 'rib', bhutyam, yónyam, védyām (+ VS. xxvII. 12), sámityām 'assembly'. The VS. has sanyám (VIII, 54). xXVIII. 1 b. The locative védî4 occurring twice (VI. 11⁰; II. 34) is the only one formed from an istem with the normal ending - (— védi-i). The form pránītī may also possibly be a L. in III. 517. L. n. The only form in -a is a-pratá (vIII. 32¹6) 'without recompense' (used adverbially), and the only one in -au is saptá-raśmau (AV. Ix. 5¹5) 'seven-rayed'. V. This case regularly gunates the final vowel in the m. and f. It is very frequent in the m., being formed from 72 stems and occurring over 1100 times in the RV. In the f. it is not common, being formed from only 11 stems and occurring only 27 times in the RV. m. The commonest examples are: ágnes (799), pate (35), bŕhas-pate³ (32), kave (26), brahmaṇas-pate (17), vanas-pate (14), āghṛne (13) 'glowing', sat- pate (13) 'lord of the seat', sakhe (11)7. In Kh. 1. 57 the anomalously formed compound bhuvanas-pate8 'lord of the world' occurs; in the VS. anghāre (Iv. 27) a guardian of Soma, drte (xxxvI. 18) 'bag', drápe (XVI. 47) 'causing to run', bámbhāre (IV. 27) a guardian deity of Soma, bhuvas-pate (1v. 34) 'lord of the earth', sáteşudhe (xvI. 13) ‘hundred-quivered', sapte (XXIX.2) 'steed'. d. The V. sobhare is a transfer from the declension; and the compounds pavaka-foce, bhadra-soce, sukra-soce are transfers from the -is declension, doubtless meant to avoid the unusual form -socis in the V. 1 The RV. has only the form pátyau | 'husband'. 2 For this form in VI. 461 the SV. and VS. have the variant sātáu. 3 This form occurs also in AV. v. 1¹. 4 Cp. RPr. I 28; II. 35- 5 Written with Pluti VS. VIII. 10: ágnásí. Once (1x. 80¹) with double accent byhas- páte. 7 In mahe-male 'O great-souled' (Indra), the first member is anomalously gunated as well as the second; cp. mahe-nadi 'O great stream'. 8 Formed like vanas-pate. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. I f. The forms occurring in the RV. are: adite, anumate, asu-nīte ‘spirit-world', iste, upa-māte ¹ 'granting (of wealth)', rjīte ‘radiant', bhūme, mate, yuvate, satyatāte* 'truth', sv-angure 'fair-fingered'. The AV. has darve² 'spoon'; the VS. svadhite. a. There is also the ansfer oşadhe from the i- declension. Du. N. A. V. This form ends in -73 and can be used in all genders alike. The m. is very frequent, being made from 72 stems in the RV. The commonest examples are: indrūgní (78) ‘Indra and Agni', hárī (78), pátí (33), śubhás-pátí (21) 'lords of light'. Elsewhere also occur: sa-tátī (TS. III. 2. 2²) 'conti- nuous'; bhúri-raśmi (Kh. iv. 22³) 'many-rayed'; visva-váparī (Kh. II. 22³) ‘extend- ing (?) everywhere. The final vowel is shortened in saksáni (x. 32¹) 'united'. f. The forms occurring in the RV. are: itá-ūti 'extending from hence', atí, jītī, jāmi, dárvi, dyáva-bhúmi 'heaven and earth', dharayát-kavi 'protecting the wise', púramdhi, bhují 'patrons', yuvatí, vásu-dhiti 'treasuries', súci, sá-yoni 'of the same origin', su-práturti 'very victorious', sruti. n. The only two regular forms are súci and tigmá-hetī (AV.) 'having a keen thrust'; also máhi (with shortened final)s. There are besides one or two secondary forms with -nī made under the influence of the n- declension: ákṣiṇī (AV.) ‘eyes' and perhaps hárini (Ix. 707) from háriº. I. m. indragníbhyām, dámpatibhyam (AV.) 'husband and wife', háribhyām.—- f. vartaníbhyām, śrónibhyām (VS.xxv.6) 'hips'. n. sákthibhyam 'thighs'. D. m. indragnibhyām, índrā-bŕhaspátibhyām (VS. VII. 23) 'Indra and Brhas- pati', háribhyam¹. Ab. m. kukşibhyām (AV. VS.) pāṇibhyām (AV.). f. pársnibhyām, śróṇibhyām. - G. m. indragnyós, háryos. f. yuvatyós. 285 - L. m. kuksyós, gábhastyos, háryos. - f. jämyós; gavīnyós (AV.) 'groins', pársnyos (AV.). - n. sákthyos (VS. xxiv. 1). Pl. N. V. This form gunates the final vowel of the stem, adding the normal ending -as in the m. and f; e. g. agnáy-as, utáy-as. It is of very frequent occurrence, but is nearly twice as common in the m. as the f. m. This form is made from 109 stems in the RV. and occurs 523 times. The commonest examples are: kaváyas (45), váyas (38), sūráyas (36), hárayas (31), agnáyas (27), ádrayas (26), ṣayas (26), śúcayas (18), pátayas (16), raśmáyas (16), váhnayas (15) 'conveyers'. In the VS. also occur: ajaváyas 'goats and sheep' (. 43), výsa-pāṇayas (xxIx. 44) 'strong-hoofed', vriháyas (XVIIL 12) 'rice-plants'. d. The stem arí-, being the only i- stem that does not take Guņa, forms its N. pl. like the B group of the radical - stems (except the accent); ary-ás, which occurs 16 times in the RV. b. The form á-hrayas 'shameless' is a transfer from the radical - declension, and sóbharayas 'descendants of Sobhari' from the derivative i- declension. f. This form is made from 66 stems and occurs 290 times in the RV. The commonest examples are: utáyas (42), dhītáyas (21), matáyas (20), árātayas (18), rātáyas (18), kṛṣṭáyas (17), kṣitáyas (13) 'races', jánayas (12), vrstáyas (12). ¹ Agreeing with agne. 2 The VS. (11. 49) has darvi from dárvi- dárvi. The VS. (vIII. 43) also has vi-śruti which seems to be an irregular V. for vi- śrute; cp. pw. s. v. 3 The derivative -i, - and - stems are the only ones which do not take -ā or -au in the dual. a. The stem arí- has the same anomalous form as in the m.: ary-ás, which occurs 4 times in the RV. 4 Occurring in x.8512 and possibly Iv. 565. 5 Occurring X. 9754 and perhaps also 1v. 565. 6 BR. and GRASSMANN place this form under hárita-. 7 No n, forms occur in the D. Ab. dual, This word may be f. also. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. b. About 10 i- stems in the RV. have also N. pl. forms according to the derivative - declension: avánīs 'streams', ajanis births', ütis, náklis 'nights', nirytis, nişkytis, puramdhis, bhimis, visvá-kystīs 'dwelling among all men', sá-yonis. The AV. also has: angulis, rstis 'spears', dhamánis 'tubes', nábhis, pārsnis, prstis. 286 c. The stems yayi- 'speeding', Subhri- 'shining', karkari- 'lute' form their N. pl. according to the radical 7-declension: yayiyas, subhriyas (AV.), karkaryàs (AV.). d. Some -stems have transfer forms according to the i-declension: ambayas, arunayas, kşonáyas; ósadhayas, śákvarayas (TS. v. 4. 122; VS. XVIII. 22). The TS. has also: garbhinayas (11. 1. 26), pálnayas (v. 2. 112 etc.), revátayas (v. 2. 11¹), várutrayas (IV. 1. 62). N. A. n. I. The normal form, in which the ending i coalesces with the final of the stem to -i, is made from 4 stems in the RV.: a-pratí² irresistible', krúdhmi 'irascible', trí 'three', sicī. The final vowel of this form is further shortened in six stems: apratí, a-sthuri 'not single-horsed', jāmí, bhúri, śámi 3 'work', surabhi. The AV. has also máhi (besides apratí and bhúri). The forms in -ī and -i (which are of about equal frequency) taken together occur about 50 times in the RV. 2. There is a secondary form (following the analogy of the n-stems) in -īni, which is taken by 4 stems having the primary form also: apratini, bhúrīņi, śúcīni, surabhíni. These forms occur about 14 times. The AV. has also áksīni and ásthini; the latter form occurs in the TS. as well (v. 7. 2¹); the VS. has singīni (xxxIx. 8) 'entrails'. A. m. The ending n here (as in the -a and -u declension) represents original -ns, which in one half (42) of the total occurrences (84) of these forms in -īn in the RV. is preserved as -ms or (before vowels) -mr. This A. is made from 31 stems in the RV4. The commonest examples are sūrín (14), vánas-pátīn (11), panín (9), raśmin (6), sákhín (5), girín (4)³. The TS. also has ádhi-patīn (1. 6. 6¹) ‘lords', áhín (Iv. 5. 1²; VS. xv₁. 5); the VS. has tittirin (xXIV. 20) partridges', lájinó (xxIII. 8) parched grain', sácin (XXIII. 8) 'groats'. a. The stem ori- is the only one which does not take -n, but adds the normal ending -as instead, the A. aryás (which occurs 7 times in the RV.) being thus identical with the N. pl. The stem vi- in its only occurrence (1. 104¹) in the A. pl. uses the N. pl. form váyas. f. This form, which is made by adding simple -s (instead of -as), e. g. bhúmis, occurs from 42 stems in the RV. The commonest examples are árātīs (16), kṛṣṭís (16), kṣitís (8), carṣaṇís (7) ‘people', púramdhīs (7), avánīs (6), ášastīs (5)¹. The TS. has abhistís (v.4.14²), ámatīs (111.1.4¹), yónīs (1. 5. 3³), vyustis (1v. 3. 114); and śácis occurs in a Khila (p. 171, 6) 8. a. As in the m., the stem arí has aryás (occurring 4 times). Two N. forms, citrótayas (x. 140³) 'granting wonderful gifts' and súcayas (AV. v. 1³), appear to be used for the A. I. m. This form is made with the regular ending -bhis from 40 stems in the RV. The commonest examples are ádribhis (43), raśmíbhis (36), pathibhis (28) 'paths', háribhis (23), sákhibhis (15), sūríbhis (14), agníbhis (10), anjibhis (10) 'ornaments', sibhis (10), víbhis¹⁰ (9). · - From the VS.: plašibhis (xxv. 8). ¹ Beside avánayas, utáyas, bhúmayas, visvá- kystayas. 2 The Pada text has aprati. 3 BR. set up a n. stem śámi- beside f. šamī-. GRASSMANN recognizes śámi- only, making śámi always the I. sing. with short-RV. are enumerated by LANMAN 3953. ened final vowel. Cp. the I. sing. of śámi- above (p. 274). 8 See SCHEFTELOWITZ' note, p. 171 (bottom). 9 No n. form' occurs. 10 Not accented as a monosyllabic stem. LANMAN 395 enumerates the stems which take this accusative. 5 On the Sandhi of the final -n in this form see LANMAN 394 f. 6 Written with pluti in the text as lájín, śácizn. 7 The stems which take this form in the VI, DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. 287 f. This form is made in the same way as the m. from 48 stems in the RV. The commonest examples are: utibhis (100), svastíbhis (82), matíbhis (37), dhītíbhis (27), su-vṛktíbhis (18). a. The form ūtí is used 9 times as an I. pl. in the RV., as is shown both by the sense and by the forms agreeing with it; e. g. tvábhir útí (11. 20²) 'with thine aids'. b. A transfer from the 7-declension is aranıbhis 'tinder-sticks'. D. m. This form is made with -bhyas from 9 stems in the RV.: áśva- patibhyas (VS. xvI. 24) 'masters of horses', sibhyas, ganá-patibhyas (VS. XVI. 25) 'lords of troops', dáśāvanibhyas 'having ten courses', pátibhyas, yátibhyas N. of a race, raśmíbhyas (VS. XXII. 28), vi-bhyas², vráta-patibhyas (VS. XVI. 25) 'lords of companies', šúcibhyas, švá-patibhyas (VS. xiv. 28) 'masters of dogs', sákhibhyas, sanibhyas, sandhibhyas (VS. xxiv.25), sūribhyas. f. kṣitíbhyas, carşaníbhyas, deva-jamíbhyas (VS. XXIV. 24) 'sisters of the gods. There is also the transfer from the i-declension nåribhyas 'women'. Ab. m. This case, identical in form with the D., is made from 12 stems in the RV.: agníbhyas, átribhyas, kavāríbhyas ‘niggardly', giribhyas, panibhyas, pavibhyas, plaśíbhyas, yónibhyas (VS. XIII. 34), vánas-pátibhyas, vibhyas2, sákhibhyas, sanibhyas, sthivibhyas 'bushels'. f. amhatibhyas 'distresses', angúlibhyas (AV.), ksitibhyas, carsanibhyas, jánibhyas, dhamánibhyas (AV.) 'blasts'. n. asthibhyas 3 (AV. II. 33). G. m. This form is made from 28 stems in the RV.: (a) oxytones are agnīnám, kavīnám, girīṇám, carṣaṇīnám, deva-jamīnám (AV.), nidhīnám 'treasures', panīnám, pathinám, maṇīnám (AV.), mathīnámª, rayīṇām, vāpīnám 5 (AV.), vīnám, sanīnámº; (b) otherwise accented: átrīņām, ávīnām, áhīnām, ŕṣīṇām, gandhárīṇām N. of a people, caráṇīnām 'active', tuvisvánīnām 'loud- roaring', dhunīnām 'roaring', mahi-şvánīnam 'very noisy', muninām 'seers', vánas-pátīnām, vi-mahīnām 'very great, vyátīnām 'steeds', śúcīnām, sákhīnām, hárīnām, havir-máthīnām' 'disturbing sacrifices'. Also grhá-patīnām (VS. ix. 39) 'householders', dhárma-patīnām (VS. ix. 39) ‘guardians of law'. f. This form is made from 18 stems in the RV.³: (a) oxytones: kavīnám, krstīnám, ksitīnám, carṣaṇīnám, jāmīnám, dur-matinám 'hatred, dhautīnám 'wells', pustinám, matinám, rayīnám, su-kşitīnám, su-matinám, su-stutinám; (b) otherwise accented: arātinām (Kh. I. 55), úpa-stutīnam 'invocations', jánīnām, nírṛtīnām, márīcīnām ‘particles of light', súcīnām. L. m. This form is made with the ending -su, which becomes -şu, from 16 stems in the RV.: á-kavişu 'not wise', agnisu, añjísu, á-samātisu 'incomparable', ājíṣu, āpísu 'kinsmen', ŕṣiṣu, khādíṣu ‘rings', giríșu, nidhíșu, pathișu, pavísu, yónisu, raśmísu, śubhrisu, sūrisu. f. This form is made from 21 stems, all but three of which (a-vyathi-, jūmi-, śubhrí-) end in -ti-: abhi-mātiṣu 'plots', a-vyathisu, istisu, utísu, rstisu, krstisu, ksitisu, gav-istisu, jamísu, dív-istișu 'devotions', devá-hūtisu, páristisu 'distresses', pustisu, prá-nītisu, prá-tūrtișu speedy motions', prá-yuktisu, prá-sastişu (TS.1.7.7¹; VS. 1x. 6) 'praises', yáma-hūtiṣu, rātíṣu, vyùṣṭisu, șubhrísu, satisu. The form narisu ¹0 is a transfer from the 7 declension. n. The only example that occurs is bhurisu. 1 Once accented rşíbhyas in Välakhilya XI. 6, doubtless an error. 2 Not accented as a monosyllabic stem. 3 With wrong accent for ásthibhyas; cp. asthábhyas (VS. XXIII. 44). 4 Val. 58; BR. and GRASSMANN would read matinám, which is actually the reading of the Kashmir Ms.: SCHEFTELOWITZ, Die Apo- kryphen des Rgveda 40. 5 See WHITNEY's note on AV. XIX. 246. 6 Also the numeral trinám. 7 In about a dozen out of 128 occurrences resolution of -ām to -aam seems necessary. 8 Resolution of -am to -aam seems to be necessary in 4 out of 98 occurrences. 9 Wrong accent for árātīnām. IO On the other hand svahā-kṛtīşu is a transfer from this to the declension. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 5. a. Radical ü-stems. LANMAN, Noun-Inflection 400-419. WHITNEY, Grammar 348-352. 382. This declension comprises strictly speaking only m. and f. stems; for the few distinctively n. forms which occur are made only from stems in which the is shortened and which therefore in form belong to the u- de- clension. The normal endings, as they appear in the inflexion of consonant stems, are taken throughout. The G. pl., however, adds the ending -nam to compound stems'; and the N. sing. always has -s. This declension contains seven monosyllabic stems, one of which is m., five f., and one m. and f.; two reduplicated f. substantives and one adjective; and about 60 compounds, almost exclusively adjectives, made with the roots jū- 'speed', dyú- (diu-) ‘play', pū- ‘purify', bhū- 'be', su- 'swell', sū- 'bring forth', hū- 'call', and with the modified forms kru-, gū- 'go', drū- 'run', snū- ‘drip', which may be treated as roots. The stems occurring are: 1. monosyllables: m. jū- ‘speeding', 'steed', sū- 'begetter'; f. dū- 'gift, bhú- ‘earth', bhrú- 'brow', si- 'mother', syú- 'thread' (VS.), srú- 'stream'. 2. reduplicated stems: juhú- 'tongue', juhú- 'sacrificial spoon', jógū- 'singing aloud'. 3. compounds (in the alphabetical order of the roots): api-jú- 'impelling', kaso-ju- 'hastening to the water (?)', N. of a man, dhi-ju- 'inspiring the mind', nabho-jú- 'cloud- impelling', mano-ji- 'swift as thought', yatu-jú- 'incited by 'demons', vayo-jú- 'stimulating strength', vasu-ji- 'procuring goods', visva-ji- 'all-impelling', sadyo-ju- 'quickly speeding', sena-ju- 'swift as an arrow'. - eka-dyú- m. N. of a seer, kama-dyú- f. N. of a woman. agre-pú-² 'drinking first', uda-pú- 'purified by water', keta-pi- (VS. TS.) 'purifying the will', ghrta-pu- 'clarifying ghee', madhu-pi- 'purifying itself by sweetness', vata-pú- 'purified by the wind', visna-pi- m. N. of a man, su-pi- 'clarifying well', sva-pi- 'broom'. án- abhu- disobedient', abhi-bhi- 'superior', a-bhi- 'present', pari-bhú- *surround- ing', punar-bhi- being renewed', puro-bhú- being in front', pra-bhu- 'excelling', mayo-bhi- 'causing pleasure', vi-bhi- 'far-extending', visva-bhi- 'being every- where', visvá-sambhu- 'beneficial to all', śam-bhú- 'beneficent', saca-bhi- 'asso- ciate', su-bhi- 'good', svayam-bhú- 'self-existing', sv-abhi- 'helping well. sura-śú- 'exultant with liquor'. a-si- 'not bringing forth', a-süsú- (AV.) ‘barren', nava-sú- 'having recently calveď, pūrva-sú- 'bringing forth first', pra-sú- 'bringing forth', yama-sú- 'bringing forth twins', raha-sú- 'bringing forth secretly', raja-sú- 'king-creating', visva-si- 'all-generating', vīra-sú- 'hero- bearing', sakyt-si- bringing forth once', su-sí- 'bringing forth easily'. ā-hú- 'invoking', u-hu-3 'crying aloud', varṣā-hú- (VS.) f., sumna-hú- (TS.) 'invoking favour', su-hú- (VS.) 'invoking well'. -mitra-krú- f. a kind of demon. agre-gú 'moving forwards'. raghu-dri- 'running swiftly' 5. ghrta-snú- 'dripping ghee'. 288 - 1 The monosyllabic and the reduplicated stems, on the other hand, added -ām, as far as can be inferred from bhuvām and jóguvām, the only examples which occur. 2-pi- here pā- 'drink'. 3 Perhaps an onomatopoetic word. - - a. Vocalic pronunciation. Before vowels the has regularly a vocalic value in pronunciation. In monosyllabic stems it is always written as -uv; generally also in compounds even when preceded by a single consonant. In the minority of compounds (some 9 stems in the RV.) it is written as 7, but pronounced as a vowel. In the latter instances it is always given as u below; e. g. vibhvā as vibhúā. b. Accentuation. Except in the monosyllabic stems, which follow the general rule, the accent remains throughout on the same syllable, which is almost always the radical one. = - 4 -gu- here gā 'go'. 5 Cp. LANMAN 402. 6 About a dozen of the above compounds (all but 3 or 4 of them being formed with bhu-) also shorten the final of the stem, which is then inflected like an ž- stem. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. Inflexion. 383. The inflexion is identical in the m. and f. Several of the cases do not occur at all in the m., viz. Ab. L. V. sing., I. D. Ab. G. L. du., D. Ab. pl. In the monosyllabic stems several cases are wanting in both genders, viz. A. D. V. sing., and all the cases of the pl. except the N. A. G. The forms actually occurring, if made from bhú- f. 'earth' and the adjectives a-bhi- 'present' and ri-bhi- 'far-reaching', would be as follows: I. Sing. N. bhús. I. bhuvá. Du. N. bhiva. I. bhubhyám (VS.). G. bhuvam (VS.). Ab. bhuvás. L. bhuvós. L. bhuvis. G. bhuvás. L. bhuví (VS.). Pl. N. bhivas. A. bhúras. 2. Sing. N. ābhús; vibhús. A. abhúram; vibhúam. I. abhúvā; vibhúā. D. abhúve; vibhúe. Ab. f. vibhúas (AV.). G. m. abhúvas. Du. N. A. abhiva. Pl. N abhúvas; vibhúas. A. m. f. abhú as; f. vibhi. as. I. m. f. abhúbhis. G. m. f. abhúnam. L. m. f. abhúsu. - The forms actually occurring are: Sing. N. m. jús (VS. iv. 17), sús; eka-dyús. uda-pús (AV.), keta-pús (VS. IX. I ; TS. Iv. I. 13), madhu-pús (AV.), vāta-pús (AV.). abhi-bhús, pari-bhús, puro-bhús, pra-bhús (AV.), mayo-bhús, vi-bhús (AV.), viśvá-sambhus, sam-bhús (VS. AV.), saca-bhús, su-bhús (VS. AV.), svayam-bhús. sumna-hús (TS. IV. 6. 3¹), su-hús (VS. I. 30) 'invoking well'.- f. bhús, sús, syús (VS. v. 21); juhús (AV. VS.). kama-dyús. -abhi-bhús (AV.), punar-bhús, pra-bhús (VS. AV.), mayo- bhús, sam-bhús (AV.). - pra-sús (AV.), yama-sús, raha-sús, vira-sús, su-şús. varşa-hús (VS. xxiv. 38) 'frog'. A. m. 1. kaso-juram, mano-juvam, vasu-júram; abhi-bhiram (AV.), a-bhúvam, mayo-bhúvam, visvá-sambhuvam, sambhúvam, saca-bhuvam, sv- abhúvam; 2. visni-púam; vi-bhíam, su-bhúam. - f. juhúam 'sacrificial spoon'; 1. kama-dyúvam, viśra-júvam, saca-bhúvam; 2. a-siam, visva-súam (AV.), sakrt-siam. I. m. 1. mano-júva, sena-júva, sv-ābhúvā; 2. vi-bhúā. — f. bhuvá; juhúä 'tongue' and 'spoon'; I. punar-bhiva (AV.), mayo-bhuva (TS. 1 8. 3¹; VS. III. 47). n. 1. mayo-bhivā; 2. su-púā (VS. 1. 3). D. m. I. abhi-bhúre, vi-bhúre (VS. XXII. 30), viśvā-bhúre, saca-bhúre; 2. viṣṇā-púe, vi-bhúe, su-bhúe. Ab. f. bhuvás; a-susúas (AV.). G. m. sam-bhúvas, sacā-bhứvasª. f. bhuvás. L. f. bhuvi (VS.). - V. f. júhu (AV.). Du. N. A. m. mano-juvā; mayo-bhúva, śam-bhúvā, sacā-bhúvā; ghṛta- snúva ³. f. srúvā; api-júva; punar-bhivā, viśvá-šambhuvā, visvá-sambhui au (VS. x. 9), śambhúva, saca-bhiva. -- I. f. bhrūbhyám (VS.). — L. f. bhruvós. Pl. N. m. júvas; 1. á-duvas, ā-bhúvas, u-húvas, nabho-júvas, pari-bhuvas, mano-juvas, mayo-bhuvas, raghu-drivas, vayo-juvas, śam-bhuvas, V. saca- bhuvas (VS. III. 47), sadyo-juvas, su-bhivas, sv-ābhúvas 4; 2. vi-bhúas, su-bhúas; sura-súas. f. divas, bhuvas; juhúas 'tongues' and 'spoons'; 1. V. agre-guras (VS.), V. agre-puvas (VS.), dhi-júvas, punar-bhuvas, mayo-bhuvas, mitra-krúa as; V. viśva-sambhuvas (VS. IV. 7); 2. ghrta-púas, nava-súas, pra-súas, vi-bhúas, su-bhúas. A. m. án-abhuvas, mayo-bhuvas 5. - f. dúvas, bhivas; a-bhuvas, a-húvas, - 289 I The transition form a-súm (VS.) under the influence of the derivative - stems also occurs. The form ayogúm (VS. xxx. 5) is perhaps of the same kind. 2 The AV. has also the transition form punar-bhúv-äs. Indo-arische Philologie. I, 1. - - 19 - 3 Cp. LANMAN 413 (middle). 4 There are also the transfers from the - declension á-präyuvas, madhyāyúvas, mitrā- yuvas, śramayúvas. 5 In II. 143 jus is perhaps contracted for júas. 1. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. ghrta-snúvas, mayo-bhuvas, sanā-júvas; pra-súas, raja-súas (VS. x. 1) 'king- creating', vi-bhúas¹. I. m. ā-bhubhis. f. juhibhis 'tongues' and 'spoons'; sva-púbhis. G. m. jóguvām; yātu-júnām. f. bhuvām² (VS. xxxvII. 18); pūrva- súnām. L. m. ā-bhúṣu, puru-bhúsu 'appearing to many'. f. pra-súşu. 5. b. Derivative ū- stems. LANMAN, Noun-Inflection 400-419. 362-364. 384. This declension is almost entirely restricted to f3 stems, which (like the derivative or B group of the radical - declension) accent the final vowel and in inflexion are practically identical with the radical stems. The f. stems which it comprises may be divided into two groups. The first contains about 18 oxytone f. substantives corresponding in several instances to m. or n. stems in - accented on the first syllable: a-grú- (m. á-gru-) 'maid', kadri- (m. kádru- 'brown') 'Soma vessel', kuhú- (AV.) 'new moon', gugguli (n. gúggulu-) (AV.) N. of an Apsaras, gungi N. of a goddess, cami- 'bowl', jatú- (n. jatu-) (AV. VS.) 'bať', tanú- 'body', dhanú- (dhánu-) ‘sandbank' (AV.), nabhanú- ‘well', nytú- 'dancer', prdāků- (m. pŕdūku-) ‘serpent (AV.), prajanú- (AV.) ‘organ of generation', vadhú- ‘bride', śvaśrú- (m. śváśura-) 'mother-in-law', saranyi N. of a goddess; also kyámbu-4 (n. kiyámbu-) an aquatic plant (AV.). The second group comprises oxytone f. adjectives corresponding to m. oxytones: amhoyi- 'troublesome', aghãyú- malicious', apasyi- 'active', abhi-dipsi- 'wishing to deceive', avasyú- 'desiring favour', asita-jñú- (AV.) ‘black-kneed', ãyú- 'active', udanyú- 'seeking water', caranyú- 'movable', carisnú- 'moving', jighatsú- ‘hungry', tanú- 'thin', didhisú- 'wishing to gain', dur-haṇāyá- ‘meditating harm', duvasyú- 'worshipping', devayú- (VS.) 'devoted to the gods', dravitni- 'speeding', patayālu- 'flying', panasy- 'glorious', parayisní- 'victorious', prtanayú- 'hostile', prsanayú- 'tender', phalgú- 'reddish', babhrú- 'reddish brown', bibhatsi 'loathing', makhasyú- 'cheerful', madhu-5 'sweet', mandrayú- 'gladdening', mahiyú- 'joyous', mumuksú- 'wishing to free', vacasyú- eloquent', vi-panyú- 'admiring', sundhyu 'radiant, sanayú- 'wishing for gain', sūdayitnú 'yielding sweetness'; also su-dr- 'having good wood' (dru-). 290 — P - WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 355-359, a. Vocalic pronunciation. Before vowels the - has almost invariably a vocalic value in pronunciation. It is written as uv in the substantives agri- and kadri-, and in adjectives when the - is preceded by y, also in bībhatsi-7. Otherwise though always written as it is (except four or five times at the most in the RV.) 8, here also to be pronounced as a vowel. Hence the forms written in the Samhita with simple zare given below with ú. b. Accentuation. The derivative -stems not only accent the final syllable but ¹ VS. xxIv. 25 has the form sīcā-pús a kind | of bird. 2 In the V. víśvāsām bhuvām pate. 3 There are only five m. forms: N. prāšús 'guest', átapla-tanūs 'whose body is not cooked', sárva-tanus (AV.) ose body is entire'; A. krka-dāśúam a kind of demon; I. pl. makşübhis 'swift'. 4 This is the only f. stem in this declen- sion not accented on the final vowel; but TA. VI. 4¹ has the normally accented kyambú-. tanú-. 5 The corresponding m. in this instance is not oxytone, mádhu-. 6 Also as a substantive f 'good beam'. BR. and pw. however regard su-drúam as A. of a m. substantive su-drú- 'starkes Holz', 7 This is the regular practice in the TS. even when a single consonant precedes the -, e. g. tanúv-am; cp. IS. 13, 105 f. 8 tanvàs 3 times, camvòs once, tanvàm perhaps once; cp. LANMAN 408 (top). 9 Except the f. kyambu- (AV.) and the two m. Bahuvrihis átapta-tanu- and sárvaVI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. retain the accent on that syllable throughout their inflexion, In this respect they agree with the B group of the radical - declension and differ from the ordinary derivative - declension, c. Transition forms. There is an incipient tendency here to be affected by the analogy of the derivative i-stems. The only certain example in the RV. is the L. śvašruám (x. 8546) for *vairúi; the I. dravitnud is perhaps another instance. But the AV, has at least 10 such forms: A, kuhúm, tanúm, vadhúm; D. agrúvai, vadhvái, śvašruái; Ab. punar-bhúvās; G. urvāruása 'gourd', prdakuás, svaśruás; L. tanúam. The VS, has A. pumścalúm, D. tanvài, G. tanvás. Inflexion. 385. In the L. sing. the -i may be dropped in the RV. In the later Samhitās - sometimes appears in the A. for -am, and -ai, -ās, -am are occasionally taken as the endings of the D. G. L. respectively. The ending -ām appears once in the RV. also. The forms actually occurring, if made from tanú- f. 'body', would be as follows: Sing. N. tanús. A. tanúam. I. tanúa. D. tanúe. Ab. tanúas. G. tanúas. L. tanúi and tanú. V. tánu. Du. N. A. tanúa. D. tanúbhyam. L. tanios. Pl. N. tanúas. A. tanúas. I. tanúbhis. D. tanúbhyas. G. tanúnām. L. tanúsu. The forms actually occurring are: Sing. N. m. praśús, á-tapta-tanūs, sárva-tanus (AV.). f. asita-jnús (AV.), kuhús (TS. AV.), kyámbūs³ (AV.), guggulús (AV.), gungús, jatús (VS.), tanús, dhanús (AV.), nrtús, patayalús (AV.), prdakús (AV.), phalgús (VS. XXIV. 4), madhús (AV.), vadhús, sundhyús, svaśrús, saranyús. A. m. kṛkadāśiamª. f. carişniam, jighatsuam (AV.), tanam 5, pṛdākůam6 (AV.), vadhúam, su-drúam¹; avasyúvam, dur-haṇāyúvam, deva- yúvam (VS. I. 12), makhasyúvam, vacasyúvam, sundhyúvam, su-drúvam (SV.). With ending -m for -am: kuhim (TS. AV.), tanúm (TS. AV.), pums- calúm (VS. xxx. 5), vadhúm (AV.; Kh. Iv. 5¹). I. f. tanúa³, vadhúa; duvasyúvā. - D. f. tanúe?. With ending -ai: agrůvai (AV.), tanvài (VS. xxIII. 44), babhrvái (VS. xx. 28), vadhvái™ (AV.), śvaśruái (AV.). Ab. f. kadrivas; tanúas. — - 291 G. f. agrúvas, sundhyúvas; tanúas, vadhúas. With ending -ās: tanvas (VS. III. 17), prdäkuás (AV.), śvaśruás (AV.). L. f. camii, tani ¹2. Without ending: camú ¹3, tanú 14. ending -am: svaśruám; tanvầm ¹5 (AV.), tanúvām ¹6 (TS. 1. 7. 12²). V. f. bábhru, vádhu. 2 See LANMAN 411¹. 3 The TA. has the normal accentuation kyambi-; the corresponding stem in the RV. is kiyámbu- n. 4 That the word is m, is probable because sárvam seems to agree with it (1. 297). The A. m. ábhiruam 'fearless' is a transfer from the declension. - 5 The AV. has tanvàm once, tanúam 16 times, The TS. regularly has tanúvam (1.8. 10², etc.). 6 The Mss. all read prdākvám; see WHITNEY's note on AV. x. 4¹7. I Because the accent is shifted to the times. The TS. has tanúvā (1. I. 10² etc.) ending as in the derivative - declension; In RV. x. 24¹ camú is once perhaps a con- cp. LANMAN 404. tracted I.; see LANMAN 409 (top). 9 The AV. has tanúe 6 times, tanvè 7 times. The TS. has tanúve, 10 The AV, has vadhvái and vadhuái once each. 11 The AV. has tanúas 10 times, tanvàs 4 times. The TS. has tanúvas. 12 Three or four times tanúi, metrically lengthened (the Pada has i); cp. LANMAN 411 (bottom). The TS. (IV.3.13¹) has tanúvi. 13 camú occurs 6 times, camúi once. 14 tanú occurs once, tanúi 3 times. 15 This should doubtless be read tanvắm; see LANMAN 412. 16 This form in TS. IV. 2. 63 is a variant for the G. sing, tanvàs of RV. x. 97¹⁰. 19* 7 As an adj. in VII. 3220, 'made of good wood'; as a subst, in x, 288 'good beam'. 8 The AV. has tanúã 4 times, tanva 5 With I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. - Du. N. A. f¹. camúā, tanúā. — D. f. hanúbhyām² (TS. VII. 3. 16'). L. camíos 3. 292 Pl. N. f. 1. agrúvas; camúas, jatúas (AV.), tanúas, prdākúas (AV.), prajanúas (AV.). 2. amho-yávas, apasyúvas, avasyúvas, āyúvas, udanyúvas, caranyúvas (AV.), didhiṣúas, panasyivas, pārayiṣṇuas, prtanäyivas, prśanāyúvas, bibhatsúvas, makhasyúvas, mandrayúvas, mahiyúvas, mumuksúas, sanāyúvas, sūdayitnúas. yuva-yás (v. 41³), agreeing with N. f. dhiyas, appears to be a contracted form for -yú-as 5. A. f. 1. agrúvas; tanúas, nabhanúas, vadhúas¹. 2. abhi-dipsúas, dravitnúas; vi-panyúvas, sundhyúvas ³. - I. m. makṣúbhis'. - f. tanúbhis. D. f. tanúbhyas. G. f. 1. tanúnām, vadhúnām - 2. aghayinām ¹⁰ (AV.), babhrúnām, bībhatsúnām. 10 L. f. I. camisu, tanúsu. 2. babhrúşu. — - 6. a. Radical u- stems. 386. There are not many u- stems derived from roots originally ending in u, as several of these (about nine) have joined the consonant declension by adding the determinative -t". Some eight stems are, however, formed from roots in -u, all of them but one (dyú-) being compounds. These are: dyú- 'day', abhi-dyu- 'heavenly'; mitá-dru-¹² 'firm-legged', raghu-dri- 'running swiftly'; á-pra-yu-¹3 'assiduous'; ádhri-gu-¹4 'irresistible', vanar-gi- 'forest- roaming'; su-sti- 'highly praised' ¹5. There are besides some 12 stems in which is radical in a secondary sense as representing the shortened form of the vowel of three roots ending in -16. These are: dhi-jú- 'inspiring the mind', from jū- 'impeľ'; su-pú- ‘clarifying well', from pu- 'purify'; and com- pounds of bhu- 'be': á-pra-bhu- 'powerless', abhi-bhú- ‘superior', ä-bhú- ‘empty', ud-bhi- 'persevering', pari-bhi- 'surrounding', puru-bhú- 'appearing in many places', pra-bhú- 'powerful', mayo-bhi- 'delighting', vi-bhi- 'far-extending', Sam-bhi- beneficent', su-bhi- 'good'. 387. The inflexion of these words is identical with that of derivative u- stems. Forms which occur are the following: Sing. N. m. ádhri-gus, á-pra-bhus, pra-bhús, mayo-bhús, mitá-drus, vanar-gus, vi-bhús, sam-bhús ¹7. n. á-pra-bhu, á-prayu, a-bhú, ud-bhú (AV.), pra-bhú, mayo-bhú, raghu-drú, vi-bhú, sam-bhú, su-bhú. A. m. ádhri-gum, abhí-dyum, abhi-bhúm (AV.), a-bhúm, pra-bhúm, vi-bhúm ¹8 I. m. mayo-bhúnā. - n. su-púna (AV.). There are also two m. transfers from | This is only a metrical lengthening of declension, madhūyuvā and pašvá; the stem vowel (Pada ž). 10 Cp. LANMAN 418³. ¹¹ See above, stems in derivative -t (307). 12 From dru- 'run'. On sádru- see WHIT- NEY's note on AV. XV. 7¹. 13 From yu- 'separate', 'keep away'. the cp. LANMAN 403 and 413 (mid). 2 This is really a transition form from the derivative - declension, 3 camuos occurs 14 times, camvòs possibly once (IX. 96²¹). 4 Önce tanvàs; see LANMAN 408 (top). The TS. has tanúvas. + 5 On ratha-yús (x. 705) standing possibly for-yús -yú-as, see LANMAN 415². 6 RV. 20 times, AV. 3 times tanúas; RV. twice, AV. once tanvàs. The TS, has tanúvas, On WEBER's conjecture (IS. 13, 58) višvàs as A. pl. of *višu- see LANMAN 416³. 7 The Mss. of the AV. once read badhvàs (= vadhúas). 8 On ratha-yus (VII, 25) for -yús yúas, see LANMAN 416³. The VS. (xxi. 25) has jatus. 14 'going unrestrained', from gu-'go' =ga-. 15 The words sabar-dhi- 'yielding nectar', and á-smrta-dhru- 'not caring for enemies', seem to be compounded with -duh (-dhuk) and -druh (-dhruk: see pw.). 16 They are therefore transfers from the radical - declension, all the N. A. neuters of which are thus formed, 17 sabar-dhús (VS. v. 26; Kh, iv. 5²⁰) sabar-dhúk. 18 sabar-dhúm A, f. sabar-dúham. = VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. D. m. ádhri-gave, abhi-dyave. G. m. pra-bhós, su-stós. L. n. ud-bháu (VS. xv. 1), mitá-drau. V. m. adhri-go, pra-bho (AA. IV. 1 — Kh. v. 4)'. I Du. N. A. V. m. ádhri-gu, abhi-dyu (Kh. 1. 34), pari-bhú (AV.), puru- bhú, puru-bhu, vanar-gú, śam-bhú, sam-bhu. Pl. N. m. ádhri-gavas³, abhí-dyavas, dhi-jávas, mitá-dravast, vi-bhávas, V. ví-bhv-ass. n. mayo-bhú. A. m. mayo-bhin, dyún, vi-bhún (VS. xx. 23). I. m. dyúbhis; á-pra-yubhis, abhí-dyubhis, vanar-gúbhis (AV.), vi-bhúbhis. —— I 6. b. Derivative u- stems. LANMAN, Noun-Inflection 400-419. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 335-346. 388. This declension embraces a large number of nouns of all genders. The masculine stems greatly preponderate, being about four times as numerous as the feminine and neuter stems taken together; while the neuters consider- ably outnumber the feminines. Thus the N. and A. sing. are formed by about 430 stems in the m., by 68 in the n., and by 46 in the f. in the RV. The normal inflexion which is practically the same in all genders, except the N. A. sing. du. pl. n., is closely parallel to that of the i-stems (380). The stem takes Guņa in the same cases; but while in the - declension only one word (ari-) ever uses the unmodified stem, 8 or 9 words may do so here. The endings, too, are closely analogous; but while in the i- declension the ending of the L. sing. is always dropped, it is here retained in several words; and while the n- declension has affected only the I. sing. of the i declension, it has here affected all the other cases of the singular which take vowel endings. Finally, the accentuation is exactly parallel to that of of the stems. 293 a. Adjectives in - often use this stem for the feminine also; e. g. căru- 'dear'; otherwise they form the f. in -, as tanú- m., tanú- f. 'thin'; or in -ī, as uru- m., urv-í- f. 'broad', prthú- m., prthv- f. broad', bahú- m., bahw-i- f. 'much', mydú- (AV.) m., my dv-t- (VS.) f. 'soft'. b. The 8 stems which are analogous to ari- in having forms that attach the normal endings to the unaltered stem are: pašú-, pitú-; kŕtu-, krátu-, mádhu-, vásu-, šíśu-, sahásra-bahu-. c. Oxytone stems when the final vowel is changed to 7, throw the accent on a following vowel not as Svarita but as Udātta; they also shift it to the-nam of the G. pl. even though the stem vowel does not in that case lose its syllabic value; e. g. pasu-nám. d. Transition forms. 1. There are in the RV. only three forms which follow the analogy of the derivative - declension: D, işv-ai, G. işv-as, su-vástv-ās, all in late passages; the AV. also has rájjv-amº. 2. Transitions to the declension appear in the A. á-bhirvam, from á-bhiru-, and in several words formed with the suffix ya which make their N. pl. or du. as -yuvas, -yuvā. -3. Besides some 46 I, forms m, and n, sing., there are several transitions to the n- declension in the remaining cases of the sing., all neuter forms (except the m. G. cárunas): D. mádhune; Ab. mádhunas, sánunas; G. carunas, dánunas, drúņas, mádhunas, vásunas; L. áyuni, sánuni; also a few other forms from the later Samhitās, Inflexion. 389. The N. sing. m. f. always takes -s, the A. simply -. The D. Ab. G. sing. sometimes attach the normal endings to the unmodified stem; but ¹ In the f. V. prthu-sto 'broad-tufted', the u of the stem stu-= stukā-'tuft' may be radical, 2 á-smrta-dhru - ásmṛta-druhā. 3 For ádhri-gavas owing to the false ana- logy of gavas 'cows'. 4 There are also the forms according to the radical ū- declension á-prāyuvas, raghu- drivas. 5 See LANMAN 414². 6 The Mss. in AV. VI, 121² read rájvām. the only form of this word which occurs in the RV. is the N. sing. rájjus. 294 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. they generally gunate the stem, which then adds only -s instead of -as in the Ab. G. The L. sing. sometimes gunates the stem and adds -i, but generally takes Vṛddhi without an ending. The V. always gunates the stem. The N. pl. m. f. nearly always gunates the -u, to which the normal ending -as is added. The A. pl. in the m. adds -n, in the f. -s, before which the vowel is lengthened. The G. pl. always takes -nām, lengthening the pre- ceding vowel. The N. A. V. du. m. f. have no ending, simply lengthening the final vowel. The adjective mádhu- 'sweet' may be used to illustrafe the forms actually occurring: Sing. N. m. f. mádhus, n. mádhu. A. m. f. mádhum, n. mádhu. I. m. f. n. mádhva, m. n. mádhunā. D. m. f. n. mádhave, m. mádhve. Ab. m. f. n. mádhos, m. n. mádhvas, n. mádhunas. G. m. f. n. mádhos, m. n. mádhvas; n. mádhunas. L. m. f. n. mádhau, m. n. mádhavi, n. mádhuni. V. m. f. mádho, n. mádhu. Du. N. A. V. m. f. mádhu, n. mádhvī. I. m. mádhubhyām. D. m. mádhubhyām. Ab. m. n. mádhubhyam. G. m. mádhvos, n. mádhunos (AV.). L. m. f. mádhvos. Pl. N. V. m. f. mádhavas; mádhvas. N. A. n. mádhữ, mádhu; mádhūni. A. m. mádhun; mádhvas, f. mádhus; mádhvas. I. m. f. n. mádhubhis. D. m. f. n. mádhubhyas. Ab. m. f. mádhubhyas. G. m. f. n. mádhūnām. L. m. f. n. mádhusu. The forms actually occurring are the following: Sing. N. m. This form is very frequent, being made from 250 stems in the RV. and occurring nearly 900 times. The commonest examples are: indus (64) 'drop', víṣṇus (34) ‘Viṣņu', su-krátus (32) ‘skilful, vásus (25) 'good', ketis (23) 'brightness', rbhús (21) 'deft', vayús (20) 'wind', visváyus (18) 'kind to all men', sūnus (18) 'son', sindhus (17) 'river', cárus (16) 'dear', asmayús (16) 'desiring us', devayús (15) 'devoted to the gods', mánus (15) ‘man’. isus "arrow', otherwise f., is once (VIII. 667) m. a. The form yüs 'moving' is perhaps a corruption in VIII. 18¹3, where BLOOMFIELD (JAOS. 1906, p. 72) would read, for ririsista yúr, ririşīṣṭāyúr — ririşīṣṭa āyúr. = b. In vII. 863 didŕkşúpo perhaps stands for didŕksus+upo; but the Pada reads didykşu, and desiderative adjectives otherwise accent the final syllable; cp. LANMAN 405 (bottom). f. This form is made from 31 stems and occurs 73 times in the RV. The commonest examples are dhenús (22) 'cow', síndhus (11), śárus (4) 'arrow', vasuyús (3) 'desiring goods', isus (2), gatús (2) 'course', cárus (2), jivátus (2) 'life'¹. N. A. n. This form, which has no ending, is made from 68 stems and occurs over 400 times in the RV. The commonest examples are mádhu (77) ('sweetness'), vásu (77) 'wealth', urú (51) ‘wide', cáru (27), sánu (18) 'summit', prthi (15) 'broad, tri-dhatu (13) 'threefold', purú (13) 'much'. The RV. once has pásu and the VS. (xXIII.30) paśú ‘animal'. In other Samhitas occur tálu (VS.) 'palate', trápu (AV. VS.) ‘tin'. a. The final - is metrically lengthened in puri (12 times), mithú (twice) 'wrongly', and urú (once)². b. The metre seems to require the forms ayu (11I. 49²), jarámṛtyu (AV. XIX. 30¹), jisnú (AV. III. 19¹), pārayişnu (AV. VIII. 228), bahú (AV. xx. 13512), instead of the corre- sponding forms with -s, ayus etc., of the Samhită text. A. m. This form is made from 179 stems and occurs over 700 times in the RV. The commonest examples are: krátum (55) 'ability', ketúm (34), gatúm (33) 'course' and 'song', indum (27), sisum (26) 'child', sindhum (22), I LANMAN 406 enumerates the stems which form this N, 2 The Pada text here always has puru, mithi, urú. Cp. RPr. VII. 9, 19, 31; IX. 3. VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. 295 āśúm (20) 'swift', urúm (18), manyúm (18) 'wrath', vāyúm (18), amśúm (17) 'shoot', sunum (17), dásyum (15) 'fiend', paśúm (15), bhanúm (15) 'lustre', bhujyum (15) N. of a man, sátrum (15) ‘enemy'. f. This form is made from 15 stems and occurs 50 times in the RV.: á-dhenum 'yielding no milk', aruná-psum 'of ruddy appearance', işum, krúmum N. of a river, carum, jásum 'resting-place', jigatnúm 'speeding', jīrádanum 'sprinkling abundantly', jīvátum, dhánum 'sandbank', dhenum, bhujyúm 'viper', vasiyúm, śárum, sindhum. I. m. This case is formed in two ways. I. Four stems in the RV. add the normal ending -ā, before which the -u is almost invariably pronounced as v: paraśv-á 'axe', paśv-á; krátv-a', śiśv-ā. - 2. Owing to the influence of the - declension 30 stems in the RV. add -nă instead of the normal -ā: amśúna, aktúna 'light', an-asina 'not swift', a-bandhúna 'kinless', índunā, isuna (Kh. Iv. 73)2, urina, rjúna 'straight', rtina 'fixed time', ketúnā, krátuna ³, cetúna 'heed', jisnúna 'victorious', tri-dhátuna, dhumá-ketuna 'smoke- bannered', dhrsnina 'bold', paśúnā, bhānúna, mánunā, manyúna, ripinā 'deceiver', vagnúna 'roar', vahatuna 'bridal procession', vayúnā, vi-bhindúna 'splitting', vişnunā, výsa-psunā 'of strong appearance', sadhúnā 'straight', su- cetúnā 'benevolence', sétuna (TS. III. 2. 2 ¹) 'bridge', stanayitnúnā 'thunder', snúnā 5 'summit'. f. This form is made from 7 stems in the RV. by adding the normal ending -ā, before which the u is pronounced as a vowel in five stems: cikitvá (AV.), panvá 'praise'; á-dhenva, işvā (AV.; Kh. Iv. 5 3¹), mádhva, mehatnvá N. of a river, rájjvā (AV.) ‘rope', śárvā, su-sártvä N. of a river, hánvā ‘jaw'. a. Six oxytone stems and also mithu- form instrumentals with interposed-y-; they are used adverbially with shift of accent to the ending: anu-şthuyá immediately', amuya 'thus', asuya quickly', dhrsnuyá boldly', raghuyá 'swiftly', sadhuya 'rightly'; milhuya 'falsely'. n. This case is made in two ways. I. The normal ending -ā is added directly to the stem. Of this formation there is only one example: mádhva+ 'honey'. -2. Owing to the influence of the n- declension 15 stems in the RV. add -nā: urúṇā, kṛdhúnā 'defective', ghrtá-snunã 'dripping with ghee', jaráyuna 'after-birth', titauna 'sieve', trsuna 'greedy', tri-dhátuna, dánuna 'fluid', drunas 'wood', dhrsnúni, pururina 'far and wide', prthúna, mádhuna, vásuni, sánuna, svadúna 'sweet'. D. m. This case is formed in two ways. 1. The ending -e is added to the unmodified stem in three words in the RV.: krátve, śiśve, sahásra-bahve? 'having a thousand arms'. 2. The ending e is added to the gunated final vowel in over 60 stems in the RV. The commonest examples are: mánave (36), vāyáve (23), viṣṇare (13), manyáve (12), āyáve (10) ‘living', sūnáve (10), dásyave (9), ripáve (7), mṛtyáve (6) ‘death', pūráve (5)³ ‘man’. f. This case is made in the same way as the second form of the m. from only three stems in the RV.: jívátave, dhenáve, śárave. n. This case is formed in three ways. I. The ending -e is added to the - ¹ Twice out of 59 occurrences prouounced 5 The words snú- and drú- are not accen- krátua. The form krátva occurs VS. XXXIII. tuated as monosyllabic stems because they 72 and twice in the Khilas (111. 16²; v. 6³); are the reduced form of the dissyllables and in Kh. IV.536 kartvá is perhaps meant sanu- and dáru-. for krátvā. 6 krátve also occurs VS. XIV,8; XXXVIII, 28. 7 Pronounced -bahue. 2 For the işvā of AV. v. 54. 3 The form krátuna occurs 12 times, krátva 59 times, in the RV. 4 This form also occurs in VS. xx. 56 etc., TS. IV. 1. 81 (twice) and Kh, v. 64. 8 LANMAN 409 enumerates the stems which take this dative, I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. unmodified stem in one word: páśv-e¹. - 2. The ending -e is added to the gunated stem in two words: uráve, visvayave. 3. Owing to the influence of the n- declension -ne is added to the stem in one word in the RV.: mádhune. The AV. also has kasipune 'mat'. Ab. m. This case is formed in two ways. I. The normal ending -as is added to the unmodified stem in one word only: pitv-ás 'draught'. 2. The ending -s is added to the gunated stem in 20 words in the RV.: amhós 'distress', adhvaryós 'officiating priest', rtis, krśános N. of a divine archer, ksipanós 'archer', gántos 'course', tanayitnós 'thundering', tanyatos 'thunder', devayós, ninitsós 'wishing to blame', purós, babhrós (Kh. v. 15¹¹) 'brown', manyós, mṛtyós, ririksós 'wishing to injure', vanisthós 'intestine', vāyós, visnos, sátros, síndhos, snós. 296 f. This case is made in the same way as the second form of the m. The only two examples are: dhános and vástos 'dawn'. There is also one transition form due to the influence of the - declension: isv-as. n. This case is made in three ways. 1. The ending -as is added to the unmodified stem in one word only: mádhvas. 2. The ending -s is added to the gunated stem: urós, drís², mádhos (Kh. Iv. 12¹; TS. IV. 4. 12¹), sános, svadós. 3. Under the influence of the n- declension -nas is added to the stem: mádhunas, sánunas. G. m. This case is made in two ways. I. The ending -as is added to the unmodified stem in six words: paśvás, pitvás; krátvas, mádhvas, vásvas, śíśvas ³. 2. The prevailing form is made by adding -s to the gunated stem, and appears in 70 words. The commonest examples are: āyós (22), visnos (14), sindhos (13), aktós (11), vāyis (10), dásyos (8), mános (8), śátros (5), kūrós (4) ‘singer'. — a. There is a single transition form according to the n- declension carunas, which occurs only once (VIII. 5¹4). — f. This case is formed in one way only, like the second form of the m., from 5 stems: aktós, dhenós, vástos, saráyos N. of a river, sindhos. n. This case is made like the Ab. n. I. mádhvas5, vásvas. 2. The commonest form, made from 8 stems in the RV.: urós, kşós 'food', gúggulos (AV.) 'bdellium', cáros, mádhos(+AV.), vásos (+ AV.), vástos(+ AV.) 'dwelling', sādhós, svadós. — 3. cắrunas, dánunas, drunas, mádhunas, vásunas8 —— L. m. This case is formed in two ways. I. The normal ending - is added to the gunated final vowel in 7 stems: ánavi 'non-Aryan man', trasádasyavi N. of a king, dásyavi, druhyávi N. of a man, pávīravi N. of a man, vísnavi, sunávi. dropped, leaving the final stem This form of the L. is taken by ayáu, uráu, krátau, caráu 'poť', occurrences. - 2. More usually the ending is vowel with Vṛddhi instead of Guna. 19 stems in the RV.: aktáu ‘at night', druhyáu, párśau N. of a man, pasáu, The stem pásu- occurs once in the N. as a neuter, and pátve must owing to the accent be taken as the D. of that stem; the m. stem is pašú-, D. paśáve. 2 The form drós also occurs in Kh, IV. 5¹¹, 3 Possibly 4 other words written with -os, should be pronounced with -uas : dhrṣṇúas (X. 22³), ripúas (IV. 3¹3), pípruas (V1, 227), vişnuas (VIII. 31⁰⁰), 4 LANMAN 410 gives a list of the stems taking this form of the genitive. 5 Pronounced mádhuas twice out of 67 6 There is no certain evidence as to the gender of drú- 'wood', but, as it is a reduced form of daru- which is n., it may be assumed to be n. There is also the form drós. 7 mádhvas occurs 67 times, mádhos 13 times, mádhunas 9 times in the RV. The VS. has all three forms in independent passages, 8 vásvas occurs 38 times, vásos 8 times, vásunas 11 times in the RV, t VI. DECLENSION. NOUNS. VOWEL STEMS. pústi-gau N. of a man, putá-kratau N. of a man, puráu, mánau and maníu¹, yadau N. of a man, śrústi-gau N. of a man, síndhau, sétau 'bond', svárau ² 'sacrificial post'. f. This case is made in one way only, like the second form of the m. The only example in the RV. is sindhau; the AV. has súrau 3 and sitau 'birth'. n. This case is formed in three ways. I. With the ending - added to the gunated stem only in sắnavi, which occurs 9 times. When the adjective á‹ya- or avyiya- 'made of sheep's wool' immediately follows, the L. of this word appears as sáno. The Pada here always has sinau, but as the metre requires a short syllable it seems likely that the ending has been dropped to avoid a disagreeable sequence of syllables in sánavy áuye, but without leaving the lengthened form of the stem (sánāv) because of the metre. A parallel form appears to be vásto in the formula vásta usrás ‘at break of dawn', which occurs 5 times in the RV.4.-2. As in the m., the usual form is that in -au formed from 8 stems: a-rajjáu 'not consisting of ropes', uráu, ghisau 'lively', prtháu, mádhau, vásau, viláu 'stronghold', sánau. - 3. Accord- ing to the n- declension: áyuni, dáruni (AV.), drůni (Kh. 1. 5 ¹0), sánuni 5. V. m. This case, which gunates the final vowel, is formed from 58 stems. The commonest examples are: indo (144), vaso (62), śata-krato (47) 'having a hundred powers', vayo (43), sūno (36), su-krato (22)6. f. This case which has the same form as the m., is made from 6 stems: adri-sāno 'dwelling on mountain tops', dur-hano ‘ugly-jawed', prthu-sto 'having a broad tuft of hair', sindho, su-biho 'having strong arms', sva-bhano 'self- luminous'. n. The V. n. seems to have been identical in form with the N. judging by the only example which occurs: guggulu7 (AV. xix. 38²). Du. N. A. V. m. This form, which is made by lengthening the final vowel, occurs from 69 stems. The commonest examples are: indra-väyú (22) 'Indra and Vayu', vajini-vasü (21) 'rich in swift mares', bahú (20) 'arms', výsan-vasú (18) 'possessing great wealth', indrā-víṣṇu (13) 'Indra and Vişnu'. The TS. has also ágna-visnū (1. 8. 22¹) ‘O Agni and Vișnu'. There are besides two forms in which the final vowel is shortened 8: jigatnú (vII. 65¹) 'speeding' and su-hántu (VII. 19¹)9 'easy to slay'. f. This form is made in the same way as the m. but is much rarer, occurring from 5 stems only: jigatni, dhenú, sá-bandhu 'akin', samāná- bandhu 'having the same kin', hánữ. 297 n. This form adds the regular ending -ī. The only example in the RV. is urv-í. The VS. has according to the n- declension jánu-n-ī (xx. 8) ‘knees'. I. m. amśúbhyām (VS. vII. 1), an-āmayitnúbhyām 'curative', nṛ-bāhúbhyām 'man's arms', bahúbhyānı. - f. hánubhyam (VS. XI. 78)". D. m. indra-vāyúbhyām (VS. vII. 8), indrā-viṣṇubhyām (VS. VII. 23), bāhúbhyam. i Accented manáu only when followed by ádhi. 2 A possible m. L. with n would be rájjuni, an emendation for rajani of the Mss. (AV. xx. 1333). For the reading of AV. xx. 131¹² vaniştháu the Mss. have vanisha which, if correct, would be a unique example of - in the L. of the u- declension. 5 sanavi occurs 9 times, sáno (ávye) 8 times, sắnau 10 times, sanuni once. 6 The V. vibhavaso in Kh, 11, 82 is wrongly accented. 7 The Mss. read guggulu or gugguló. See WHITNEY's note on the passage. 8 In both Samhitã and Pada text. 9 The RV. three times has the curious bahu apparently from 3 Emendation for sárau of the Mss.; see | A, m. du, būhávā WHITNEY's note on AV. V. 25¹. a stem bāháva-. 4 See KAEGI, Festgruss an Böhtlingk 48 f. = 10 hánubhyām, a transition to the - stems, in TS. IV. 1. 10²; VII. 3. 16¹. 298

I. Allgemeines und Sprache. 4. Vedic Grammar.

Ab. m. uri'ibhyam 'thighs', bahubhyam. — n. janubhyam (AV.).

G. m. urvos^, bahvos'^. — n. according to the «- declension: jAnu?ws {KV.).

L. m. urvos (AV.), baAvos^. — f. hdnvos'-.

PI. N. V. m. This case is formed in two ways. i. The ending -as is added to the unmodified stem. Of this formation the only example is mddhv-as (occurring 4 times). — 2. The ending -as is added to the gunated stem, e. g. aktdv-as. This form is very frequent, being made from 161 stems and occurring over 700 times in the RV. The commonest examples are: hidavas (67), rbhdvas (57), vdsavas (46), suddnavas (42) 'bounteous', si'ndhavas (34), asdvas (30), adhvarydvas (27), aydvas (27), kardvas (18), mitd-jhavas (2) 'firm-kneed'.

f. This case is formed in the same two ways as the m. i. Of this for- mation there are only two examples: mddhv-as, sata-kratv-as. — 2. The regular form is made from 1 5 stems in the RV. ; an-asrdvas 'tearless', d-bhiravas 'fearless', a-rif^az'fl'j' 'dustless', isavas, tri-dhstavas, dhendvas,pdrsavas, vasuydvas, sdravas, sanisydvas 'desirous', sd-manyavas and sa-manydvas 'unanimous', sindhavas, su-ketdvas, svd-setavas 'forming one's own bridge', hdnavas.

N, A. n. This form is made in two ways. i. Twelve stems take no ending, four of them also lengthening the final vowel sometimes. These forms occur 76 times altogether in the RV., 48 times with short, 28 times with long vowel. The words occurring are: uru, rju, cSru, tri-dkstu, puru', bakti, mdd/iu, vdsu, vTli'i, sdnu, su-dhatu 'manifold', su-hdntu; urU, purU^, vdsu'^, Vila. The Pada text always has the short vowel. — 2. The more usual form follows the n- declension, adding -/?/, before which the final vowel is lengthened. It is made by 14 stems ^ and occurs 127 times alto- gether in the RV. : aghayuni (Kh. iv. 5 3) 'malicious', aniini (AV.) 'minute', alabuni (AV.)* 'gourds', dsruni (AV.) 'tears', karkdndhuni (VS. xix. 23) 'jujube berries', caruni, tri-dhatUni, danuni 'fluid', daruni, devayani, purdni, prthuni, bahilni, mddhUni, yuvayani 'longing for you both', vdsuni, vdstuni, smdsruni, sanuni.

A. m. This case is made in two ways. . i. The normal ending -as is added to the unmodified stem. The only two examples of this formation are pasv-ds and kftv-as^ 'times'. — 2. The usual form is made from 43 stems with the ending -n, before which the vowel is lengthened. The original ending -ns still survives as -mr 45 times before vowels and once as -ms before ca^. The commonest examples are sdtrun (43), ddsyun (27), sindhun (23), aktun (9), rtiin (8), pasttn (5)5. From the VS.: akhUn (xxiv. 26) 'moles', nydnkun (xxiv. 27) 'antelopes', madgm (xxiv. 22) 'diver-birds', malimlun (xi. 78; TS.) 'robbers', rurun (xxiv. 27) 'antelopes'. From the Khilas: isUn (ill. 168).

f. This like the m. is formed in two ways. i. The only example is mddhv-as, which occurs twice. — ■ 2. The ending -s is added, before which the vowel is lengthened. The only two examples in the RV. (occurring 5

' To be pronounced uruos, bahuos, hanuos in the RV.

^ piru seems to be the only form of this kind in theAV., where it occurs once (xix,

49*). ^

3 furu occurs 24 times, purii 12 times (all but once at the end of a Pada).

4 vdsii occurs twice, vasu 19 times (12 times at the end of a Pada),

5 Half of these also take the form without n in the RV.

6 The Mss. in AV. xx. 1341 read dlabiitii.

1 The A. of a noun kfiu- 'making', used adverbially: bhiiri ifivas (ni. 18*) 'many times', sdivat kflvas (ill. S41) 'innumerable times', ddsd kHvas (AV. XI. 2^) 'ten times'.

8 On the Sandhi of these accusatives in ■ un see Lanman 415 (bottom) and 41^ (top).

9 Lanman 416 enumerates the stems which form this A. VI. DECLENSION. PRONOUNS. PERSONAL PRONOUNS. times) are: isus and dhenis. The Khila after RV. x. 9 has the form várenya- kratūs 'intelligent', but the text of Kh. III. 13' reads várenya-kratus ¹. 2 I. m. This form is frequent, being made from 50 stems and occurring over 200 times. The commonest examples ² are: vásubhis (24), aktúbhis (17), ṛtúbhis (15), āśúbhis(12), pāyúbhis (12) 'protectors', indubhis (11), bhānúbhis(7), rbhúbhis (6), síndhubhis (5), snúbhis³ (5). f. This case, formed in the same way as the m., is rare, only 3 examples occurring in the RV.: éka-dhenubhis 'excellent cows', tri-dhắtubhis, dhenúbhis. n. a-renúbhis 'dustless', áśrubhis (VS. xxv. 9), karkándhubhis (VS. XXI. 32), jarayubhis (AV.), bahúbhis, mádhubhis (Kh. I. 117), vásubhis, śmáśrubhis (VS. xxv. I; SV.) 'beards', su-mántubhis 'benevolent'. D. m. a-satrúbhyas 'foeless', rtúbhyas (VS. xxII. 28), rbhúbhyas, gungúbhyas 'descendants of Gungu', trtsubhyas 'the Trtsus' (a tribe), dáśābhīśubhyas, 'having ten reins', dásyubhyas, paśúbhyas, purúbhyas, bahúbhyas, mrgayúbhyas (VS. xvI. 27) 'hunters', vásubhyas, sindhubhyas. f. There is no example in the RV. The AV. has two: iṣubhyas, dhenúbhyas. n. sanubhyas (VS. xxx. 6). Ab. m. aktúbhyas, jatrúbhyas 'cartilages of the breast bone', jighatsúbhyas (AV.) 'seeking to devour', dásyubhyas, bahúbhyas, bhŕgubhyas 'Bhrgus', mrtyúbhyas (AV.), sá-bandhubhyas (AV.). f. dhanubhyas, sindhubhyas. G. m. This case is formed from 23 stems in the RV., 12 being oxy- tones and 11 otherwise accented: 1. rtunám, rbhūnám, rşunám 'flames', carūnám, devayünám, paśūnám (AV. VS. TS.), pitanám, purunám, praśūnám 'very swift', babhrunám, bahunám, yatunám 'spectres', ripunám, stāyānám (VS.) 'thieves'. 2. abhi-kratūnām 'insolent', abhísunam 'reins', ahy-árşūnām 'gliding like a snake', krátūnām, tŕtsūnām, dásyūnām (AV.), piyārūṇām (AV.) 'mischie- vous', bhŕgūņām, mánūnām, vásūnām, śátrūṇām, sá-bandhūnām (AV.), sindhūnām, svárūnām 'sacrificial posts'. f. dhenunám; sindhūnām. n. mádhūnām, yášūnām 'embraces', vásūnām. L. m. amśúşu (VS. VIII. 57), aktúşu, ánuşu, aśúsu, druhyuşu, paśúsu (AV.), purusu, bahúsu, yadusu, vi-bandhuşu (AV.) 'kinless', višvá-bhānuṣu 'all-illumining', sátrusu, sindhusu. f. vástuşu, sindhuşuª. n. urusu, vástușu, śmáśruşu, sânuşu, snúșu5 (VS. TS.). 299 — - II. Pronouns. BENFEY, Vollständige Grammatik 773-780 (p. 333-340). — WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 490-526 (p. 185-199). PISCHEL, ZDMG. 35, 714-716. DELBRÜCK, Syntaktische Forschungen 5, 204-221; cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 494-525, and Die Demon- strativa der indogermanischen Sprachen, Leipzig 1904. - 390. The pronouns occupy a special position in declension, as being derived from a limited class of roots with a demonstrative sense, and as exhibiting several marked peculiarities of inflexion. These peculiarities are in some degree extended to a certain number of adjectives. 1 The m. A, sindhun occurs once (x. 35²) in the sense of a f. I. Personal Pronouns. 391. These are the most peculiar of all, as being for each person derived from several roots or combinations of roots, as being specially anomalous in inflexion, as not distinguishing gender and, to some extent, 2 LANMAN 416 (bottom) enumerates the stems taking this case. 3 Accentuated like a dissyllable as elsewhere. 4 ayúşu (1.58³) is perhaps a transfer form for ayúşu; cp. LANMAN 419¹. 5 With dissyllabic accent as usual. 300 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. not even number. Some resemble neuters in form; a few have no apparent case-ending; in two of them the acc. pl. masc. does duty as fem. also. The forms of the first and second person which occur are: 1. Sing. N. ahám². A. mám, mā. I. máyā. D. máhyam, máhya, me³. Ab. mád. G. máma, me. L. máyi5. Du. N. vắm (RV¹).6. A. nau. D.7 nau. Ab. āvád (TS.). G.³ nau. Pl. N. vayám. A. asmán, nas ³. I. asmábhis. D. asmábhyam, asmé (RV.), nas. Ab. asmád. G. asmákam¹º, asmáka“¹¹ (RV¹.), nas. L. asmé, asmásu³ 12 2. Sing. N. tvám ¹³. A. tvám, tvā. I. tváyā, tvá (RV.). D. túbhyam, túbhya, te ¹4. Ab. tvád. G. táva, te. L. tvé ¹5 (RV. VS.), tváyi (AV. VS. TS.). Du. N. yuvám. A. yuvám, vām. I. yuvábhyām, yuvábhyām. D. vām. Ab. yuvád (RV¹.). G. yuvós (RV. and Kh.1.12¹), yuváyos (TS.111.5.4¹), vām. Pl. yuyam¹6. A. yuşmán ¹7, f. yuşmás (VS².), vas ¹8. D. yuşmábhyam, yüyám vas. Ab. yuşmád. G. yuşmakamo, yuşmáka (RV².), vas. L. yuşmé. a, The usual stems representing these personal pronouns in derivation or as first member of a compound are ma-, asma-; tva-, yuva-, yuşma-; e. g. má-vant- ‘like me', asma-drúh- ‘hating us’, tvá-vant- 'like thee', tvá-yata- 'presented by thee'; yuva-yú- 'desiring you two', yuvá-dhita- 'established by you two', yuvá-datta- 'given by you two'; jusma- yánt 'desiring you', yuşmá-ita- 'supported by you'; yuşmá-datta- 'given by you' ¹9. b. The forms mad-, asmad-, tvad- occur a few times as first member of compounds; thus mát-krta- 'done by me', mát-sakhi- 'my companion', mat-tás (AV.) 'from me'; asmát- sakhi 'having us as companions', asmád-rāta- (VS.) ‘given by us'; tvát-pity- (TS.) 'having thee as father'; tvád-yoni- (AV.) 'derived from thee', tvád-v.vācana- (TS.) ‘having thee as umpire'. c. aham-, mām-, mama-; asme-; tvām- are also sometimes found as first member of compounds; thus aham-uttará- (AV.) 'struggle for precedence', aham-purvá- 'eager to be first', aham-yu- proud'; mâm-paśyá- (AV.) ‘looking at me'; mama-satyá- 'dispute as to ownership'; asmé-hiti- 'errand for us'; tvám-kama- 'desiring thee', tvám-ahu!i- (TS.) 'offering to thee'. 2. Demonstrative Pronouns. 392. Tá- 'that', which also serves as the personal pronoun of the third person, 'he', 'she', 'it', is typical, in its inflexion, of the adjectival pronoun. It has the special peculiarity of using the stem sa- for the nom. masc. and fem. sing. and, in the RV., for the loc. sing. masc. and neut. The general peculiarities of the adjectival pronominal declension, as distinct from I Cp. GAEDICKE, Akkusativ 12-14. 2 On the formation of ahám cp. J. SCHMIDT, KZ. 36, 405 ff., All the nominatives of the personal pronouns are formed with am as also the N. sing. of the demonstrative ay- ám and the reflexive svayám. — 3 The unaccented forms of the personal pronoun (85) may be accompanied by accented words in agreement with them; e. g. te jáyataḥ 'of thee when conquering'; vo vrtábhyaḥ for you that were confined'; nas tribhyák "to us three'. 4 mád is two or three times unaccented in the AV. 5 CP. BARTHOLOMAE, ZDMG. 50, 725. 6 This seems to be the only nom. form (VI. 55¹) occurring in the Samhitās. The nom. in the SB. is avám, in the AB. āvām; the acc, in the ŚB. is āvam. The form vám must be an abbreviation of avám. 7 The AB. has āvābhyām. 8 The SB. has āváyos. 9 asman and yuşmắn are new formatives according to the nominal declension; cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 519, 2, note. 10 asmákam and yuşmakam are properly acc, n. of the possessives asmáka-, yuşmáka-; cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 524, 4. 11 Occurs only in I. 173¹0. 12 asmásu is a new formation according to the inst, asmá-bh s. 13 tvám must often be read as túam. 14 te, originally only loc., is used as dat. and gen.; similarly me; the loc. asmé is also used as dat. 15 Cp. BARTHOLOMAE, loc. cit. 10 Originally *yūš-ám where y was substi- tuted for the sibilant owing to the influence of vayám; cp. BARTHOLOMAE, op. cit. 726, note; BRUGMANN, KG. 513 and note 3, 518, 17 yuşmán is a new formation according to the nominal declension (like asmán). 18 The inst. was originally in all probability yuşmá (likẹ tvá), which later became yuşmābhis (like asmábhis). 19 This compound may preserve the old inst. A VI. DECLENSION. PRONOUNS. DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS. the nominal a- declension, are that 1. in the singular they take -d instead of -m in the nom. and acc. neut.; the element -sma- in the dat., abl., loc. masc. and neut.; the element -sya- in the dat., abl, gen., loc. fem.; the suffix -in in the loc. masc. and neut.'; 2. in the plural they take -e for -as in the nom. masc.; s for n in the gen. before -m. 1. The inflexion of tá- accordingly is as follows: I. m. Sing. N. m. sá-s², f. sá, n. tá-d. A. m. tá-m, f. tá-m, n. tá-d. ténă³, f. túy.7. D. m. n. tá-smai, f. tá-syai. Ab. m. n. tá-smit, f. tá-syas. G. m. n. tá-sya, f. tá-syās. L. tá-smin+, sá-smin (RV.), f. tá-syām. Du. N. A. m. tá, táu, f. té, n. té. I. m. f. tá-bhyams. Ab. m. tá-bhyām. G. m. n. táyos. L. m. táyos. P1. N. m. té, f. tắs, n. tả, tắni, A. m. tấn, f. tắs, n. tắ, tấni. I. m. n. té-bhis, táis (AV.; Kh. II. 10¹), f. tá-bhis. D. m. n. té-bhyas, f. tá-bhyas. G. m. téşam, f. tá-sām. L. m. té-su, f. tá-su. a. The stem tá is frequently used in derivation, especially that of adverbs; e. g. tá-thā 'thus', tá-vant- ‘so great, tá-ti (AV.) ‘so many', and in the compound ta-dis- 'such'. b. The neuter form tád is often used as the first member of a compound; thus tád-anna- having that food"; tád-apas ‘accustomed to that work'; tad-id-artha- 'having just that as an object'; tád-okas- 'delighting in that'; tád-ojas- possessing such power'; tad-vasá- 'having a desire for that'; tad-vid- (AV.) 'knowing that'. 301 2. Two other demonstrative pronouns are formed from tá-. a. One of them, etá-, formed by prefixing the pronominal element e-6, means 'this here'. It is inflected exactly like tá- and is of common occurrence. The forms which occur are: 2 m. Sing. m. N. eşás or eşá ² esá² A. etám. A. etám. I. eténa. D. etásmai (TS.). Ab. etásmāt (AV.). G. etásya (AV.). -— Du. N. etá, etáu. - Pl. N. eté. A. etán. I. etébhis, etáis (AV.). D. etébhyas. Pl. f. Sing. N. eşá. A. etám. I. etáyā. L. etásyām. N. etás. A. etás. I. etábhis (AV.). L. etásu (AV.). n. Sing. N. etád. - Pl. N. etá (+VS.), etáni. a. The stem used in derivation and composition is eta-; thus etá-vant- ‘so great'; eta-dýs- 'such'. Du. N. eté. b. The other secondary demonstrative, tyd-, is derived from tá- with the suffix -ya7 and means 'that'. It is common in the RV., but rare in the later Samhitas. It is used adjectivally, being nearly always accompanied by its substantive. It is never found at the beginning of a sentence except when followed by u, cid, nú, or sú. The forms occurring are: 10 m. Sing. N. syá ¹0 (+VS.). A. tyám. G. tyásya. - Du. N. tyá. - Pl. N. tyé. A. tyán. I. tyébhis. f. Sing. N. sya. A. tyám. I. tyá (for tyáya). G. tyásyās. - Du. N. tyé. - Pl. N. tyás. A. tyás. - n. Sing. N. tyád (+TS.). Pl. tyá, tyáni. 393. The demonstrative which appears as ayám in in the nom. sing. masc. and means 'this here', employs the pronominal roots a- and (in various modifications) i- in its inflexion, the latter being used in nearly all the This suffix is once found in the RV., in the form of -min, attached to yādŕš- ‘having what appearance', though the stem ends in a consonant, of Nomes MLV 2 On the Sandhi of sá- and eşá- see 78. 3 The Pada text always reads téna. 4 sásmin occurs nearly half as often as tásmin in the RV. 5 In IX, 66² this form (f.) seems to have a loc, sense; see LANMAN 3434. 6 According to BRUGMANN, KG. 495, 6, note 3, originally loc. sing. of a-. 7 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG, 401 and 495, 2. 8 It occurs two or three times also in B. 9 Cp. GRASSMANN, s. v. tyá-. 10 sya and tyá- are often to be read with Vyuha. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. nom. and acc. forms, the former in the other cases. The acc. sing. masc. and fem. starts from i-m', the acc. of i-, and is followed by the nom. acc. du. and pl., all these forms having the appearance of being made from a stem ima. The nom. sing. fem. is formed from i-2, and the nom. acc. sing. neut. from i-d (the N. A. n. of ż-), both with the suffix -am added. The nom. sing. masc. is formed from a- with the suffix -am and interposing The remaining cases formed from a-3 are inflected throughout like tá-. The inflexion of this pronoun is accordingly as follows: -y-. 302 Sing. N. m. a-y-ám, f. i-y-ám, n. i-d-ám. A. m. im-ám, f. im-ám, n. i-d-ám. I. m. e-ná ³, f. ayá4. D. m. a-smái 5, f. a-syái. Ab. m. a-smắt, f. a-syás. G. m. a-syá7, f. a-syás. L. m. a-smín, f. a-syám. Du. a-bhyám. N. A. m. imá, imáu, f. imé, n. imé. D. m. ā-bhyám (RV¹.). Ab. m. G. m. a-y-ós (RV.)8. L. m. a-y-ós9 (RV.). Pl. N. m. imé, f. imás, n. imá, imáni. A. m. imán, f. imás, n. imá, imáni. I. m. e-bhis, f. a-bhís ¹0. D. m. e-bhyás, f. a-bhyás. G. m. e-şám, f. a-sám. L. m. e-şú, f. a-sú. 10 394. The corresponding demonstrative employed to express remoteness, 'that there', 'yon', appears in the nom. sing. masc. fem. as asáu. The pro- nominal root employed throughout its inflexion is a-, but always in an extended form only. The fundamental stem used in every case, excepting the nom. sing., is a-m, acc. masc. of a-; this is extended by the addition of the particle u to amu-, which has become the stem in the oblique cases of the sing. (with long u in the acc. fem.); in the plur. amú- is the fem. and amí- the masc. stem (except the acc.). The nom. sing. forms are quite peculiar. In the masc. and fem. the pronominal root a- seems to be compounded with sa- extended by the particle u: a-sá-u and a-sa-u"; while the neut. has the pronominal -d extended with the suffix -as: a-d-ás. Only one dual form has been noted, and several plural case forms are wanting. The forms found in the Samhitãs are the following: m. Sing. N. asáu. A. amúm. I. amúnā (VS.). D. ami-smai. Ab. amú- ṣmāt (AV. TS.). G. ami-sya ¹. L. amú-şmin (AV.). — Pl. N. ami¹³. A. amún (AV.). D. amíbhyas (AV.). G. ami-şām. f. Sing. N. asáu. A. amúm. I. amuya ¹4. D. ami-syai (VS.). G. amú- syās (AV.). Du. N. amú (AV.). — Pl. N. amús. A. amús. — n. Sing. N. adás. - Pl. N. amú (AV.). — 395. A defective unaccented pronoun of the third person meaning 'he', 'she', and in the AV. it', is e-na-¹5. It occurs almost exclusively in the ¹ Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 495, 10. 2 From - is also formed the acc, i-m and the neut. i-d, both used as particles, 3 The Pada text always reads end (the unaccented ena occurs twice). This and all 9 Seems to be wrongly read as āyós in other oblique cases formed from a-, when the Pada text; cp. LANMAN 344³. used as nouns may lose their accent; see 10 abhís occurs ten times in the RV.; it is 85 63; cp. GRASSMANN, s. v. idám. On ayám thrice accented ábhis and thrice unaccented: see BRUGMANN, KG. 498, 3. cp. note 5 • 6 The abl, according to the nominal de- clension, ắt, is used as a conjunction. 7 The form imásya also occurs once, 8 To be read as āyós, 4 This inst, is fairly frequent in the RV.; instead of it anáyá occurs twice (1X, 65¹2. 27), being probably a later correction to obviate the hiatus, Otherwise no forms of ana- (anéna, anáya, anáyos) occur in the Sam-origin cp. IF. 18, 64, note. hitas. But anena (n.) occurs in Kh, 111, 167. 5 asmai and asya are accented on the first syllable, the former four or five times, the latter about ten times, when specially em- phatic at the beginning of a Pada in the RV. 11 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 495, 6; 498, 4. 12 This is the only instance of -sya being added to any but an a- stem. 13 This form is Pragṛhya (70). On its 14 Used adverbially, with shifted accent, 15 The same e- (loc. of a-) as in é-ka- 'one', e-vá 'thus'; cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 495, 6. E VI. DECLENSION. INTERROGATIVE AND RELATIVE PRONOUNS. acc. (the great majority of occurrences being masc. sing.). Otherwise it is found only twice in the inst. sing. and three or four times in the gen. dual. The forms occurring are: m. Sing. A. enam. I. enena (AV.). - Du. A. enau (AV.). G. enos (RV.), enayos (AV.). - Pl. A. enan. f. Sing. A. enim. Du. A. ene. Pl. A. enās. n. N. enad (AV.; Kh. 1v. 65). 396. Another demonstrative found nearly twenty times in the RV., but otherwise occurring only once in the AV., is the unaccented pronoun tva-² meaning 'one', 'many a one', generally repeated, in the sense of 'one- another. The forms occurring are: m. Sing. N. tvas. A. tvam. I. tvena. D. tvasmai. Pl. N. tve³. f. Sing. N. tva. D. tvasyai. n. Sing. N. tvad. a. The pronoun avá- 'this' is found two or three times in the RV., and only in the gen. du. form. avós in combination with vām, meaning of you two being such' (used like sa, e. g. sá tvám thou as such'). b. The pronoun áma-5 'this' occurs only once in the AV.: ámohám asmi (xIV. 27¹), 'this am I'. - — — 3. Interrogative Pronoun. 397. The interrogative ka-, 'who?', 'which?', 'what?' used both as sub- stantive and adjective, is quite regular in its declension, excepting the alter- native neuter form ki-m6, which instead of the pronominal -d has the nominal -m (never elsewhere attached to a stem in -i). The forms occur- ring are: m. Sing. N. kás. A. kám. I. kéna. D. kásmai. Ab. kásmāt (AV.). G. kásya. L. kásmin. Du. káu. Pl. N. ké. I. kebhis. L. kéşu (VS.). f. Sing. N. ká. A. kám. I. káyā. G. kásyis (AV. VS.). Pl. N. kás. A. kás. L. kásu. n. Sing. N. A. ká-d¹ (RV.) and ki-m. - Pl. N. A. ká and káni. 3°3 a. In forming derivatives, which are numerous, the stem of the interrogative employed is not only ka-, but also ki- and ku-; e. g. ká-ti 'how many?'; ki-yant- how great?'; kú-ha 'where?'. The neuter form kim is twice used in this way: kim-yú- ‘desiring what?'; kim-maya- 'consisting of what?'. This form occurs once (VIII, 6¹9) at the beginning of a sentence and is then accented as enám, 2 The unaccented adverb tvadānīm (MS. IV, 2²) 'sometimes', is derived from this pronoun. 3 See WHITNEY's note on AV. vIII, 9º in his translation, b. In the formation of compounds kad occurs twice as first member: in kat-payá- 'greatly swelling', and kád-artha- 'having what purpose?'. kim is similarly used a few times in the later Samhitãs; thus kim-silá- (VS. TS.) 'being in stony ground', kim-kará- (AV.) 'servant'. 4 This pronoun also occurs in the Avesta ; cp. BRUGMANN 495, 10. 5 From this pronoun are derived the inst, and abl. adverbs (with shifted accent) amá 'at home' and anắt 'from near at hand'. 6 The nom, masc. is preserved as a petri- 4. Relative Pronoun. 398. The relative pronoun ya- 'who', 'which', 'what' is perfectly regular in its declension. The forms occurring are: m. Sing. N. yás³. — A. yám. I. yénā9 and yéna. D. yásmai. Ab. yásmāt¹. G. yásya. L. yásmin. - Du. N. A. ya, yáu. D. yábhyam. G. yáyos. L. yayos and yos¹ (RV.). - Pl. N. yé. A. yán. I. yébhis, yais (AV.; Kh. 1. 92). D. yós¹¹ yébhyas. G. yéşām. L. yéşu. II fied form in ná-kis and má-kis 'no one', 'nothing', 'never'. 7 The relative frequency of kád to kim in the RV, is as 2 to 3. 8 yás is the commonest declensional form in the RV., occurring more than 1000 times, 9 yénā is twice as common in the RV. as yéna; the Pada text, however, always reads yéna (cp. LANMAN 332). 10 The ablative according to the nominal declension, yắt, is used as a conjunction. II yós for yayos, like yuvós for yuvayos; cp. BB. 23, 183; ZDMG, 50, 589. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. f. Sing. N. já. A. yắm. I. yáyā. G. yásyās. L. yásyām. Du. N. yé (TS. AV.). G. yayos. L. yayos. - Pl. N. yás. A. yás. I. yábhis. D. yábhyas. G. yasām. L. yásu. n. Sing. N. A. yád. 3°4 Du. ye. Pl. ya, yáni. a. The stem of yá- is used in the formation of many derivatives; e. g. yá-thā ‘as'; it also appears as first member of a compound in yā-dṛś- ‘which like'. The neuter form yad is once used similarly in the RV.: yát-kama- 'desiring what'. - b. The relative receives the indefinite meaning of 'whoever'ı by the addition of káś ca, káś cid, or cid alone; c. g. yád vo vayám cakṛmá kác cid ágaḥ (11.2714) ‘whatever sin we have committed against you'; yát kim ca duritám máyi (1. 2312) 'whatever sin (there is) in me'; yé cid dhí tvam sayaḥ púrva utáye juhüré (1.48¹4) 'whatever early seers have called on thee for aid'. 5. Indefinite Pronouns. 399. a. In the RV. there are found the two simple indefinite pro- nouns sama (unaccented) 'any', 'every' and simá- 'every', 'all'. The six forms of the former which occur are: m. Sing. A. samam. D. samasmai. Ab. samasmāt. G. samasya. L. samasmin. Pl. N. same. From simá- are met with the five forms: Sing. V. síma. N. simás. D. simásmai (neut.). Ab. simásmāt. - Pl. sim!. — b. Compound indefinite pronouns are formed by combining the particles ca, caná, or cid with the interrogative; thus káś ca ‘any', 'any one'; kás caná 'any one soever', 'every'; káś cid ‘any', 'some'; 'any one', 'some one'. 6. Reflexive Pronouns. 400. 1. The reflexive adjective is svá- ‘own', which refers to the first and second as well as the third person of all numbers; e. g. yád, indrāgnī, mádathaḥ své duroné (1. 1087) 'when, O Indra and Agni, ye rejoice in your own abode'. 2. The substantive reflexive is sva-y-ám ‘self', which is derived from svá- with the suffix -am and interposing y (as a-y-ám from a-). It is properly used as a nom. referring to all three persons; e. g. svayam yajasva diví, deva, deván (x. 76) 'do thou thyself, O god, worship the gods in heaven'. Some- times, however, the nominative nature of the pronoun is forgotten and svayám is used agreeing in sense with another case; e. g. vatsám suayám gātim .. icchámänam (IV. 18¹⁰) 'the calf himself seeking a way'. 3. Other cases than the nom. are regularly expressed in the RV. by tanú- 'body'; e. g. svayám gatům tanvà icchámānam (IV. 18¹º) 'himself seeking a way for himself (tanvè); yajasva tanvàm (x. 76) 'worship thyself'; má hasmahi prajáya, má tanúbhiḥ (x. 1285) 'may we suffer no harm with (regard to our) offspring or ourselves'. The reflexive adjective and a possessive gen. may be added; e. g. ágne, yájasva tanvàm táva svám (vI. 11²) 'Agni, worship thine own self' ². 4. There are one or two instances in the RV. of the incipient use of atman- 'soul' in a reflexive sense; thus bálam dádhāna atmáni (IX. 113¹) 'putting strength into himself'; yákṣmam sárvasmād atmánas.. vi vrhämi (x. 1636) I expel the disease from (thy) whole self'. The acc. atmánam, though not met with in the RV. as a reflexive, is frequently found so used in the later Samhitas 3; also in Kh. III. 10³. a. In the formation of compounds sva- several times appears in the substantive as well as the adjective sense as first member; c. g. svá-yukta- 'self-yoked'; sva-yúgvan- own companion'. svayám is also thus used in a few compounds; thus svayam-ja- 'self- born'; svayam-bhú- 'self-existent'. ¹ Cp. DELBRÜCK, Syntaktische Forschungen 2 Cp. DRLBRÜCK op. cit. 135, and GRASS- 5, 569-570. MANN, s. v. svá- and tanú-. 3 See DELBRÜCK op. cit. 155, VI. DECLENSION. PRONOUNS. PRONOMINALS. 7. Possessive Pronouns. 401. Possessive pronouns are of rare occurrence because the genitive of the personal pronoun is generally used to express the sense which they convey. 3°5 a. The possessives of the first person are mámaka- (RV.) 'my', māmaká- 'my', (both formed from the genitive of the personal pronoun máma)', and asmáka- 'our'. The commonest form of the latter is the N. A. neut. asmákam, which is used as the gen. plur. of the personal pronoun. The other forms occurring are asmákena, asmákasas, and asmákebhis. The VS. also has the form āsmākás (IV. 24) 'our' from a secondary derivative 3. b. The possessives of the second person are tavaká- (RV.) 'thy', (from táva), met with only in the form tavakébhyas; tvá-4 (RV.) 'thy', found only in the inst. pl. tvábhis (II. 20²); and yusmáka- 'your', the N. A. neut. of which is used as the gen. pl. of the personal pronoun of the second person; it otherwise occurs only in the RV. in the two forms yuşmákena and yuşmákābhis. c. Besides being used reflexively, svá- is fairly often employed as a simple possessive, generally as that of the third person, 'his', 'her', 'their', but also of the second, 'thy', 'your', and of the first, 'my', 'our'. It is, however, inflected like an ordinary adjective, having only two isolated forms according to the pronominal declension 5. The forms which occur are: m. sing. N. svás. A. svám. I. svéna and svénā6 D. sváya. Ab. svát. G. svásya. L. své and svásmin (RV.). - Pl. N. svás (AV.). A. sván (AV.). I. svébhis and sváis. D. svébhyas (Kh. v. 1²). G. svánām (AV.; Kh. II. 10¹). L. svesu. — f. sing. N. svá. A. svám. I. sváyā. D. sváyai. Ab. sváyās. G. svásyās (RV.). L. sváyām. - Pl. N. svás. A. svás. I. svábhis. L. svásu. n. sing. N. A. svám. - Pl. A. svá. 8. Pronominal derivatives and compounds. 402. A certain number of derivatives are formed from the roots or stems of simple pronouns by means of suffixes which modify the pronominal There are also a few pronominal compounds. sense. a. With the suffix -ka, conveying a diminutive or contemptuous meaning, derivatives are formed from the pronouns tá-, yá-, sá-, and asáu; thus ta-ká- (RV.) 'that little', of which the forms A. sing. m. taká-m and n. taká-d occur; yá-ka- 'who', 'which', the only forms met with being N. m. yakás, f. yaká (VS. XXIII. 22, 23), and N. pl. m. yaké (RV.); sa-ká- (RV. AV.) 'that little', of which only N. sing. f. saká occurs; N. sing. f. asakáu 'that little' (VS. XXIII, 22, 23). 1 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 524, 2, 2 Op. cit. 524, 4. 3 Formed like mamaká- beside mámaka-. 4 Used as a possessive probably under Indo-arische Philologie. I. 4. b. With the comparative suffix -tara derivatives are formed from i-, ká-, and yá-; and with the superlative suffix -tama, from the latter two; thus i-tara- 'other'; ka-tará- 'which of two?'; ya-tará- ‘who or which of two’; ka-tamá- 'who or which of many?', ya-tamá- 'who or which of many'. c. With -ti derivatives with a numerical sense are formed from ká-, tá-, and yá-; thus ká-ti 'how many?', tá-ti (AV.) ‘so many'; yá-ti 'as many'. No inflected forms of these words occur. the influence of svá-; cp. BRUGMANN, op. cit. 524, 2. 5 That is, svásyās and svásmin. 6 The Pada text always reads svina. 20 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. d. With -yant, expressing the quantitative meaning of 'much', derivatives are formed from i- and ki-: i-yant- 'so much' (n. N. sing. iyat, pl. iyanti; f. D. sing. iyatyai); ki-yant- 'how much?' (sing. N. n. adv. kiyat, D. m. kiyate, L. kiyati for kiyati; N. f. kiyati). e. With -vant are formed derivatives from personal pronouns with the sense of 'like', 'attached to', and from others in the quantitative sense of great'; thus tvá-vant- 'like thee', má-vant- 'like me'; yuvá-vant- (RV.) 'devoted to you two' (only D. yuvávate); yuşmá-vant- (RV.) 'belonging to you' (only L. pl. yuşmávatsu); etá-vant- and tắ-vant- 'so great'; ya-vant- 'as great'; ivant so great' (sing. N. n. ívat, D. m. n. ívate, G. ívatas; pl. A. m. ivatas); kí-vant- 'how far?' (G. kívatas). f. With -drs, -dṛśa, -drksa are formed the following pronominal com- pounds: i-diksa- (VS.) and ī-dýš- (VS. TS.) 'such'; eta-dikṣa- (VS.) and etā- dis 'such' (N. sing. n. etadŕk); ki-dýs 'what like?' (N. sing. m. kīdŕň); ta-drs such' (N. sing. m. ta-dk); ya-drs 'what like' (sing. m. N. yadýk, L. yādiśmin). 306 9. Pronominal Adjectives. 403. Certain adjectives derived from pronominal roots or allied to pronouns in sense conform in varying degrees to the pronominal declension. 1. The adjectives which strictly adhere to the pronominal type of inflexion are anyá- 'other', and (as far as can be judged by the few forms occurring and by the usage of the later language) the derivatives formed with -tara and -tama from ká- and yá-. The specifically pronominal cases of the latter which have been met with are: sing. N. n. katarád (ẠV.), yatarád; katamád, yatamád (AV.); D. m. katamásmai (VS.); G. f. katamásyās (AV.); L. f. yatamásyām (AV.); Pl. N. m. katamé (AV.), yatamé (AV.). No such form of itara- has been found. The forms of anyá- which occur are: m. sing. N. anyás. A. anyám. I. anyéna. D. anyásmai (AV.). G. anyásya. L. anyásmin. Pl. N. anyé. A. anyán. I. anyébhis and anyáis. D. anyébhyas (AV.). G. anyéṣām. L. anyéşu. f. sing. N. anyá. A. anyám. I. anyáyā. D. anyásyai. G. anyásyās. L. anyásyām. - Du. N. anyé. - Pl. N. anyás. A. anyás. I. anyábhis. G. anyásām. L. anyásu. - n. sing. N. anyád. - Du. I. anyábhyam (AV.). · Pl. N. anyá. - 2. The three adjectives éka- 'one', visva- 'all', sárva- ‘whole' are par- tially pronominial, following this declension except in the nom. acc. sing. neut., which takes the nominal -m. Thus sing. G. f. ékasyās, L. m. ékasmin¹, pl. N. m. éke, but sing. N. n. ékam; sing. D. víśvasmai², Ab. víśvasmāt”, L. víśvasmin², pl. N. m. víśve, G. m. víśveṣām, f. víšvāsām, but sing. N. n. víśvam; sing. D. m. sárvasmai (AV.), f. sárvasyai (AV.; AA. III. 25), Ab. m. sárvasmat, pl. N. m. sárve, G. sárveșām (AV.), f. sárvāsām (AV.), but sing. N. n. sárvam. 3. More than a dozen other adjectives which have pronominal affinities in form or sense occasionally show pronominal case-forms (but never -d in the N. A. sing. n.). a. A few adjectives formed with the comparative and superlative suffixes -ra and -ma have such endings; thus ápara- 'lower' has ápare in the N. pl m. beside aparāsas; úttara- 'higher', 'later', forms the L. sing. f. úttarasyām The AV. once has éke as a loc. sing. ; see WHITNEY's note on AV. XIX. 56² in his translation. 2 The RV. has the nominal forms D. víśvāya, Ab. višvāt, L. viive, once each; víśvāt (n.) also occurs Kh. II. 6¹8. VI. Declension. Numerals. Cardinals.

307

(AV.), N. pi. m. uttare; Ab. L. sing, itttarasmat and uttarasmin beside uUarat and nttare; upara- 'lower' has upare beside uparas and uparasas in the N. pi. m.; avamd- 'lowest' has L. sing, f. avamdsyam; upamd- 'highest' has sing. L. f. upamdsyam; paramd- 'farthest' has sing. f. G. paramdsyas and ,. paratndsyam ( + VS.); madhyamd- 'middlemost' has sing. L.f. madhyamdsyam.

b. A few other adjectives with a comparative or pronominal sense have occasional pronominal endings. Thus jooz-a- 'ulterior' has sing.D. m.pdrasmaz (A v.), Ab. m. pdrasmat ( + AV. VS.), G. f. pdrasyas, G. pi. m. pdremm; L. sing. m. pdrasmiti beside pdre and N. pi. m. pdre beside pdrasas. purva- 'prior' has sing. m. D. pArvasmai, Ab. pArvasmat^ G. pi. iji. purvesam, f. piirvasam ; and the N. pi. m. piirve is very common beside the very rare pArvasas. nema- 'other' ^ has m. L. sing, nemasmin, N. pi. ne'me, but N. sing. n. ne'marti and G. pi. m. nemanam (unaccented), svi- 'own', otherwise following the nominal declension has once sing. G.f. svdsyas and once L.n.svdsmm. samand- 'similar', 'common', has once Ab. sing. n. samandsmat beside samandt.

c. A few adjectives which are numerical in form or meaning have occasional pronominal forms; ikms, prathamd- 'first', has G. sing. f. prathamdsyas (AV.); trtiya- 'third' has L. sing. f. trttyasyam' (AV.); I'lbhaya- 'of both kinds' has m. pi. G. I'lbhayesam, and N. I'lbhaye beside ubhayasas and iibhayas^; kevala- 'exclusive' has once N. pi. m. kevale.

III. Numerals.

Benfey, VoUsiandige Grammatik 764 — 771. — Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar 475 — 488. — Cp. Brugmann, kg. 441 — 451.

404. The series of the numerals is based on the decimal system of reckoning. The names of the first ten cardinals, which are of an adjectival character, form the foundation of the rest either by compounding or derivation; the ordinals and numerical adverbs being further derived from the correspond- ing cardinals.

A. Cardinals.

405. The names of the fir§,t ten cardinals are: eka- 'one'; dvd- 'two'; tri- 'three'; cati'ir- 'four'; pdnca 'five'; sds- 'six'; saptd 'seven'; add 'eight'; ndva 'nine'; ddsa 'ten'.

a. The numbers intermediate between 'ten' and 'twenty' are Dvandva compounds formed by prefixing the accented unit to ddsa 'ten': eka-dasa'* ('one and ten') 'eleven'; dvd-dasa^ 'twelve'; trdyo-dasa<r6> (AV. VS. TS.) 'thirteen'; cdtur-dasa<r7> 'fourteen'; pdnca-dasa 'fifteen'; s6-dasa<r8> (VS. TS.) 'sixteen'; saptd-dasa (TS.) 'seventeen'; astA-dasa (TS.) 'eighteen'; ndva-dasa (VS.) 'nineteen'.

b. The remaining cardinals are substantives. The names of the decades from 'twenty' to 'ninety' are either old Dvandva compounds or derivatives formed with the suffix -ti. They are vim-sad- 'twenty'; trim-sdt 'thirty';

1 Cp. Neisser, BB. 30, 303.

« The pronominal endings are recognized as alternative in the later language as regards dvidya- and trtiya-; the Bjfhaddevata (vili. 95) has pratkamasydm as well as dvifiyasyam.

3 iibhd- 'both' is declined in the dual only : N. A. m. ubha and ubhau, f. ubhc, I. ubhabhyam (once in RV.), G. ubhdyos (twice in RV,).

4 With ckd- for eka- under the influence of dvd-dasa.

5 Here the N. m. du. form dvd is retained instead of the stem form dva-.

6 In this and other numeral compounds the N. m. plural form remains in every case ; e. g. tan . . . irdyas-trimsatam a vaha (l, 452) 'bring those thirty-three',

7 As first member of a compound catur- is regularly accented cdttir-,

8 For sas-dasa, see above 43, b, 3; 56, b.

20* I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. catvarim-sát 'forty'; pañca-śát 'fifty'; sas-ti- 'sixty'; sapta-ti- 'seventy'; así-ti- 'eighty'; nava-ti- 'ninety'. The last four are abstract fem. nouns derived from the simple cardinal (except aśī-ti-)¹ and meaning originally 'hexad etc. (of tens)'. The others are fem. compounds, the first member of which is ‘two', 'three', 'four', or 'five', and the second a remnant of the IE. word for 'ten'; thus trim-sát meant 'three tens'. vimsati- was probably in origin an old dual of this formation which ended in -ī but was transformed by the influence of şaştí- etc. to a singular fem. in -ti 2. c. The numbers intermediate between these decades are Dvandva compounds formed by prefixing the accented unit to the decade; thus aștá- vimšati- (VS.) 'twenty-eight'; éka-trimśat (VS.) ‘thirty-one'; tráyas-trimsat 'thirty- three'; náva-catvārimsat (TS.) 'forty-nine'; náva-şaști- (TS.) 'sixty-nine'; návāšīti- (TS.) ‘eighty-nine'; páñca-navati- (TS.) ‘ninety-five'; sán-ṇavatì- (TS.) 'ninety-six'; așțá-navati- (TS.) 'ninety-eight'. 308 one not' - = a. In the TS., the number preceding a decade is also expressed by ékän ná 'by 'minus one'; thus ékān ná vimšati 'twenty less one' 'nineteen'; ékān ná catvārimśát 'thirty-nine'; ékan ná şaştí- 'fifty-nine';. ékan násīti- 'seventy-nine'; ékān ná šatám 'a hundred less one', 'ninety-nine'³. p. Intermediate numbers may also be expressed by adding together unit and decade with or without ca; e. g. náva ca navatím ca ‘ninety and nine'; navatím náva 'ninety-nine'. d. The numbers expressing ‘a hundred' and its multiples are satá- '100'; sahásra- '1000'; a-yúta- (AV. TS.) '10 000'; ni-yúta- (TS.; Kh. Iv. 12³) '100000'; pra-yúta- (VS. TS.) '1 000 000'; árbuda- (TS.; Kh. Iv. 128) '10 000 000'; nyàrbuda- (AV. VS. TS.) '100000000¹4. a. Intermediate numbers are compounded in the same way with fatá- as with the preceding decades; e. g. éka-śatam ‘a hundred and one'; cátuḥ-śatam ‘a hundred and four'; trimśác-chatam a hundred and thirty'. p. Multiples may be expressed in two ways. Either the larger number is put in the dual or plural multiplied by the smaller one used adjectivally; e. g. dvé šaté (vii, 1822) 'two hundred'; şaştím sahásrā (VI. 266) 'sixty thousand'; trini šatá trí sahásrāṇi trimśác ca náva ca (III. 99) 'three thousand three hundred and thirty-nine'. Or the multiplier may be prefixed to the larger number, forming with it a possessive compound accented on the final syllable; e. g. tráyastrimsat trišatáḥ satsahasráḥ (AV.) 'six thousand three hundred and thirty-three'. Numbers below a hundred are sometimes used multiplicatively in these two ways; e. g. navatir náva (1. 84¹3) ‘ninë nineties': = 'eight hundred and ten'; tri-saftá- 5 'thrice seven'; tri-navá- (VS.) 'having thrice nine'. = Inflexion. 406. With regard to their inflexion, which in many respects is peculiar, the cardinals may be divided into three groups. a. The first group comprises the first four numerals. These are the only cardinals which, like other adjectives, distinguish the genders. They also distinguish the numbers as far as the sense admits: éka- 'one', while inflected chiefly in the singular, forms a plural also in the sense of 'some'; dvá- 'two' is of course inflected in the dual only; and tri- 'three' and catúr- 'four' in the plural only. I. éka- is declined like the second group of pronominal adjectives6. The only form of the abl. sing. 3 met with follows the nominal declension, 1 as is radically related to aştáu, cp. 56, a. 2 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 443, 1. 3 In the TS. (B.) are also met with ékasmān ná pañcāśát and ékasyai ná pañcāśát (VII. 4. 7³) 'forty-nine': WHITNEY 477, b. 4 In TS. VII, 220 these numerals, followed | inst, trisaptáis. by samudrá-, mádhya-, ánta-, parardhá-, occur 6 See above 403, 2. in succession: we may infer from the first few that each successive number is equal to ten times the preceding one; cp. WHITNEY 475, c. The contents of TS. VII, 2, 11-20 are almost entirely numerals. 5 Inflected according to the a- declension: VI. DECLENSION. NUMERALS. CARDINALS. 309 viz. ékāt, used in the compound numerals ékän ná trimśát 'twenty-nine' etc. occurring in the TS. A single dual case, from éka- in the sense of a certain', appears in éke yuvatí (AV. x. 742) 'a certain pair of maidens'. The forms to be found in the Samhitās are: m. sing. N. ékas. A. ékam. I. ékena. G. ékasya. L. ékasmin; pi. N. éke. D. ékebhyas. f. N. ékā. A. ékām. I. ékayā. G. ikasyās; du. N. éke (AV.); pl. N. ékās (AV.). n. N. sing. ékam; pl. ékā. 2. dvá- 'two', declined in the dual only, is quite regular. The forms occurring are: m. N. dvá, dváu. I. dvábhyam. G. dváyos. L. dvdyos. f. N. dvé. I. dvábhyām. n. N. dvé. L. dváyos. — a. The dual form dvd is retained in the first member of the numeral compound dvá-daśa 'twelve'. Otherwise dvi- is used as the stem of dva- in derivation, c. g. dvi-dhā 'twofold'; and as the first member of compounds, c. g. dvi-pád- 'biped'. - 3. The cardinal tri- 'three' is, in the masc. and neut., inflected like a regular i stem. The fem. stem is tis-: the gen. pl. is once (v. 69²) written tisrnám (though the is actually long metrically). The forms occurring are: m. N. tráyas. A. trin. I. tribhís. D. tribhyás. G. trinám. L. trisú. f. N. tisrás. A. tisrás. I. tisýbhis. D. tisýbhyas. G. tisrnám. L. tisíşu. n. N. A. trí, trini. a. The stem used in derivation and compounding is regularly tri-, e. g. tri-dhā 'in three ways'; tri-pád- 'three-footed'. But tr- appears in tr-tá- (AV.) 'third', as a N., and in the secondary ordinal tr-t-iya- 'third'; and in numeral compounds trim appears in trim-sát 'thirty', and tráyas in tráyo-daśa 'thirteen', and tráyas-trimšat 'thirty-three'. 4. catúr- 'four' has the stem catvár- in the strong forms of the masc. and neut. In the gen. it has the peculiarity of taking n before the ending ām, though the stem ends in a consonant ³. The fem. stem is cátasy-, which is inflected like tist- and shifts its accent like páñca. The forms occurring are: m. N. catváras. A. catúras. I. catúrbhis. D. catúrbhyas (AV.). G. caturṇám+. f. N. cátasras. A. cátasras. I. catasýbhis5. n. N. A. catvári. - a. The stem used in derivation and compounding is regularly catur-; e. g. catur- dhá in four ways'; cátur-daśa 'fourteen'; cátus-pad-6 four-footed'. But it is once catvārim- (from the n. pl.) in the numeral compound catvārimśát 'forty'. b. The second group, comprising the cardinals from 'five' to 'nineteen', though used adjectivally, does not distinguish gender, and takes no ending in the nom. and acc. These numerals also share the same peculiarities of accentuation 7. 5. N. A. páñca 'five'. I. pañcábhis. D. pañcábhyas. L. pañcásu. 6. sás- 'six': N. A. sát. I. sadbhís. D. şadbhyás8. I See above 12, 13; cp. BENFEY, Vedica und Verwandtes 4. 7. N. A. saptá 'seven'. I. saptábhis. D. Ab. saptábhyas. G. saptanám. 8. That the cardinal for 'eight' was an old dual is indicated by its forms in the N. A. aștá, aștáu and in the only other cases occurring, I. astă- bhís, D. asta-bhyás (TS.). According to the analysis of the Pada text in a late passage of the RV. (x. 27¹5), astóttaráttut contains the N. astá, doubt- less because it is preceded by saptá and followed by náva and dása. 2. On the accentuation, see 94, 2 a. 3 It shares this peculiarity with şan-nám, the gen, plur, of sás-, which however does not seem to occur in any of the Samhitās. 4 With accent on the final syllable like the genitives of páñca etc. 5 G. catarnám and L, catassu occur in B. a. The stem used in compounding has mostly the dual form aștā; thus asta-pad- 'eight-footed', aştá-vandhura- 'eight-seated' 10; aştá-daša- (TS.) 'eighteen', asta-vimśá- (AV.) 6 On the Sandhi, see above 78. 7 That is, of accenting -á before the ter- minations -bhis, -bhyas, -su, and the final syllable in the gen. See above, 93. 8 Cp. note 3. 9 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 441, 8. 10 These are the only two occurrences in the RV., for in aṣṭa-karná- (x. 627) the first member is doubtless a past participle. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 'twenty-eightfold', aștá-cakra- (AV.) ‘eight-wheeled', aștá-paksa- (AV.) ‘eight-sideď’, aṣṭā-yogá- (AV.) 'yoke of eight'. The form asta- begins to appear in the AV. in the derivative aşta-dhá in eight ways'; and in the compounds asta-kŕtvas ‘eight times', astá-yoni- 'having eight wombs', asta-vysá- 'eight times chief'. 310 9. N. A. náva 'nine'. I. navábhis. D. navábhyas (TS.). G. navanām. 10. N. A. dása 'ten'. I. dasábhis. D. daśábhyas (TS.). G. daśānám. L. daśásu. II. N. A. ékādaśa ‘eleven'. D. ekādaśábhyas (TS.). 12. N. A. dvádaśa 'twelve. D. dvadaśábhyas (TS.). 13. N. A. tráyodaśa 'thirteen'. I. trayodaśábhis (TS.). D. trayodasábhyas (TS.). 14. N. A. cáturdaśa 'fourteen'. D. caturdaśábhyas (TS.). 15. N. A. páñcadaśa 'fifteen'. D. pañcadaśábhyas (TS.). 16. N. A. sídasa (VS.) 'sixteen'. D. soḍaśábhyas (TS.). 17. 18. The N. of the cardinals for 'seventeen' and 'eighteen' does not seem to occur in Mantras. D. saptadaśábhyas (TS.); aṣṭādaśábhyas (TS.). 19. N. A. návadaśa (VS.) 'nineteen'. I. navadaśábhis (VS.). D. ékan ná vimśatyái (TS.). c. The third group of cardinals, comprising the numbers from 'twenty' onwards, are substantives inflected regularly according to the declension of the stem final; e. g. N. vimšatí-s 'twenty', A. vimsatí-m, I. viņśaty-á; N. trimśát 'thirty', A. trimśát am, I. trimśát-ã, L. trimsát-i. The decades 'twenty' to 'ninety' and their compounds are fem. and nearly always inflected in the sing.; but if the sense requires it they may be used in the plural; e. g. náva navatih 'nine nineties'; navānám navatinám (1. 191¹3) 'of nine nineties'. a. satá- ‘a hundred' and sahásra- 'a thousand' are neuters, which may be declined in all numbers; e. g. avé saté 'two hundred'; saptá šatáni seven hundred'. Syntactical employment of the Cardinals. 407. a. The numerals from 'one' to 'nineteen' are used adjectivally; e. g. tráyo vīráḥ (111.56*) 'three heroes'; saptábhiḥ putráiḥ (x.72⁹) 'with seven sons'; jánesu pañcásu (III. 37⁹) ‘among the five races'. The bare stem (in the numerals of the second group) is, however, sometimes used in the oblique cases; e. g. saptá hótrbhiḥ (III. 104) 'with seven priests'; ádhi pánca krstisu (II. 2¹0) 'over the five tribes'. a. Exceptionally these numerals are, however, to be met with governing a genitive; e. g. dása kalášānām (IV. 3219) 'ten jars'. b. The third group of nurnerals (from 'twenty' upwards), as singular substantives, is treated in two ways. 1. They may govern a genitive; e. g. pañcaśátam áśvanam (v.185) 'fifty horses'; sastím áśvānām (VIII.46²) ‘sixty horses'; šatám gónām (1. 126²) ‘a hundred kine'. So also when satá- and sahásra- are in the du. or pl.; e. g. gávam satáni (VII. 103¹) 'hundreds of kine'; sahásrāṇi gávām (VIII. 51²) ‘thousands of kine'. 2. They may, remaining singular, agree in case with the following plural, being then used adjectivally (not appositionally, because they always precede the substantive in this use); e. g. trimśád deváh (II. 99) 'thirty gods'; trimsátam yíjanāni (1. 123³) 'thirty leagues'; trimśáta háribhiḥ (11. 185) 'with thirty bays'; saténa háribhiḥ (11. 186) ‘with a hundred bays'; šatám púraḥ (IV. 27¹) 'a hundred forts'; sahásram hárayaḥ (Iv.463) 'a thousand bays'. The following word, agreeing with sahásra-, may be in the singular as a collective; thus súnas cic chépam níditam sahásrād yupād amuñcaḥ (v. 27) Sunahsepa, who was bound, thou didst release from a thousand posts'. a. śatá- and sahásra- have, in their adjectival use, the peculiarity of sometimes either being put in the plural themselves or retaining the N. A. neuter sing. form (like páñca) when in agreement with an inst. pl.; c. g. šatā púraḥ (1.53³) ‘a hundred forts'; sahásrany VI. DECLENSION. NUMERALS. ORDINALS. DERIVATIVES. 311 ádhirathani (x. 989) a thousand wagonloads'; šatám purbhiḥ (VI. 488) with a hundred forts'; sahásram sibhiḥ (1. 189³) 'with a thousand seers'. ß. The numeral pronouns káti 'how many?', táti 'so many', yáti 'as many', remain nninflected in agreement with nominatives and accusatives plural, which are the only cases found occurring with them in the Samhitās ¹. B. Ordinals. 408. The ordinals, being all adjectives ending in -a, are declined throughout in the masc. and neut. according to the nominal a-declension. The feminine is formed with -72, except in the first four, which take -ā, viz. prathama-³, dvitiyā-, tṛtiyā-³, turíya (TS.). The ordinals may best be divided into four groups according to the formation of their stems. I. The ordinals from 'first' to 'tenth' are formed with various suffixes, viz. (-t)-iya, -tha, -thamá, -má, the first four in a somewhat irregular manner. a. pra-thamá- 'first' was doubtless formed from pra- with the superlative suffix -tama, meaning 'foremost', the initial of the suffix being probably changed under the influence of other ordinals formed with -tha (sasthá-, etc.). b. The next three ordinals are formed with the suffix -iya: dvit-iya- 'second', trt-iya- 'third', secondarily through dvi-tá- 'second', and tr-tá- 'third', both used as names; tur-iya- 'fourth' for *ktur-iya- (beside catur-thá-). The latter when used in the fractional sense is accented túriya- (AV.) ‘quarter'5. c. The ordinal for ‘sixth', besides the alternative forms for 'fourth' and 'seventh', is formed with tha: sas-thá- (AV. VS.), catur-thá- (AV. VS.), saptá-tha- (RV.). d. The ordinals for 'fifth' and 'seventh' to 'tenth' are formed with -ma: pañca-má- (AV. VS.), sapta-má- (VS.) beside saptá-tha-, aşta-má-, nava-má-, daśa-má-. 2. The stems of the ordinals for 'seventh' to 'nineteenth' are the same as those of the cardinals, except that they are accented on the final syllable. In inflexion they differ from the cardinals in following the ordinary nominal a declension; thus from ekādaśá- ‘eleventh' are formed: sing. m. A. ekādaśám; pl. N. ekadaśásaḥ, A. ekadaśán, I. ekadaśáis. 3. The ordinals for twentieth' to 'ninetieth' (including their com- pounds) seem, judged by some three examples met with in the Samhitās (and some four others in B.), to have been abbreviated forms of the car- dinals, ending in -á: eka-vimśá- 'twenty-first' (B.) 'consisting of twenty-one' (VS.), catvāriņśá- (RV.) ‘fortieth', aṣṭā-catvārimśá-(VS.) 'forty-eighth'; catus-trimśá- (B.) 'thirty-fourth', dva-pañcaśá- (B.) 'fifty-second', eka-sastá- (B.) 'sixty-first'. 4. The ordinals for 'hundredth' and 'thousandth' are formed with the superlative suffix -tama: śata-tamá-; but sahasra-tamá- has been noted in B. passages only (TS. SB.). C. Numeral Derivatives. 409. A number of derivatives, chiefly adverbs, are formed from the cardinals. a. There are a few multiplicative adjectives derived with the suffixes -a, -ya, -taya, -vaya; thus tray-á 'threefold' (from tri-); dva-ya- 'twofold'; dáśa-taya 'tenfold'; cátur-vaya- 'fourfold'. b. Multiplicative adverbs are formed in three different ways. 'Once' | 4 Cp. the adverbial acc. pra-tamám (B.) ¹ Cp. DELBRÜCK 50. 2 Inflected like stems in derivative -ī: 377. | 'specially'. See BRUGMANN, KG. 447, 1. 3 Both prathamá- and trtiya- have one 5 Similarly in B, passages cáturtha- quarter', form each according to the pronominal de- tŕtiya- 'third'. clension in the AV. (403, 3, c), I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. is expressed by sa-kft, which originally seems to have meant 'one making'. The next three are formed with the suffix -s: dví-s 'twice'; tri-s 'thrice', catus (AV.) 'four times' (for *catúr-s, cp. Av. čathru-s). Others are expressed by the cardinal and the form kftvas 'times' (probably 'makings', acc. pl. of *ftu-), which, except in asta-kftvas (AV.) 'eight times', is a separate word; thus dáśa kftvas (AV.) 'ten times', bhíri kftvas (RV.) 'many times' ². 312 = c. Numeral adverbs of manner are formed with the suffix -dhä; thus dvi-dha 'in two ways or parts'; similarly tri-dha and tre-dhá, catur-dhá, panca-dhú (AV.), sodha³, sapta-dha (AV. VS. TS.), asta-dhú (AV.), nava-dha (AV.), sahasra-dha. VII. THE VERB. BENFEY, Vollständige Grammatik 788-920.- WITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 527-1073. DELBRÜCK, Das altindische Verbum, Ilalle 1874. — AVERY, Contributions to the history of verb-inflection in Sanskrit, JAOS. x. (1876), 219-276; 311-324. JUL. V. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte des Veda. Das Verbalsystem des Atharva-Veda, Berlin 1898. - 410. General characteristics. The verbal system comprises the two groups of forms which include, on the one hand, the finite verb and, on the other, the nominal formations connected with the verb. The former group represents the forms made with personal endings, viz. indicative, sub- junctive, injunctive, optative, and imperative. The latter group consists of infinitives (nouns of action) and participles (agent nouns). These differ from ordinary nouns inasmuch as they participate in the characteristics of the verb, governing cases, being connected with particular tenses, being used in different voices, and being liable to tmesis when compounded with prepositions. A. The finite verb distinguishes the primary conjugation of the root and the secondary conjugation of derivative formations, viz. desiderative, intensive, causative, and denominative. The latter class does not, however, differ in origin from the former; but doubtless because (in contrast with the present stems of the primary conjugation) it preserves the distinctive meaning of the stem, it extends the form of the present stem beyond the present system to the whole conjugation. The finite verb further distinguishes voice, tense, mood, number, and person. a. There are two voices, active and middle, which are distinguished throughout the inflexion of the verb (largely also in the participle, though not in the infinitive). The middle forms may be employed in a passive sense, except in the present system where there is a special passive stem inflected with middle terminations. Some verbs are conjugated in both active and middle; e. g. krnó-ti and krnu-té 'makes'; others in one voice only, e. g. ás-ti 'is'; others partly in one and partly in the other; e. g. pres. várta-le 'turns', but perf. vavárt-a 'has turned'. b. There are five tenses in ordinary use, viz. the present, the imper- fect, the perfect, the aorist, and the future. The terms imperfect, perfect, and aorist are here used in a purely formal sense, that is, as corresponding in formation to the Greek tenses bearing those names. No Vedic tense has an imperfect meaning, while the perfect sense is generally expressed by the aorist. ¹ Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 450, I. a Cp. WHITNEV 1105, a. c. Beside the indicative there are four mocds, the subjunctive, the injunctive, the optative, and the imperative, all formed from the stem of the 3 For şaş-dhá; cp. above 43, b, 3; 56, b; and p. 307, note 8, VII. VERB. FINITE VERB. PERSONAL ENDINGS. present, the perfect, and the aorist. The imperfect has no moods; and the only modal form occurring in the future is the unique subjunctive karisyás, from kr- 'make'. 3¹3 d. The finite verb is, as in other languages, used in three persons in all tenses and moods excepting the imperative, where the first persons are supplied from the subjunctive. As in declension, the three numbers, singular, dual, and plural, are in regular use throughout. B. The nominal verb-forms comprise: a. Participles. The tense-stem of the present, future, aorist, and perfect each forms an active and a middle participle; e. g. gácchant-, gáccha-mana- 'going'; karisyant- 'going to do', yakṣyá-māṇa- 'going to sacrifice'; kránt-, krāṇá- 'making'; cakrváms-, cakraná- 'having done'. Besides these, there are passive participles, present, perfect, and future. The present form is made from the passive stem in -ya; e. g. stuyá-mana- 'being praised'. The perfect passive participle, on the other hand, is formed from the root; e. g. kr-tá- 'made'; as is also (with few exceptions) the future passive participle or gerundive; e. g. vánd-ya- 'praiseworthy'. b. Gerunds. These are stereotyped cases (chiefly instrumentals) of verbal nouns, and have the value of indeclinable active participles with a prevailingly past sense; e. g. gatví and gatváya 'having gone'. c. Infinitives. There are about a dozen differently formed types of infinitives, which are cases of verbal nouns made directly or with a suffix from the root, and hardly ever connected with a tense stem; e. g. idh-am 'to kindle'; gán-tavái 'to go'. A. The Finite Verb. I 411. All forms of the finite verb may be classed under four groups: (1) the present system, comprising the present tense together with its moods and participles, and its augmented past tense, the imperfect; (2) the perfect system, comprising the perfect tense together with its moods and participles, and its augmented past tense, the pluperfect² (494); (3) the aorist system, comprising the aorist tense together with its moods and participles; (4) the future system, comprising the future tense³ together with its participles, and its augmented past form, the conditional4. Personal Endings. 412. The characteristic feature of the finite verb is the addition of personal endings 5. These are divided into active and middle; in each of which groups, again, primary and secondary forms are to be distinguished. The primary forms appear throughout the present and future indicative, but in the middle only of the perfect indicative. The secondary forms appear in augmented indicatives, in injunctives (which are identical in form with un- augmented past indicatives), in the imperative (several forms of which are identical with the injunctive)7, and in the optative. The subjunctive fluctuates between the primary and the secondary endings, but the latter are about 1 Over 18 000 occurrences of verb-forms 4 There is only a single occurrence of have been noted by AVERY (221) in the this formation in the Sambitās. RV. 5 Cp. AVERY 225 f.; BRUGMANN, KG. 771-798. 6 The 3. pl. has here the peculiar ending 2 This term is used in a purely formal sense, as this rare tense has not a pluper- fect meaning. 3 There is no periphrastic future in the Samhitas. -re. 7 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 729. 314 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. twice as frequent as the former¹. The perfect indicative active has some of the regular secondary endings (-va, ma, -ur), but the rest are of a peculiar type. Active endings. Primary. Sing. 1. -mi². 2. -si. 3. -ti³. Du. 1. -vas. 2. -thas 5. 3. -tas 5. Pl. 1. -masi, -mas“. 2. -tha, -thana7. 3. -anti8. Secondary. Sing. 1. -m. 2. -5⁹. 3. - ¹⁰. Du. I. -va. 2. -tam. 3. -tām. Pl. 1. -ma. 12 3. -an, -ur¹2 II 2. -ta, -tana ¹¹. Middle endings. Primary. Sing. 1. -e. 2. -se ¹3. 3. -te¹4. Du. 1. -vahe ¹5. 2. -āthe ¹6. 3. -āte ¹6. Pl. 1. -mahe ¹7. 2. -dhve ¹8. 3. -ante¹9. 18 21 Secondary. Sing. 1. -2⁰. 2. -thas2¹. 3. -ta 22. Du. 1. -vahi. 2. -āthām ²3. 3. -ātam 23. Pl. 1. mahi. 2.dhvam 24. 3. -anta 25. a. Beside the perfect endings containing r, act. du. 2. -athur, 3.-atur, pl. 3. -ur, middle -re, some verbs have endings with initial in the 3. pl. mid. ind. and opt. of most tenses. These endings are -re and -rate in the pres. ind.; -rire in the perf. ind.; -ran in the opt. pres. and the ind. imperfect, pluperfect, and aorist; ram in the ind. aor.; -ranta in the pluperfect; -rata in the opt. In the AV. -răm and -ratām appear in the 3. pl. impv. mid. ²6. b. More than twenty roots have forms in which certain endings are added to the root with the connecting vowel i or less commonly 7. These roots are an- 'breathe', am- ‘injure', as- ‘be', īḍ- ‘praise', īš- ‘rule', cud- ‘impel', jan- ‘beget', tu- ‘be strong', dhvan- 'sound', brū- 'speak', vam- 'vomit', vas- ‘clothe', vrs- 'rain', śnath- 'pierce', ru- 'hear', I AVERY 227 (middle). 2 The subjunctive has -āni and instead of it (13 times) -ã; cp. AVERY 225 (mid.) and BRUGMANN, KG. 772. 14 -tai occurs once in the RV. for te in the subjunctive; it is the usual form in the 3 The perf. ind. has the peculiar endings | AV. In the RV. -e sometimes occurs for I. - or -au, 2. -tha, 3. -a or -au in the-te in the ind. pres.; it is the only ending sing. in the perf. ind. 4 This ending does not occur in the RV.; cp. DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 24. 5 The perf. act. du. has the peculiar endings 2. -athur, 3. -atur. 6 -masi occurs 109 times in the RV., being more than 5 times as frequent as -mas (cp. WHITNEY 548; AVERY 226), but in the AV. mas has become commoner than -masi in the proportion of 4 to 3. On these endings cp. NEISSER, BB. 30, 311-3¹5. 7 In the RV. -tha occurs more than 6 times as often as -thana (AVERY 226). The perf. ind. has the peculiar ending -a. 8 The an is replaced by a (for the sonant nasal) in reduplicated verbs and a few others treated as such; cp. DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 51 (mid). 9 The impv. act. adds -dhi, -hi, -āna, -tāt or no ending. 10 The 3. impv. has -tu instead of -t; in the RV. and TS. also tat, see 418 b. ¹¹ In the RV. -ta occurs more than 4 times as often as -tana (560 occurrences to 125: AVERY 226). 13 In the AV. -sai is the only form of the subjunctive (WHITNEY 561, a). 12 In the ind. perf., the ind. s-aorist, and the optative, ur always appears, sometimes also in the imperfect; cp. DELBRÜCK, Verbum P. 52. The impv. has -antu, which loses its n under the same conditions as -anti. 15 The subjunctive has -vahai. 16 In the a conjugation -cthe and -ete; aithe and aite appear in the RV. as sub- junctives in several forms; -aite occurs once as an indicative; cp. WHITNEY 547, c and 561, a; DELBRÜCK, Verbum 106 and p. 45 (mid.). 17 mahai is the usual form in the sub- junctive in the RV. and AV. 18 In the RV. once dhvai in the sub- junctive. 19 In the impv. -antām and -atām. 20 In the optative (y)-a. 21 In the impv. -sva. 22 In the impv. -tām. 23 In the a-conjugation -etham and -etām. 21 Once -dhva in the RV. 25 In the impv. -antām; both this ending and -anta lose their under the same con- ditions as anti. The perf. ind. has -re. 26 See DELBRÜCK, Verbum 76-78; AVERY 226; BRUGMANN, KG. 797; cp. also BOLLEN- SEN, ZDMG. 22, 599; KUHN, KZ. 18, 400; BENFEY, Ueber die Entstehung und Verwen- dung der im Sanskrit mit anlautenden Personalendungen. Abh. d. Ges. d. Wiss. zu Göttingen 15, Göttingen 1870; WINDISCH, Berichte der sächsischen Gesellschaft d. Wiss. 1889, p. 1 ff.; ZIMMER, KZ. 30, 224 ff. VII. VERB. FINITE VERB. AUGMENT. FORMATION of the MoodS. 3¹5 svas- 'breathe', sidh- 'repel', stan- ‘thunder', stambh-1 'prop'. There are also a few 3. plurals in -i-re, viz. rnvire, pinvire, śrnviré, sunviré and hinviré, in which the connecting vowel i appears 2. The Augment. 413. The augment ³ (originally doubtless an independent temporal particle) consists of the syllable a-, which is prefixed to the imperfect, pluperfect, aorist, and conditional, giving to those forms the signification of past time. It in- variably bears the acute when the verb is accented, like the preposition immediately preceding a verb in a principal sentence (111). The augment sometimes appears lengthened before n, y, r or v, the only examples being á-nat, from nas- 'attain'; á-yunak (beside a-yunak), á-yukta (beside á-yukta), and á-yukṣātām, from yuj- 'join'; árinak and á-raik, from ric- '"leave'; á-var, from ur- 'cover'; a-vrni, from vṛ- 'choose'; á-vṛṇak, from vṛj- 'turn'; ã-vidhyat (beside á-vidhyat), from vyadh- 'wound'. The only one of these forms written with ā in the Pada text is á-var (but once also a-var). There is also one passage (II. 17.9) in which the metre seems to require that yás t 'vidhat should be read yás ta ávidhatª. a. With the initial vowels i, u, r the augment irregularly contracts to the Vṛddhi vowels ai, au, ar; e. g. áicchas, 2. sing. imperf. of is- 'wish'; áunat, 3. sing. imperf. of ud- 'wet'; árta, 3. sing. aor. of r- ‘go'. This appears to be a survival of a prehistoric contraction of a with i, u, r to ãi, au, ār, which is otherwise almost invariably represented by e, o, ars. b. The augment is very often dropped. This optional loss is to be explained as a survival from the Indo-European period when, being an in- dependent particle, the augment could be dispensed with if the past sense was clear from the context. In the RV. the number of examples in which the augment is wanting (about 2000) is considerably more than half that of forms in which it is prefixed (about 3300), more than one half of these un- augmented forms being aorists. In the AV. the number of forms which lose the augment is less than half that of those which retain it, more than four fifths of these unaugmented forms being aorists. In sense, the forms which drop the augment are either indicative or injunctive. The indicatives have for the most part a past, but often also (generally when compounded with prefixes) a present meaning. In the RV., the indicative and injunctive un- augmented forms are about equal in number6; the injunctives being used in nearly one-third of their occurrences with the prohibitive particle má. In the AV. about nine-tenths of the unaugmented forms are injunctive, some four- fifths of these being construed with má. Formation of the Moods. 414. 1. Subjunctive 7. The subjunctive is a very common mood in the RV. and the AV., occurring three or four times as often as the optative. It is formed from the present, the perfect, and the aorist. The stem is formed by adding a to the indicative stem. When a strong and weak stem are distinguished, the a is attached to the former; while it coalesces to a with the final of the stem in the a- conjugation. Thus the subjunctive stem of I AVERY 226. 2 AVERY 227 (top). 3 Cp. AVERY 225; BRUGMANN KG. 626. 4 WHITNEY 585, a. 5 Cp. above 19 a, 4. 5. 6 WHITNEY 587, a. According to AVERY 225, the unaugmented forms of the RV. have a historical sense in 488 instances only. 7 See especially W. NEISSER, Zur vedischen Verballehre (Inaugural-Dissertat.), Göttingen 1882 BB. 7 (1883), 211—241. 8 Only a single form of the future sub- junctive occurs. = 316 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. the root duh- 'milk' is dóh-a-; of yuj- 'join' yunáj-a-; but of bhu- 'be' bháv-ā-. Owing to the analogy of the a- conjugation, other verbs sometimes add a instead of a, e. g. brav-a-thá frcm bru- 'speak". The subjunctive is on the whole inflected like an indicative, but with fluctuations between the primary and the secondary endings, besides some variations in the endings themselves. Thus in the active, (r) the ending of the 1. sing. is -āni, of which the ni is dropped thirteen times in the RV., e. g. dóh-āni, yunáj-āni, bháv-āni; bháv-ā; (2) the 1. du. and 1. 3. pl. have the secondary endings -va, -ma, -an only; e. g. dóh-āva, dóh-āma, dóh-an; bháv-āva, bháv-āma, bháv-ãn; (3) the 2. 3. sing. may take the secondary endings as well as the primary; e. g. dóh-a-si or dóh-a-s; bháv-ā-ti or bháv-ā-t². In the middle, (1) the only secondary ending is found in the 3. pl., -anta, which occurs beside and more frequently than -ante; (2) the ending -ai, which is normal in the 1. sing. (being = a +e), has spread from that person to forms in which e would be normal. Thus the 1. du. has -āvahai only; in the 1. pl., -āmahai is the usual form in the RV. and AV. beside the rarer -amahe; in the 2. sing., -sai always appears for -se in the AV., though it does not occur in the RV.; in the 2. pl., -dhvai occurs once for -dhve³ in the RV:; in the 2. 3. du., -aithe and -aite occur several times in the RV., being doubtless intended for subjunctive modifications of the indicative -ethe and ete of the a- conjugation; in the 3. sing., -tai occurs once in the RV. for -te, and is the usual form in the AV. sing. a. The subjunctive endings in combination with the -a of the stem are accordingly the following: Active du. -ā-va pl. sing. -ā I. āni, -ā-ma I. -ai 2. -a-sis, -a-s6 -a-thas -a-tha 2. -a-se, -a-sai 3. -a-ti, -a-t -a-tas -a-n 3- -a-te, -a-tai 415. Injunctive. The unaugmented forms of past tenses used modally, are sometimes called improper subjunctives, but they are more suitably termed injunctives, as they appear to have originally expressed an injunction. This is borne out by the fact that since the IE. period the second and third persons imperfect (except the 2. sing. act.) had come to be used as regular imperatives expressing a commande. But the unaugmented forms of the imperfect that could be distinguished from the regular imperative (as bháras, bhárat, bharan) and especially unaugmented aorists", are often used in a sense fluctuating between that of the subjunctive (requisition) and of the optative (wish)". Thus bháratu 'let him bear', but bhárat 'may he bear', bhút 'may he be'. Middle du. pl. -ä-vahai -a-mahai, -ā-mahe -aithe -a-dhve, -a-dhvai -a-nte, -a-nta. -aite 416. Optative. This mood, which is comparatively rare in the Sam- hitas, is formed from the present, the perfect, and the aorist. The stem is formed with -ya or -ī, which, when strong and weak stem are distinguished, ¹ Cp. WHITNEY 560e; BRUGMANN, KG.719. 2 The subjunctive in à is in origin an old injunctive: BRUGMANN, KG. 716 (end). 3 In the form mādayādhvai 'may ye rejoice'. 4 kynvaite, however, appears once as an indicative; see DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 45. 5 In the aor. subj., -si occurs only once in the RV. 6 In the a-conjugation à appears throughout: -āsi, -ās, etc. 7 In the aor. subj., -ti occurs only six times in the RV. 8 WHITNEY 563. 9 The 3. sing. and pl., e. g. bhárat-u and bhárant-u, are explained as injunctives and the particle : BRUGMANN, KG. 729, 1. 10 The aorist injunctives were probably used originally with the prohibitive particle má only: BRUGMANN, KG. 716, 2 (end). ¹¹ Cp. WHITNEY 575. VII. VERB. FORMATION OF THE MOODS. 317 are attached to the latter. In the a- conjugation - is added (coalescing with a to e) throughout; in other verbs -7 is added in the middle only, and -yá (often to be read as -iá) in the active only". Roots ending in a usually change that vowel to e before -yā: e. g. de-yam (perhaps to be explained as dāijam)² I would give'. But à is sometimes retained, as in ya-yam 'I would go'. b. The endings are the secondary ones. There are, however, some irregularities in the 1. sing. and the 3. pl. 1. The 3. pl. mid. always takes -ran instead of -an. 2. The 3. pl. act. always takes -ur, before which the à of -ya is dropped, while in the a- con- jugation y is interposed between e ³ and -ur. 3. The 1. sing. mid, has the peculiar ending a with y interposed between it and the modal-. 4. The 1. sing. act. of the a- con- jugation attaches -am instead of -m (the termination -em being unknown), interposing y between it and the e3 of the stem. d. a. The endings of the optative in combination with the modal suffix are accordingly the following: I. Graded conjugation. sing. I. -ì-y-á 2. -i-thás 3. -7 - tả 2. a- conjugation. I. -e-y-a 2. -e-thās sing. 1. -ya-m 2. -ya-s 3. -ya-t I. -e-y-am 2. -e-s 3. -e-t Active du. -ya-va -ya-tam -ya-tām -e-va -e-tam -e-tām pl. -ya-ma -ya-ta -y-úr -e-ma -e-ta Middle du. -T-váhi ¹ On the accentuation cp. above 9 and 24 a. 2 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 555 (bottom). 3 The e (for a) is here probably dne to the inflnence of the other forms -es, -et, etc.: BRUGMANN, KG. 728. -i-y-áthām -í-y-átām -e-vahi -e-y-athām -e-y-ātām pl. -i-máhi -i-dhvám -i-r-án -e-mahi -e-dhvam -e-y-ur 3. -e-ta -e-r-an. 417. Precative. This is a form of the optative which adds an -s after the modal suffix in several persons, and is made almost exclusively from aorist stems. In the RV. there occur a few forms of the precative in three persons (1. 3. sing., 1. pl.) active, and in two persons (2. 3. sing.) middle; thus active: 1. sing. bhu-ya-s-am (aor.) 'may I be'; 3. sing. as-yas (for

as-ya-s-t) 'may he attain' (aor.); babhū-yās 'may he be' (perf.); 1.pl. kri-ya-s-ma

'may we do' (aor.); middle: 2. sing. mam-s-T-s-thás (aor.) and 3. sing. mam-s-i-s-ta (aor.), from man- 'think'. 418. Imperative. This mood has no mood-sign of its own, as all the first persons are subjunctives and the second and third persons are mostly old injunctives. The purely injunctive forms are the 2. 3. du. and 2. pl. active and middle, ending in -tam, -tām, -ta; -āthām, -ātām, -dhvam. The 3. sing. pl. act. in tut and -antus, and the 3. pl. mid. in -antam5 may be modi- fications of injunctives. The imperative has, however, distinctive forms of its own in the 2. sing. act.: -dhi, -hi, -āna, -tāt; and in the middle: 2. sing. -sva and 3. sing. -tām or -ām. a. The 2. sing. act. in the a-conjugation has no ending, employing the bare stem (like the vocative singular of the a- declension); e. g. bhára 'support'; nesa 'lead' (aor. of Vni-). In the graded conjugation, when a strong and weak stem are distinguished, the ending is attached to the latter: -dhi is added after both consonants and vowels, -hi (the later form of -dhi) after vowels only; thus ad-dhí 'eat'; śru-dhi and śṛṇu-dhi 'hear'; i-hí 'go', jagr-hi 'awake', pipr-hi 'save', śrnu-hi 'hear'. In the nā- class, -hi is added 4 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 729, 1; IF. 18, 71; DELBRÜCK, Vergl. Syntax 2, p. 357. 5 The ending -antu and -antām lose their n under the same conditions as -anti (p. 314, note 8). 318 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. only when the root ends in a vowel, but -āna¹ when it ends in a consonant; thus pu-nihi 'purify', but as-āna 'eat'. 2 b. The ending -tät occurs some twenty times in the RV. When strong and weak stem are distinguished, it is added to the latter; e. g. vit-tất 'thou shalt regard', dhat-tat 'thou shalt place', krnu-tāt 'thou shalt make', punī-tāt 'thou shalt purify', etc. Its use is almost restricted to the 2. sing. It is, however, once 3 found in the RV. and once in the TS. in the sense of the 3. sing., once as 2. du. in the RV., once as 2. pl. in the TS., and once as 1. sing. in AV.4. It appears to have the value of a future imperative, ex- pressing an injunction to be carried out at a time subsequent to the present. It may originally have been identical with the abl. tad 'after that', 'then'; krnu-tat would thus have meant 'do (it) then's. I. The Present System. 419. This group consists of a present indicative together with a sub- junctive, an injunctive, an optative, an imperative, and participles, besides a past augmented tense called the imperfect because formed analogously to the Greek tense. This is the most important system, as its forms are about three times as common as those of the three other systems taken together 6. Hence roots are generally classified according to the manner in which their stems are formed in the present system. Here two distinct conjugations may be conveniently distinguished. The first or a- conjugation, all the stems in which end in -a, retains the stem unaltered (like the a- declension) in every tense, mood, and parti- ciple, accenting the same syllable throughout the present indicative, its moods and participles, as well as the unaugmented imperfect. The secondary con- jugations in -a (desideratives, intensives, causatives, denominatives) as well as the future, follow this conjugation in their inflexion. The second or graded conjugation is characterized by shift of accent between stem and ending, accompanied by vowel gradation. Minor differences consist in the loss of n in the 3. pl. middle, in the addition of another suffix (-āna instead of -mana) in the middle participle, in the employment of an ending in the 2. sing. impv. act., and in vowel gradation, with shift of accent, in the modal suffix of the optative. a. The first or a conjugation. 420. The special characteristics of this conjugation are: 1. The -a of the stem is lengthened before the endings of the 1. du. and pl. which begin with v and m; e. g. jayāmasi 'we conquer'; while the initial a of the endings of the 3. pl. -anti, -ante, -an, -anta, is dropped; e. g. bhára-nti 'they bear'. 2. The optative sign is throughout -7, which combines with the -a of the present stem to e; e. g. bháves. 3. The 2. sing. impv. act. has no ending except the comparatively few instances (about sixteen) in which -tät is added. 1 On the origin of this peculiar imperative form cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 839, 5. 2 See DELBRÜCK, Verbum 38. 3 Op. cit. 77; WHITNEY 571, b. AVERY, however (225, bottom), states that it occurs 5 times in the RV. as a 3. sing. 4 WHITNEY, loc. cit. 5 BRUGMANN, KG. 732. 6 WHITNEY 600, a. 7 But when the augment was added, it received the accent just like the verbal pre- position in a principal sentence (the verb itself remaining unaccented). 8 Also aorist stems ending in -a. 5 VII. VERB. PRESENT SYSTEM. 319 4. The 2. 3. du. mid. substitute e for the à of the endings -āthe, -āte; e. g. 2. vahethe 'ye two travel', 3. vardhete 'they two thrive'. 5. The middle participle regularly ends in -mäna. a. Five classes or types may be distinguished in the present stems of the a- conjugation. These are: 1. Stems in which the radical syllable has a strong grade accented vowel'; e. g. bhára-ti, from bhṛ- 'bear'. 2. Stems in which the radical syllable has a weak grade vowel, the thematic a being accented; e. g. rujá-ti, from ruj 'break'. 3. Stems formed with the suffix -ya, being either (a) ordinary transitive or intransitive verbs 3, e. g. ás-ja-ti 'throws'; or (b) passives, e. g. ni-ya-te is led'. 4. Stems ending in -aya, being either (a) causatives (-aya) or (b) denominatives (-ayá) 4. 5. Stems formed with the suffix -sa, added to the reduplicated root, being desideratives; e. g. pi-pa-sa- 'desire to drink'. The last two classes, which retain the present stem throughout their inflexion, constitute three of the secondary conjugations which will be treated separately below (541-570). I. The radically accented a- class (bháva-). 421. This is by far the commonest type of the a conjugation, about 300 such present stems occurring in the Samhitãs 5. The radical vowel takes Guna, unless it is medial and long by nature or position; thus from ji- 'con- quer' : jáy-a-; nī- ‘lead': náy-a-; bhū- 'be': bháv-a-; budh- 'awake': bódh-a-; srp- 'creep' : sárpa-; but jinv- 'quicken' : jínv-a-; krīḍ- ‘play": krid-a-. Roots with medial a remain unchanged, e. g. vad- ‘speak’ : vád-a-. a. There are, however, several irregularities in the formation of the present stem: I. üh- 'consider' takes Guņa: óha- (but üh- 'remove' remains unchanged: uha-); guh- ‘hide' lengthens its vowel: guha-; kram- 'stride' lengthens its vowel in the active: kráma- (but krama in the middle); krp- 'lament' retains its vowel unchanged: krpa-. 2. The roots dams 'bite' and sanj- 'hang' lose their nasal: dáša-, saja-. 3. şam- 'go', yam- 'Teach', yu- 'separate' form their stem with the suffix -cha-: gáccha-, páccha-, yuccha-. 4. Four stems are transfers from the reduplicating class 6: piba- from pa drink', tiştha- from sthā- 'stand', sida-7 (for *si-sad-a-) from sad- 'sit', sáśca-8 (for *sá-sac-a-) from sac- 'accom- pany'; four others are transfers from the nu- class, being either used beside or having entirely superseded the simpler original stems: i-nv-a- from i- 'send', beside i-nd-ti; ji-nv-a- from ji- 'quicken', beside ji-nd-și; hí-nv-a- from hi- 'impel', beside hi-no-ti; pinv-a- 'fatten' was doubtless originally *pi-nu- from the root p. 10. U - 422. Present indicative. The forms of this tense which actually occur, if made from bháva-, would be as follows: Active. Sing. 1. bhávā-mi, 2. bháva-si, 3. bháva-ti. Du. 1. bhávā-vas (TS.), 2. bháva-thas, 3. bháva-tas. Pl. 1. bhávā-masi and bhávā-mas, 2. bháva-tha", 3. bháva-nti. 12 Middle. Sing. 1. bháv-e, 2. bháva-se, 3. bháva-te ¹2. Du. 1. bhávā-vahe, 3. bháv-ete. Pl. 1. bháva-mahe ¹3, 2. bháva-dhve, 3. bháva-nte. The forms which actually occur are the following: 7 See ROZWADOWSKI, BB. 21, 147. A reminiscence of its reduplicative origin is the loss of the nasal (the sonant becoming a) in the ending of the 3. pl.: sáścati, sascata. 9 rnu-á-, beside r-nó-ti from 7- 'send', is a similar transfer to the sixth class. The first class of the Indian gramma- rians. 2 The sixth class of the Indian gramma- rians. 3 The fourth class of the Indian gramma- rians. 4 The nominal « preceding the ya is here sometimes dropped or changed to ā or . See below 562. Some of these verbs in -aya, having lost their special stem meaning, are treated as a class (the tenth) of primary verbs. 10 See WHITNEY, Roots, under pinu. 11 váda-thana is the only example of the ending -thana in the indicative of the a conjugation. 12 The RV. once has sóbhe as 3. sing. for śóbhate. 5 See WHITNEY 214-216, cp. 744. 13 DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 30 (top), AVERY 6 dád-a occasionally appears for the p. 235, WHITNEY 735, b, and GRASSMANN, regular dádā-, from dā- ‘give'. under man 'think', give manāmahé (IX. 41²), I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Present Indicative. Active. Sing. 1. acami, árcami, avâmi, ühāmi (AV. VS.), khánāmi, gácchami (AV.), carāmi, codāmi, jánāmi, jayāmi, tapāmi (AV.). tiṣṭhāmi (AV.), dahāmi, dhắvāmi (AV.), náyāmi (AV. TS.), pacāmi (AV.), patāmi, pībāmi¹, bhajāmi, bhárāmi, bhavāmi (AV.), mándāmi (TS. IV. 2. 6¹), yacchāmi (AV.), yajāmi (AV.), yācāmi, rapāmi, rájāmi, rohāmi (AV.), vádāmi, vapāmi (AV.), váhami, śámsāmi, śikṣāmi, sumbhāmi, sajāmi, sapāmi, sīdīmi¹ (AV.), svadāmi, harāmi. 320 2. atasi, arșasi, arhasi, ávasi, ínvasi ², úhasi, kṣayasi, cárasi, jayasi, jínvasiª, júrvasi, tapasi (AV.), tarasi, tiṣṭhasi', tárvasi, dāśasi, dhanvasi, dhávasi, náyasi, pátasi, pinvasi², píbasi¹, bhávasi, bhúsasi, madasi (AV.), yácchasi, yájasi, rákṣasi, rájasi, rohasi, vañcasi (AV.), vádasi, vapasi, varșasi (AV.), váhasi, samsasi, śikṣasi, sárpasi (AV.), saścasi', sīdasi, harasi (AV.). 3. acati (AV.), ájati, ánati (AV.), ayati, árcati, ardati (AV.), arșati, arhati, ávati, invati ², īṣati, īhati (Kh. II. 105), ūhati, éjati, oșati, krándati, krāmati (AV.), krīlati, ksáyati, kṣarati, khanati (AV.), khádati, gácchati, guhati (AV.), cárati, cétati, jáyati, jinvati, jivati, jūrvati, jrayati, tapati, tárati, tíṣṭhati ¹, tsárati (AV.), dadati, dahati (AV.), dáśati, dásati, dhámati, dhavati 'runs' and 'washes', nákṣati, nándati (AV.), náyati, navati (AV.) ‘praises', pácati, pátati, pinvati ², píbati, piyati, bódhati, bhájati, bhánati, bhárati, bhárvati, bhávati, bhāsati (AV.), bhúsati, bhédati, mádati, márdhati, mehati (AV.), yácchati, yájati, yátati, yabhati (TS. VII. 4. 19²), yámati, yācati (AV.), yúcchati, rákṣati, rádati, rapati, rájati, rādhati, réjati, rebhati, ródhati, rosati, róhati, váñcati (AV.), vádati, vápati, varjati, vardhati, varșati (AV.), vasati ‘dwells', vahati, vášati, vénati, samsati, śásati³, śíkṣati, śundhati, súmbhati, śócati (AV. TS.), sarjati, sárpati, sādhati, sídati ¹, sédhati, skandati, stobhati, sphurjati (AV.), sredhati, hárati, himsatiª (Kh. Iv. 5¹¹). Du. I. cárāvas (TS. 1. 5. 10¹).- 2. acathas, árcathas, arhathas, ávathas, invathas², karşathas, kşáyathas, gácchathas, ghosathas, cetathas, janathas, jinvathas², jívathas, júrvathas, tişthatas, dhámathas, nakṣathas, nayathas, pátathas, pinvathas², bhárathas, bhávathas, bhūşathas, mádathas, yajathas, yátathas, raksathas (AV. TS.), rájathas, rohathas, vanathas, varathas, vahathas, śikṣathas, sadathas, sádhathas, sidathas, svádathas. 3. invatas, ejatas (AV.), kṣayatas, khadatas (AV.), gácchatas (AV.), ghosatas, cáratas, tiṣṭhatas¹ (AV.), dravatas (AV.), dhávatas ‘wash', nakṣatas, pácatas (AV.), pinvatas², píbatas, bhávatas, bhísatas, manthatas, mardhatas, yacchatas (AV.), yắcchatas, rakṣatas, rájatas, vardhatas (AV.), vasatas, váhatas. Pl. 1. árcūmasi, árhāmasi, khanāmasi (AV.), cárāmasi and cárāmas (AV.), janāmasi, jayāmasi, tarāmasi, dáyamasi (AV.), dahamasi (AV.), namāmasi (AV.), náyāmasi and nayāmas (AV.), pibāmas¹ (AV.), bódhāmasi, bhajamas (AV.), bharāmasi, mádāmasi and madāmas, methāmasi, yájāmasi and yájāmas, vádamasi and vadāmas, vasāmasi (AV.), śamsāmas (AV.), sajamasi (AV.), harāmasi (AV.) and hárāmas (AV.). 2. ájathas, ávatha, éjatha, krilatha, ksáyatha, khadatha, gácchatha, caratha (AV.), cetatha, jinvatha 2, tákṣatha, túrvatha, dhävatha (AV.), náyatha, naśatha, patatha, pinvatha (TS. II. 1. 11³), bháratha, bhávatha, bhúsatha, mádatha, moşatha, rákṣatha, rájatha, rejatha, vahatha, sárpatha.- With -thana only vádathana. 3. acanti (AV.), ajanti, árcanti, árşanti, árhanti, ávanti, krandanti, but this. is due to Sandhi (108), manāmahé 'ti standing for manāmahe áti (Pp.). ¹ A transfer from the reduplicating class. 2 A transfer from the nu- class. 3 A transfer from the root class for śásti. 4 A transfer from the infixing class, 5 The Samhitã lengthens the final vowel in at least ten of the following forms. VII. VERB. PRESENT SYSTEM. krāmanti (AV.), krilanti, króśanti, kşáranti, ksodanti, khananti (AV.), khádanti (AV.), gacchanti, gámanti, gühanti, cáranti, jáyanti, járanti, jínvanti¹, jívanti, tákşanti, tápanti, taranti, tíṣṭhanti², trásanti, tsáranti, dabhanti, dahanti, dāsanti (AV.), drávanti, dhanvanti, dhámanti, dhavanti, dhárvanti, nakṣanti, nandanti, namanti, náyanti, nasanti 'they attain', niksanti (AV.), nindanti, pácanti, pátanti, pinvanti, píbanti, piyanti, bhajanti, bhananti, bháranti, bhávanti, bhūṣanti, majjanti, mádanti, mánthanti, maranti, mardhanti, mimanti² (mā- 'bellow'), mehanti, yácchanti, yájanti, yacanti (AV.), yodhanti (AV.), ráksanti, ránanti, rádanti, rajanti, rebhanti, róhanti, vádanti, vananti, vápanti, várdhanti, vársanti, valganti (AV.), váśanti, vasanti (AV.), váhanti, vénanti, śámsanti, śikṣanti, śócanti, ścótanti, sapanti, sarpanti (AV.), sidantiª, sedhanti, skandanti, stobhanti, srávanti, svádanti, sváranti, háranti (AV.), hímsanti ³. Indicative Middle. Sing. 1. aje, áme, arce, ikṣe, gacche (TS. I. 1. 10²), daye (AV. TS.), name, nikṣe (AV.), bādhe (AV.), bháre, bhikṣe, mande, yáje, rabhe, lábhe (AV.), vade, vánde, varte, śraye (AV.), sáhe (AV.), stáve, svaje (AV.), háve. 2. arșase (AV.), ohase, garhase, gāhase, cákṣase, cayase, jarase, joșase (AV.), tisthase', tośase, dohase, nakşase, nayase, pavase, pinvase, bádhase, bhrajase, mamhase, mandase, modase, yacchase, yajase, yamase, rakṣase, ramase (AV.), rócase, rohase, várdhase, vahase, súmbhase, sobhase, sácase, stávase, harşase. 3. ajate, ayate, ikṣate (AV.), isate, isate, ejate, edhate, óhate, krpate, kalpate (AV.), kramate, krīḍate (AV.), gacchate, gāhate, gühate, ghoṣate, cáyate, cétate, codate, cyávate (AV.), járate, jŕmbhate, tandate, tíṣṭhate², tejate, tośate, dákṣate, dadate² (AV.), dadhate² (TS.II.2.124), dihates, dyotate (AV.), dhavate, nákṣate, námate, náyate (AV.), nášate, násate, pácate (AV.), páyate, pávate, pinvate³, pibate², práthate, plávate, bådhate, bhájate, bhandate, bhayate, bhárate, bhikṣate, bhojate, bhrájate, bhresate, mámhate, madate (AV.), márate, modate, yájate, yatate, yamate, yojate, ramhate, rakṣate, rapsate, rámate, rambate, réjate, ricate, rohate, láyate (AV.), vañcate (AV.), vadate, vanate, vándate, vapate, várate 'covers', vártate, várdhate, varşate (AV.), vāsate (x. 37³), váhate, vépate, vyathate, śapate (AV.), śikṣate, súmbhate, śrayate (AV.), sácate, sahate, sadhate, sécate, sévate, stárate, sayate, stávate, smayate, syándate, svādate, hárşate, hávate, hasate', hvárate. -- With -e for -te: jose, tośé³, mahe, śáye, séve, stáve. Du. I. sácāvahe. 2. jayethe, jarethe, rakṣethe, varethe, vahethe, śrayethe, sacethe. 3. carete, javete, tarete, namete, bīdhete (AV.), bhayete, bharete, methete, yatete, rejete, vádete, vartete, vardhete, vepete, vyathete, sacete, smayete, havete. Pl. 1. kṣadūmahe (AV.), cáyāmaheº (AV.), jarāmahe, nákṣāmahe, návāmahe, náśāmahe, badhamahe, bhájāmahe, bháyamahe, bharamahe, mánāmahe¹, mándā- mahe, maramahe, yájamahe, yacamahe, rabhamahe, vánämahe, vándamahe, sahāmahe (AV.), starāmahe, stávamahe, svajāmahe, hávāmahe. 2. cayadhve, dhavadhve, badhadhve, bháradhve, mandadhve, váhadhve, sayadhve, sácadhve (AV.). I Transfer from the -nu class. 2 A transfer form from the reduplicating class. 3 A transfer from the infixing nasal class. 4 In ápejate in IV. 48², v. 64³: Pp. ápa ijate. 5 doháte (X. 1337), DELBRÜCK, Verbum 97, and AVERY 233, is a mistake for dóhate (a transfer from the root class). 321 6 Cp. BARTHOLOMAE, IF. 10, 18. 7 From has 'go emulously', a secondary Indo-arische Philologie I. 4. | form of ha- 'leave'(IX. 275; X. 1273); cp. p. 322, note 3. This form is given by AVERY 258 as subjunctive of the s-aorist of ha-. 8 (1v. 38¹). With irregular accent, like that of similar forms in the graded conjugation. 9 Conjecture for cayásmahe, AV. xix. 48¹: see WHITNEY's note on the passage in his Trauslation. 10 See note on bhávamahe, above, p. 319, note ¹3. 21 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 3. áyante, īkṣante (AV.TS.), ísante, édhante, kṣídante, gácchante (TS. Iv. 2. 6²), cétante, cyávante, jáyante, jarante 'sing', tisthante', dádante¹ (AV.), dhavante, nakṣante, namante, navante, pávante, píbante`, plavante (AV.), bắdhante, bhajante, bháyante, bhárante, bhrájante, módante (AV.), yájante, yatante, yắcante, rakṣante, rante, rapsante (AV.), rabhante, ramante, réjante, ricante, vadante, várante, vártante, várdhante, vahante, vyathante, śayante, súmbhante, śrayante, sácante, sápante, sahante, stávante, spárdhante, svajante, svadante, hárante, hávante, hásante³ (AV.). 322 Present Subjunctive 4. 423. Active. Sing. I. ajani (TS. VII. 4. 19¹; VS. XXIII. 19), carāṇi, jīvāni (AV.), tarāṇi (AV.), náyāni, pacani, bhajani, rájāni, vádāni (AV.), váhāni, hárāni (AV.). - Without -ni: arca. 2. a. With-si: ájāsi, gácchāsi (AV.), jayāsi, tiṣṭhāsi³ (AV.), nayāsi (AV.), pibāsi¹, bhájāsi, bhávāsi, bhāsāsi (AV.), yájāsi, vadāsi, vahāsi. b. With -s: dvas, gacchas, jáyās, jívās (AV.), júrvās 5, tiṣṭhās¹, bhárās, vadās (AV.), vánās (AV.), várdhās, šíkṣās. 3. a. With -ti: ájati, ejati (AV.), gácchati, jayāti, jívāti, tápāti, tiṣṭhāti', dabhāti, dahāti, dhanvāti, náyāti, pácāti, pátāti, padīti, píbāti¹, bódhāti, bhájāti, bhárāti, bhávāti, marāti, yájāti, rakṣāti (AV.), vadāti, vahāti (AV.), śámsāti, šápāti (AV.), šumbhāti (AV.), śráyāti (AV.), sīdāti ¹, svádāti, svarāti. b. With -t: árcat, árṣāt, árhat, ávat, invat, ejat, gácchāt, ghoṣāt, janāt (AV.VI. 81³), jīvāt, tíṣṭhāt¹, dáśät (AV.), dásāt, dhāvāt (AV.), náyāt (AV.), nindāt, pácat, pátat, píbīt', bhajat (AV.), bhárāt, bhúṣāt, yácchāt, yajūt, réṣāt (AV.), róhāt (AV.), várdhāt, vahät (AV. TS.), śámsāt, śápāt (AV.), šíkṣāt, sarpāt (AV.), skándāt (TS. 1. 6. 2²), smárāt (AV.), hárāt (AV.). Du. 1. cárāva, jáyāva, pibāva', vánāva, śámsāva. 2. ávathas, tarāthas (AV.), tiṣṭhāthas ', náyäthas (AV.), pibāthas¹, bhávāthas (AV.), vadāthas, smarāthas. 3. cárātas¹, pibātas ¹, váhātas, šápātas. Pl. 1. árcīma, krámāma, khánāma (TS. IV. 1. 2³), takṣāma, namāma (TS. v.7.4¹), patama (Kh. p. 171.6), bhajama, bhárāma, bhávama, madama, man- thama, marāma, yajāma, rādhāma, vadāma, vardhama, váśāma, śreṣāma ³, hárāma. 2. ávatha, gacchātha, jayātha, jīvātha (TS. v. 7. 44) º, yacchātha (AV.), váhatha. 3. árcān, krilān, gácchän, ghisan, cárān, jīvān (AV.), dāsān (AV.), patan, yacchan (AV.), vádān, várdhān¹, vahān, śikṣān (AV.), sídīn' (AV.), haran (AV.). Middle. Sing. 1. gácchai (AV.), mánai, marai, stávai. 2. vardhäse; nayāsai (AV.). - 3. jarāte, tiṣṭhāte', pavate, bhayate, yájate, váhate, śráyāte, svajāte; carūtai (AV.), jayātai (TS.AV.), yajātai, śrayātai (AV.), svajātai (AV.). 1 A transfer form from the reduplicating class. 2 According to ROTH, ZDMG. 20, 71, for

ran-ante; WHITNEY, Roots

r-ante, under 7 'go'; also GRASSMANN, under root ar. = 3 From hās- go emulously': see WHITNEY'S note on AV. IV. 365. — 6 A transfer from the -nu class. 7 DELBRÜCK, Verbum 82, gives tişthātas, but I cannot trace it. śriş- 8 Perhaps from fris- ślis- 'clasp': cp. WHITNEY, Roots. — 9 DELBRÜCK 48 gives pibūtha also. 10 várdhān (1. 70ª; VI. 17¹¹) as well as árcān 4 No forms of the 2. 3. pl. subj, middle | (IV. 55²; v. 315) are given as indicatives by occur in this class. DELBRÜCK, Verbum 91; cp. p. 327, note 3. 5 DELBRÜCK p. 37 (top) gives tákṣās, which I cannot trace. VII. VERB. PRESENT SYSTEM. Du. I. rabhāvahai (TS.IV.4.72), sácāvahai, sahāvahai. Pl. I. náśamahai, bhajamahai (AV.), yájāmahai, vánāmahai. Present Injunctive. 424. Active. Sing. I. cyávam, takşam, tistham, bhojam, yojam. 2. ávas, esas (AV.), osas, gūhas, caras, tişthas¹ (AV.), dáhas, namas (AV.), madas (AV.), yamas, vadas (VS. XXIII. 25), vanas, vapas, váras, vasas, venas, socas. 3. arcat, arşat (AV.)³, karşat, krandat, krámat¹ (AV.), kṣarat, cárat, cetat, códat, janat, jáyat, jósat, taksat, tandrats, tapat, tamat, tárat, tişthat', dadat¹, dábhat, dásat, dáśat, dasat, drávat, náksat, nayat, naśat, pácat, pátat, pinvat, pibat, próthat, bidhat, bhárat, bhavat (AV.), bhásat, bhramsat (AV.), madat (AV.)º, minat, yámat7, raṇat, rádat, rápat, rādhat, rejat, reșat, rodhat, vádat, várat, vártat, várdhat, váśat, sakat, śardhat, síksat, śnáthat, śramat, sadat, sárpat, saścat¹, svájat. Pl. 3. arcan, cáran, dabhan, dhävan, nákṣan, nášan (‘lose' and 'reach'), bharan (AV.), bhavan (AV.), yaman, ráṇan, vaman, vardhan, śásan, sādhan³, sīdan ¹. Middle. Sing. 2. gühathas (AV.), bādhathās, rabhathās (AV.). 3. isata, bharata, rocata, várdhata, sacata, sádhata. - — 3. yataite. Pl. 3. ámanta, áyanta, caranta, cyavanta, jananta, tiṣṭhanta¹, nakṣanta, namanta, nayanta, navanta, naśanta, nasanta, pinvanta², pravanta, bhájanta, bhananta, bháranta, bhikṣanta, yakṣanta, yavanta, rananta, ranta (1. 61¹¹; VII. 39³) º, ramanta, réjanta, vanta", váranta ('cover'), vardhanta, vrādhanta, sócanta, sácanta, sapanta, sádhanta, stávanta, smayanta, hávanta. II - Present Optative. 425. Active. Sing. I. careyam (AV.), bhaveyam (TS.Iv. 7. 12²), vadheyam (AV.), śikṣeyam. 2. áves, bhaves, mader, vanes. 3. ávet, gácchet (AV.), caret, taret, pátet, bhávet (AV.), yacchet (AV.), lábhet (AV.), vadet (AV.), vaset¹ (AV.), sravet, haret (AV.). Du. 3. grásetām. Pl. 1. krāmema, kṣayema (AV.), khanema (TS. IV. 1. 24), gacchema (AV. TS.), cayema, carema, jáyema, jívema, tárema, tiṣṭhema¹, dášema, patema (TS. IV. 7. 13¹'), bharema (AV. TS.), bhávema, bhísema, mádema, mahema, yatema, rapema, róhema (AV.), vatema, vadema, siksema, sapema, sidema¹ (AV.), hárema (AV.). 3. táreyur, yáceyur (AV.), vaheyur, saheyur (SA. XII. 32). Middle. Sing. 1. saceya. 3. ajeta, kalpeta (SA.XII. 20), kṣameta, jareta, bhikṣeta, yajeta, vadeta, śámseta (AV.), saceta, saheta (SA. XII. 20), staveta. Du. 1. sacevahi (AV.). 323 - Transfer form from the reduplicating class. 2 A transfer from the -nu class. 3 AV. x. 4¹, some Mss. risat: see WHIT- NEY's note in his Translation. 4 Emendation for kṣāmat, AV. VII. 63¹: see WHITNEY's Translation. 5 II. 307, perhaps to be emended to tandat. 6 AV. XX. 492 emendation for mada. 7 DELBRÜCK 56 (top) adds rákşat. Pl. 1. gahemahi, bhajemahi, bharemahi, yátemahi, rabhemahi, sácemahi. --- 3. With ending -rata: bharerata. Present Imperative. 426. Active. Sing. 2. aca, ája, árca, árșa, áva, inva², üha (AV.), óṣa, karşa, kranda, krāma, kṣára, khāda (AV. TS.), gáccha, gada (AV.), cára, 8 DELBRÜCK, Verbum 89 (p. 63), takes háran as an unaugmented imperfect, but it seems to occur only as a N. sing. m. parti- ciple. 9 According to DELBRÜCK 113 for *ran- anta; WHITNEY, Roots,r-anta. Cp.p.322, note ². 10 DELBRÜCK 1. c., for *van-anta. II AV. XII. 4¹7: should probably be vaset. Cp. p. 324, note 3. 21* I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. códa, jáya, jinva¹, jīva, jūrva, jóṣa, tápa, tara, tiştha², daśa (AV.), dáha, drmha (AV.), drava, dhanva, dhama, dháva, nama, náya, nikşa (AV.), pata, pava, pinva', píba², protha, bódha, bhája, bhára, bháva, bhūṣa, mada, mántha (AV.), manda, myakṣa, mrada, yáccha, yúja, yábha (AV.), yoja, rákṣa, ráṇa, ráda, raja (AV.), róha, vada, vadha (AV.), vapa, várdha, vasa ³ (AV.), vasa (AV.), váha, váñcha (AV.), śámsa, śárdha, śikṣa, sumbha, sóca, śraya (AV. TS.), sára, sarpa, saha (SA. XII. 31), sidha, sída², sédha, skanda (AV.), stana (AV.), srava, svada, svapa, svara, hara, hinva. — With ending -tāt: avatāt, oșatāt, gacchatăāt (AV.), jinvatāt¹ (AV.), dahatāt, dhāvatāt (AV.) ‘run’, yacchatät, yäcatāt, rákṣatāt, vahatat, śrayatāt (TS. VII. 4. 19²). bhavatāt, 324 3. ajatu, añcatu (AV.), arcatu, arṣatu (AV.), ávatu, invatu³, īṣatu (AV.), ejatu, ésatu (AV.), oșatu (AV.), krandatu, krāmatu (TS. vII. 3. 11³), krośatu (AV.), gacchatu, caratu (AV.), jayatu, jinvatu, jívatu (AV.), tapatu, tişthatu², dahatu (AV.), drmhatu (AV.), dravatu (AV.), dhāvatu, nakṣatu (AV.), nayatu, patatu (AV.), pibatu², bidhatu, bhavatu, bhuṣatu, manthatu (AV.), mándatu, yacchatu, yajatu, rákṣatu, rajatu (AV.), rohatu, vadatu (AV.), vapatu (TS. AV.), várdhatu, varsatu (Kh. II. 13°), vasatu (AV.), vahatu, śikṣatu, socatu, sarpatu, sídatu2, sedhatu, hinvatu¹. With ending -tat: gacchatāt, smaratāt (AV.). Du. 2. ajatam, ávatam, invatam, osatam, gácchatam, jáyatam, jaratam, jinvatam, takṣatam, tápatam, tişthatam2, túrvatam, dahatam (AV.), dhiva- tam, nayatam, patatam, pinvatam, píbatam², bódhatam, bhajatam, bháratam, bhávatam,, bhūsatam, mamhatam (Kh.1. 10²), yacchatam, yátatam, rákṣatam, rohatam (TS. 1. 8. 12³), vánatam, vardhatam, váhatam, venatam, śikṣatam, sīdatam², sédhatam. 3. ayatām (AV.), ávatām, invatāmī, krošatām (AV.), gacchatām, cetatām, jáyatām (AV.), jívatam (AV.), drávatām, pibatām² (AV.), bharatām (AV.), bhavatām, madatām, mehatām (AV.), yacchatām, rakṣatām, váhatām, veṣṭatām (AV.), sídatām². Pl. 2. árcata, arşata ³, avata, gacchata, gūhata, carata, codata, janata, jayata, jinvata¹, jívata, takṣata, tapata, tarata, tişthata, trasata, dakṣata, dŕmhata, dhavata, náyata, nindata, pácata, patata (AV.), pinvata¹, píbata ², bhájata (AV.), bhárata, bhávata, bhūṣata, madata, mánthata, yácchata, yajata, yacata, rákṣata, rohata, vadata, vanata, vapata, vardhata, vahata, vrajata (AV.), samsata, sundhata (Kh. III. 16), sumbhata, sócata (AV.), sacata, sarpata, saścata², sídata², sédhata, stobhata, sredhata, harata (AV.). With ending -tana: bhajatana. — 3. árcantu, árşantu, ávantu, kasantu (AV.), krośantu (AV.), kşarantu, gacchantu, carantu, jáyantu, jīvantu, takṣantu, tapantu (AV. TS.), tişthantu, trasantu (AV.), dahantu, drávantu, dhanvantu (AV.), dhāvantu (AV.), dhūrvantu, namantu (AV. TS.), nayantu, pacantu, patantu, pibantu ², bidhantu, bhajantu (AV.), bharantu (AV.), bhávantu, mathantu (AV.), madantu, manthantu (AV.), mándantu, yácchantu, yajantu, yucchantu, ráksantu, radantu, rohantu, lapantu (AV.), vádantu, vapantu, vardhantu, várşantu (AV.; Kh. 11.5), vasantu (AV.), váhantu, vāñchantu, šundhantu, šumbhantu (AV.), śroșantu, sajantu (AV.), sarpantu (AV.), sidantu, sedhantu, stobhantu, sravantu, svádantu, svarantu, harantu (AV.). Middle. Sing. 2. ácasva (AV.), edhasva (AV.), kalpasva, kramasva, gacchasva (AV.), codašva, cyavasva (AV. TS.), járasva, tapasva, dayasva (AV.), I Transfer from the -nu class. 2 Transfer from the reduplicating class. 3 AV. III. 47, perhaps to be read vasa. 4 AVERY 243 adds vena(?). 5 The form arşata in AV. VI. 28² is a corrup- tion: see WHITNEY's note in his Translation. VII. VERB. PRESENT SYSTEM. nakṣasva, nabhasva (AV.), namasva, nayasva, pávasva, pínvasva, pibasva, prathasva, plavasva ³ (Kh. 11.16), bádhasva, bhajasva, bhárasva, mádasva (AV.), mandasva, yajasva, yatasva, rakṣasva, rabhasva, ramasva, vadasva, vándasva, vártasva, várdhasva, váhasva, śocasva, śrayasva, śvañcasva, sácasva, sáhasva, sīdasva², sevasva (AV.), syandasva, svajasva (AV.), svádasva, hársasva. 3. edhatām (TS. VII. 4.192), kalpatam (AV.), gacchatām, jaratām, tiṣṭhatām² (AV.), dadatām², dayatām(AV.), dyotatām (AV.), nabhatīm (AV.), pávatām, pinva- tām¹, prathatām, bádhatām, bhayatām (AV.), yajatām, rabhatām (AV.), ramatām (AV.), rocatām, vanatām, vartatām, várdhatām, śrayatīm (AV.), sacatām, saha- tām (AV.). 325 Du. 2. kalpetham (TS. IV. 2. 5¹), gähetham (AV.), cidetham, cyaretham (AV.), jarethām, bádhetham, yajetham, rabhetham (AV.), vartethām (AV.), várdhetham, vahetham, śrayetham, sacetham (AV.), smarethām. 3. kalpetām (TS. IV. 4. 11¹), śrayetām, sacetām. Pl. 2. ajadhvam, kṣámadhvam, gacchadhvam, cyavadhvam (TS. IV. 7. 134), tişthadhvam, nayadhvam, namadhvam, pavadhvam, pinvadhvam², pibadhvam², badhadhvam, bhajadhvam (AV.), bharadhvam, modadhvam, yacchadhram, yajadhvam, rabhadhvam, rámadhvam, vadadhvam, vartadhvam, śrayadhvam, sacadhvam (AV.), sáhadhvam, syandadhvam (AV.), svajadhvam, harṣadhvam (AV.). - With ending -dhva: yájadhva. 3. ayantām (AV.), kálpantām (TS. Iv. 4. 11¹), jayantām, tişthantām², namantām, pávantām³, bādhantām (TS. IV. 2. 64), bharantām (AV.), yajantām, yatantām, radantām (AV.), rabhantām (AV.), ramantām (AV.), layantām, vartantām, vardhantam, śrayantām, sacantām, sādhantām, syandantām, hársantām (AV.). Present Participle. 427. a. The active form made with the suffix -ant is very common. Stems of forms which occur are: ajant, átant-, árcant-, ársant-, árhant-, ávant-, invant-, úksant-, éjant-, ésant-, ódant-, óșant- (AV.), kálpant-7 (AV.), kijant- (AV.), krándant-, krámant-, krilant, króśant-, ksáyant-, ksárant-, khánant- (AV.), khádant- (AV.), gácchant-, gúhant-, ghósant-, cátant-, cárant-, cétant-, césțant- (AV.), jájhjhant-, jáñjant-, jáyant-, járant-, jínvant-¹, jívant-, júrvant-, tákşant-, tápant-, tárant-, tisthant-2, túrvant-, dásant-, dáhant-, dásant-, drávant-, dhámant-, dhávant-, dhúrvant-, dhrájant-, nákṣant-, nádant- (AV.), náyant-, návant-, pácant-, pátant-, pinvant-, píbant-2, prşant-, próthant-, bhájant-, bhárant-, bhárvant-, bhávant-, bhásant-, bhúsant-, bhrájant, mádant-, mívant- (AV.), méhant- (AV.), mrócant-, yáksant-, yácchant-, yájant-, yátant-, yácant-, yúcchant-, yesant-, rákṣant-, rádant, rápant- (TS. VII. 1.11¹), rájant-, rébhant-⁹, rohant-, lápant- (AV.), vátant-, vádant-, vápant-, várdhant-, várşant- (AV.), vásant, váhant-, vénant-, véşant-, vrájant-, vrádhant-, śámsant-, sápant-, śárdhant-, śásant-, śikṣant, sócant, sváyant-o, sánant-, sápant-, sárjant- (AV.), sárpant-, sádhant-, sáhant- or sáhant-, sidant-2, sédhant-, skándant- (AV.), stóbhant-, srávant-, srédhant-, háyant-, hárant-, hárṣant-, hésant-. b. The middle participles almost invariably formed with the suffix -māna are also numerous: átamāna-, ámamāna-(AV.), áyamāna-, ikṣamāṇa-(AV.), iṣamāṇa-, kálpamāna- (TS.IV. 2. 10²), kŕpamāṇa-, krákṣamāṇa-, króśamāna-, kṣámamāṇa-, I Transfer from the -nu class. 2 Transfer form from the reduplicating class. 7 If kálpat, AV. XI. 526, is with WHITNEY in his Translation emended to kálpan. From turv- a secondary form of tur-. 9 Fem. rébhatyau (Kh. 1. 37). 3 Accented plavásva. 4 AVERY 243 adds yacchasva (?). 5 AVERY 246 adds pinvantām (?). 6 On the declension of these stems see 314. injunctive of švi-. 10 The form śváyat, VII. 50¹, seems to be regarded by Delbrück (p. 56, middle) as an I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. khánamāna-, gáhamana-, gúhamana-, cáyamana, jánamāna-, járamāṇa-, 'singing' and 'approaching', jásamāna-, jéhamāna-, túñjamāna-, téjamāna-, tóśamāna- (AV.), dákşamāṇa- (AV.), dásamăna-, dytamana-, dhávamāna-, nákṣamana-, námamana-, náyamāna-, návamūna-, nádhamana-, pávamāna-, pinvamäna-, pibdamana-, práthamāna- (AV. TS.), príthamāna-, bádhamana-, bhándamana-, bhayamana-, bháramāna-, bhikṣamāṇa-, bhrájamāna-, mámha- mana-, mándamāna-, méghamāna-, módamana-, yácchamana-, yájamana-, yáta- māna-, yacamāna- (AV.), yadamana-, rámhamāṇa-, rákṣamāṇa-, rábhamana-, rámbamāṇa-, rásamāna- (AV.), réjamāna-, rócamāna-, vándamāna-, vártamāna-, várdhamana-, váhamāna-, vépamāna- (AV.), ryáthamana-, śikṣamāṇa-, śúmbha- mana-, sóbhamana-, śráyamāṇa-, śróşamāṇa-, sváñcamāna-, sácamāna-, sáha- mana-, stávamūna-, spárdhamana-, smáyamana-, syándamana-, hárṣamāṇa-, hávamana-, hásamana-. 326 a. A few middle participles in -āna instead of -mana, seem to be formed from present stems of this class: thus cyávāna-, prathāná-, yátāna- and yaṭāná-, šúmbhāna- ³; but it is probably better to class them as somewhat irregular or isolated root aorist participles 4. Imperfect Indicative. 428. It is to be noted that the longer ending of the 2. pl. active never occurs in the imperfect of this or any other class of the a- conjugation. Unaugmented forms are fairly common; used injunctively they are in the 3. sing. very nearly as frequent (424) as the regular subjunctive5 (423). Active sing. 1. ágaccham (AV.), acaram, atakşam, ataram, anamam, anayam, apinvam', abharam, abhavam, abhedam, arodham, aroham, asīdam; āvam; yamam. S 2. ákrandas, akṣaras, agacchas, ácaras, ájanas, ájayas, átaras, átişthas², ádahas, adhamas, ánayas, ápinvas¹, apibas², ábhajas, ábharas, ábhavas, ámadas, áyajas, áramhas, áradas, avadas, ávapas, ávahas, áśikṣas, ásadas, ásarpas (AV.), asīdas², asedhas, asravas; ājas, ávas; tapas (AV.), bháras. 3. ákrandat, ákrāmat, ákṣarat, akhanat (AV.), ágacchat, águhat, ácarat, ácalat (AV.), acetat, ájanat, ájayat, ajinvat, átaksat, atapat, atarat, átişthat2, ádadat (AV.), ddahat, adaśat, ádymhat (AV.), ádravat, adhamat, anamat, ánayat, ápacat, ápatat (AV.), ápinvat¹, ápibat², abhajat, abharat, ábhavat, ábhusat, ámadat, amanthat, ámandat, ámurchat (AV.), áyacchat, áraksat, arapat, arohat, ávapat, ávašat, ávasat, ávahat, ávenat, áśayat, ášāsať (Kh. I. 94), ášocat, asajat, asadat, ásīdat², asedhat, askandat (AV.), áharat (AV.); ājat, ārcat, ávat; áirat (Vīr-)7, auhat (uh- 'push'); krándat, carat (AV.), takṣat, tsárat, drmhat, nakṣat, nayat, pibat², bhárat, rébhat, váhat. Du. 2. ájinvatam³, átakṣatam (AV.), ápinvatam³, áprathatam, ábhavatam, ámanthatam, aradatam, áśikṣatam, ásaścatam2, ásidatam; ájatam, ávatam; airatam7 (īr- 'set in motion'). 3. atişthatām2 (AV.), ábhavatām (TS. IV. 7. 156), avardhatām; avatām; auhatām (AV. VS. TS.). Pl. 1. átakṣāma, ábharama (AV.). 2. átaksata, átişthata², ánadata (TS. v. 6. 1²), ánayata, ápinvata', ábhavata, avartata (AV.), ávalgata (TS. v. 6. 1²), ásarpata; ávata; auhata (AV.). 3. ákaşan (AV.), akrāman³ (AV.), ákşaran, akhanan (AV.), aguhan, Transfer from the -nu class. Transfer form from the reduplicating class. 3 Cp. WHITNEY 741 a, and LINDNER, Nominalbildung 54 (top). 4 Cp. Root Aorist 506. - 5 See WHITNEY 743. 6 Transfer from the root class. 7 Transfer from the root class, in which the verb ir- is also middle. 8 akramus is given by AVERY 249 as an impf. of this class with us, but it is doubtVII. VERB. PRESENT SYSTEM. ácaran (AV.), acalan (AV.), ajanan, ájayan (AV.), átakṣan, átaran, átişthan, atrasan, ádasan, adravan, adhrajan, anakṣan, ánaman (AV.), ánayan, ápinvan², apiban* (AV.), ábharan, ábhavan, ábhusan, ámadan, ámandan, áyacchan (AV.), áyācan (AV.), árakṣan, árājan (AV.), ávadan, ávapan (AV.), ávardhan ³, ávahan, aresan (Vvis-), ásamsan, aśikṣan (AV.), aśrayan (AV.), áṣṭhīvanª (AV.), ásredhan, ásvaran; ájan, ayan (AV.), árcan³, ávan³, dijan (ej- ‘stir'), auhanº (AV.); jinvan, táksan, tsáran (AV.), dádan¹ (AV.), bharan, bhusan, śrosan, sīdan ¹. 2. ágāhathās (AV.), ápavathās, 3. akalpata³ (AV.), atakṣata, apinvata², abādhata, ámamhata, ámanthata, ámandata, áramhata, arakṣata, árocata, ávartata, avardhata, ávalgata (AV.), áśapata; ájata, áyata; áikṣata ¹⁰ (AV.), auhata (uh- 'remove'); cakṣata, janata, nakṣata, nimsata, badhata, rejata. IO Du. 2. ábadhetham, árabhathām (AV.). ábhyasetām", árejetam; áikṣetām ¹º. 3. akrpetām, aprathetām, Pl. 3. ákalpanta (AV.), akrpanta, ákhananta, ágacchanta, ajananta, atisthanta, ádadanta¹, adhavanta ¹2, anamanta (TS.Iv. 6. 26), ánayanta, ána- vanta, apacanta, aprathanta, ábhajanta, abhayanta, ábharanta, ayajanta, ara- manta, árejanta, avadanta, ávartanta, ávardhanta, avepanta (AV.), ávradanta, áśamanta (TS. IV. 6. 3²), ásacanta, ásapanta, ásahanta; áikṣanta¹⁰ (AV. TS.); īşanta, krpanta, jananta, navanta, prathanta, bhájanta (AV.), bhananta, mananta, vapanta. Middle. Sing. 1. atisthe (AV.). ámandathas, árocathas; gáhathās (AV.). 2. The suffixally accented á- class (tudá-) ¹³. 429. Nearly one hundred roots belong to this class. The radical vowel is almost always medial, being regularly i, u or r. If the vowel is final, which is very rare, it is almost invariably short. As the -a is accented, the radical vowel appears in its weak form; e. g. huv-á- (but according to the radically accented class, háv-a-) from hu- 'call'. less an aorist see WHITNEY, Roots, under Ykram. I Transfer form from the reduplicating class. a. There are, however, some irregularities in the formation of the present stem. 1. Several roots instead of appearing in their weak form, are nasalized: krt- ‘cut' : kṛntá-; trp- 'be pleased': trmpá-; pis-'adorn': pimśá-; muc- 'release': muñcá-; lip- 'smear': limpá-; lup- 'break': lumpá-; vid- "find': vindá-; sic- 'sprinkle': siñcá, A few other roots occasionally have nasalized forms according to this class: thus tundate, beside the regular tudáti etc., from tud 'thrust'; dymhéthe, beside drmhata, etc., from drh- 'make firm'; sumbhánt:,

2 Transfer from the -nu class. 3 árcān (IV. 55²; V. 315) and várdhan are given as indicatives by DELBRÜCK 91, followed by AVERY 249. Cp. p. 322, note ¹0. 4 From stīv- 'spue'. originally *sthīv- : cp. v. NEGELEIN 24, note 6: the root is there wrongly given as sfīv. 5 asthan (AV. XIII. 15) is given by v. NEGE- LEIN 18, note I as imperfect of as; but see WHITNEY's note on AV. XIII. 15. — 6 akrpran being formed with the ending -ran (DELBRÜCK 124) is doubtless an aorist; cp. WHITNEY, Roots under krp-. See below, 500. 327 7 sran (IV. 219) according to DELBRÜCK, Verbum 89 (p. 63, middle), followed by AVERY 249, for *asara-n; but avasran is 3. pl. aor. of vas- 'shine' with ending -ran (not ava-sran: accent!). Cp. WHITNEY, Roots, under vas 'shine'. 8 DELBRÜCK 176 and AVERY 247 give akrivata as (once) a 3. sing. If this is correct, the form would be a transfer for akṛṇuta. 9 ámata is given by DELBRÜCK 101 and AVERY 247 as belonging to this class (presumably from the root am-), but it is doubtless 3. sing. mid. aor. of man- 'think'; see WHITNEY, Roots, under Vman. 10 From iks- 'see'. 11 From bhyas- ‘fear'. 12 VII. 18¹5: from dhav- 'run' = dhanv-. 13 Cp. E. LEUMANN, Die Herkunft der 6. Praesensklasse im Indischen (Actes du x. Cong. Intern. Orient. II. I, 39-44; IF. 5, Anz. 109; KZ. 34, 587 ff.). 328 1. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. beside súmbhate and sóbhate, from śubh- ‘shine'; synthati (TS¹.), beside the regular śrathnās etc., from frath- 'loosen'. 2. Four roots form their stem with the suffix -chá: iş- ‘wish': i-cchá-; - 'go' : ṛ-cchá-; práš-¹ 'ask' : prechá-; vas- 'shine' : u-cchá-. 3. Two stems are transfers from the nasal class of the second conjugation: prná-, beside pr-ya-, from pr- 'fill'; mrná-, beside my-na-, from mr- 'crush'; rūjá- ‘stretch' has become the regular stem beside pl. rijate; and z. pl. umbha-ta (AV.), appears beside ubh-na-, from ubh- 'confine'. 4. Beside the normal -nu stem r-, the root - also has the transfer stem ṛṇv-á-. 5. While roots ending in i or a change these vowels into ży or uzv before -á (e. g. kşiy-á-, from ksi- 'dwell', yuv-á- from yu- 'join'), the TS. has ksy-ánt- beside RV. kşiyánt. 'dwelling'. b. The present stems chyá- (AV.) 'cut up', dyá- (AV.) ‘divide', syá- ‘sharpen', syá- 'bind', though regarded by the Indian grammarians as belonging to the -ya class, should most probably be classified here, because the a is accented, i appears beside ā in various forms from these roots, and yá is here often to be read as -ia, while this is never the case in the ya class. - - 430. The inflexion is exactly the same as that of bháva-. The forms which actually occur are the following: Present Indicative. Active. Sing. I. icchámi, ukṣāmi (AV.), kirámi (AV.), khidāmi (AV.), girāmi² (AV.), cṛtāmi (AV.), tirami, dyami (AV.), diśāmi (TS. AV.), dhuvami (AV.), prechámi, muñcámi, rujami, limpami (AV.), vindami, viśāmi (AV.), vrścámi (AV.), vrhāmi, siñcámi, sulāmi (TS.VII.4.194), suvāmi, srjámi, sprśāmi, syāmi (AV. TS.). 2. icchasi (AV.), ucchasi (TS. IV. 3. 115), tirasi, ksipasi (AV.), trmpási, prcchasi, mṛṇasi, vindasi, vṛścasi, suvási. 3. anáti (AV.), icchati, ucchati, rcchati (AV.), rnvati, krntáti (AV.), kṛṣati (TS. IV. 2. 56), kṣiyati (AV.), khidáti, girati (AV.), chyati (TS. v. 2. 12¹), dyati (AV.), pimśati, prcchati, prnáti, mișati, muñcati (AV.), yuváti, rujáti, ruváti, vindáti, visati (AV.), vrscati, vrhati, siñcati (AV.), suváti, srjáti, sphuráti (AV.), syati. Du. 2. ṛṇvathas, bhasáthas, muñcathas, viśathas (AV.), vṛhathas, srjáthas. 3. icchatas (AV.), muñcatas (AV.), siñcatas. Pl. I. giramas (AV.), crtámasi (AV.), tirāmasi, dyāmasi (AV.), nudāmasi (AV.) and nudāmas (AV.), pṛcchāmas (AV.), mṛśāmasi, vṛhāmasi (AV.) and vyhāmas (AV.), suvāmasi (AV.), sṛjāmasi (AV.) and sṛjāmas (AV.), spṛśāmasi. 2. muñcátha, siñcátha (TS. AV.). 3. anánti (AV.), icchánti, ukṣánti, ucchánti, ṛcchánti, ṛñjánti, ṛṣánti, ksiyánti (AV.), khidánti (AV.), crtánti, tiranti, tuñjánti, pṛcchánti, mişanti, mucánti, muñcanti, myśánti, rujánti, vindanti, viśánti, vrścánti, śumbhánti, siñcánti, suvánti, srjánti, spršánti, sphuránti, syanti. Middle. Sing. I. ise 'send', nude (AV.), prcché, muñce (AV.), mṛje, vindhe, visé (AV.), šușe, siñce, huvé. 2. icchase, rñjáse, juṣáse (AV.), prcchase, mṛśáse, yuvase, vindáse, siñcáse. 3. icchate (AV.), ukṣáte, rñjáte, kirate, kṛṣáte (AV.), tiráte, tundate, turáte (TS.11.2.124), nudate (AV.), pimśáte, prcchate, prñcáte, muñcate, mrsate, yuváte, vindáte, vindháte, višáte, vrścate (AV.), sṛjate. With ending -e: huvé. Du. 2. dṛmhéthe, nudethe (AV. TS.), yuvethe, vindethe (Kh. 1. 12³). 3. tujete. Pl. I. nudāmahe (AV.), yuvāmahe, riśámahe, sicāmahe, huvāmahe. 3. icchante (AV.), ukṣánte, tiránte, vijánte (AV.), vindante (AV.), višánte, vyścante (AV.), srjante (AV.). 1 The suffix -cha has in this instance purposes pracch- (but praš-ná- ‘question'); cp. attached itself throughout the conjugation prec-or and posco for porc-sco in Latin. to the root, which thus becomes for practical 2 From gr 'swallow'. - - VII. VERB. PRESENT SYSTEM. 431. Active. Sing. 1. syjáni; mṛkṣá. 2. kirási, muñcāsi (AV.), rujási sincas. 3. tirāti, bhṛjjati, mṛlati, mrdhati, vanáti, vidhāti, visati (AV.), suváti, sṛjūti (AV.); icchat, ucchắt, rechat, nudāt (ŚA. XII. 29), prechắt, prnát, muñcat (AV.), mrlát, mrśát (AV.), vrścát, siñcāt, srjat, spṛśat (AV.). 3- mylātas. Du. I. višāva (AV.). Pl. 2. viśātha (AV.). 3. ucchan, prechán, sphurán. Middle. Sing. 1. pṛcchai, višái (TS.111. 5.6¹). 2. yuvase. tirāte. Du. 2. prnáithe. 3. yuváite. Pl. 1. siñcamahai. Present Subjunctive. sicas, srjás. 432. Active. Sing. 2. — Present Injunctive. icchas (AV.), guhas, rujás, vrhas, vrścas, Middle. Sing. I. huvéya. Pl. I. vanemahi, vidhemahi. - 3. ucchat, krntát, ksipát, khidat, jusát, mrnat (AV.), ruját, rudhat, ruvát, vidhat, visat, vrhat, sincat, srját¹, sprśat (AA. v. 2²), sphurat, huvat. Pl. 3. trpán, vidhán, vindan. Middle. Sing. 3. juşata, tirata. Pl. 3. icchánta, işanta, juşánta, tiránta, nudánta, bhuránta, yuvanta, vidhanta, srjanta. - Present Optative. 433. Active. Sing. I. udeyam² (AV.), tireyam (Kh. 1. 95), vindeyam (Kh. II. 6²). - 3. icchet, ucchet (AV.), khidét (AV.), prcchet, lumpét (AV.), siñcét (AV.), srjét (AV.). - Du. 1. vrheva. - 2. tiretam. Pl. 1. isema, ksiyema (AV.), rujema, ruhema (Kh. 11. 4³), vanéma, vidhéma, višema, huvéma. 2. tireta; tiretana. 329 - 3. iccheta (AV.), juséta. 3. juşerata. 3. juṣāte, Present Imperative. 434. Active. Sing. 2. icchá, ucchá, ubja (AV.), kira, kṛntá (AV.), kṣipa, kşiya (AV.), khida (AV.), cṛta, chya (AV.), tira, tuda, trmpá, nuda (AV.), pimśá (AV.), precha, prñca³ (AV.), prna, prusa, muñcá, mrná, mrlá, mṛsa, yuva, rikha, rujá, ruva, visa, vinda, vrścá, vrhá, śrṇa (AV.), siñca, suvaª, sṛjá, sprśa, sphura, sya. With ending -tāt: mṛḍatāt (AV.), vṛhatāt, višatāt (TS. VII. 1. 66), suvatāt. - 2 With Samprasäraņa. This verb other-pincat-i-. wise follows the radically accented a- class. 3 Transfer from the infixing nasal class as sva. (pre): that it would have been accented 3. icchatu, ukṣatu (AV.), ucchatu, ubjatu (AV.), rcchatu, kirátu (TS. III. 3.115), kṛṣatu (AV.), cṛtatu (AV.), tiratu (Kh.11. 11²), tympatu, diśatu (AV.), dyatu (AV.), nudatu (AV.), pimśatu, muñcatu (AV. TS.), mrlatu, višátu (AV. TS.), vindatu (AV.), vṛścatu (AV.), siñcatu, suvatu, syatu. With -tät: višatāt (Kh. v. 6¹; 8³). Du. 2. ukṣatam, ubjátam, tiratam, tṛmpatam, nudatam (AV.), brhatam (AV.), muñcátam, mrlátam, višatam (AV.), vrhatam, siñcatam, srjátam, sphuratam (AV.), syatam. 3. juşatäm (Kh. 1. 3¹), tṛmpatām, dyatām (AV.), muñcatām, višatām (TS. VII. 3. 13¹), suvatām (AV.), syatām. I AVERY adds sydhat(?): perhaps the aor. [pricá is to be inferred from the fem. part. injunctive sridhat is meant. prñcat-i (RV. AV.), though the AV. has also 4 In AV. VII. 14³ suvā appears in the Pp. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Pl. 2. icchata, uksata, ucchata, umbhata (AV.), rõjáta, khudáta, grnáta (AV.), tirata, tudata (AV.), nudata, pimśata, precháta, prṇata, muñcáta, mṛláta, mṛṇáta (AV.), visata (AV.), vrhata, sundhata, sincata, syjáta, sprśáta. 33⁰ 3. ukṣantu (AV.), ucchántu, ubjantu, rcchantu, ṛdantu, kṛṣantu, chyantu (TS. v. 2.12¹), tirantu, tudantu (AV. TS.), disantu (Kh. III. 10²), nudantu (AV.), bhurantu, muñcántu, mrlantu, visantu, siñcantu, suvantu, syjantu. Middle. Sing. 2. icchasva, kṛṣasva, gurasva, juşásva, nudásva, prechasra (Kh. II. 13¹), prnásva, myśásva, yuvásva, vindásva (AV.), viśásva, vrşasva, sincasva, srjasva, sprśasva (AV.); syasva. 3. icchatām (AV.), jusátām, "nudatām (AV.; ŚA.XII. 9), prṇatām, muñcatīm (AV.), višatām, sṛjatām (AV.). Du. 2. ukṣéthām, juṣéthām, nudéthām, pṛṇethām, vṛṣethām, syjethām (AV. TS.). -3. jusétam. Pl. 2. kramádhvam (TS. IV. 6. 5¹), jusádhvam, tiradhvam, prnádhvam, visadhvam (AV.), siñcádhvam, srjádhvam, syadhvam. 3- jusántam, muñcantām (AV.), risantām, vijantām (AV.), uṛścantām (AV.), sprśantām (AV.). Present Participle. 435. Active, icchánt-, uksánt- (AV.), ucchánt-, ubjánt-, ṛṣánt-, kṛntánt-, kṛṣánt, kṣipánt-, ksiyánt-, khidánt- (AV.), guhánt-, citánt-, juránt-, tiránt-, tujánt-, tudánt, trpánt-, diśánt, drmhánt- (AV.), nudánt-, nuvánt-, prechánt-, pruşánt (AV.), bhujant-, mithánt-, misánt-, muñcánt- mrjánt, myśánt-, riśánt-, rujánt, rudhánt-, ruvánt-, vidhánt-, viśánt-, vrścánt-, śucánt-, sumbhánt-, susánt and vasánt-, siñcánt-, suvánt-, srjánt-, sphuránt-, huvánt-¹ (hữ- ‘call’¹. Middle. icchámana-, ukṣámana-, uśámana- (Vvas), usámāṇa- (vas- 'wear'), guhámana-, juşámāṇa-, dhrsámāṇa-, nrtámāna-, prcchámana-, bhurá- māṇa-, muñcámana- (AV. TS.), yuvámana-, vijámana- (AV.), śucámāna-. Imperfect Indicative. 436. Active. Sing. 1. atiram (TS. Iv. 1. 10³), ápṛccham, árujam. 2. átiras, anudas, aprnas, ámuñcas, amṛṇas, arujas, avindas, avrhas, ásrjas, ásphuras, ásyas (AV.); áicchas, áucchas; vindas, vrścas, sṛjas. 3. ákṛntat, akhidat, ájusat, átirat, aduhat (TS. Iv. 6. 54), ápimsat, aprnat, ámuñcat, amrnat, amṛśat (AV.), arujat, ávidhat, ávindat, ávisat, ávršcat, ásincat, asuvat, ásrjat, asprsat, asphurat, asyat; áicchat (AV.), áukṣat, áucchat, aubjat; tudat, trmhát, ruját, likhat (AV.), vindat, vrścát, syat, sincat, srját. Du. 2. atiratam, amuñcatam, ámṛṇatam, avindatam (Kh. 1. 3¹), asiñcatam. 3. ámuñcatum, ásiñcatīm (AV.). Pl. 1. áicchama. -- 2. ápisata (Vpis), aprcchata, ámuñcata, asrjata. 3. ápinsan, ápisan² (AV.Iv. 6¹), ávindan, ávišan (AV.), ávrścan (AV.), ásincan, ásrjan, asprśan (AV.); árdan (√rd-); áukṣan; ukṣan, rujan. Middle. Sing. I. ájuse (AV.), avije, áhuve.- 2. amuñcathās, avišathās (AV.). 3. ajuşata, amuñcata, ásiñcata (AV.), asrjata; drmhata. - Du. 2. anudethäm, ávindetham. Pl. 2. ajuşadhvam.- 3. ájusanta, atiranta, atvisanta, ánudanta (AV.), amuñcanta (AV.), áyuvanta (AV.), avindanta, avisanta, ásrjanta, aspršanta (AV.), áhuvanta; áişanta (iș- ‘send'); gṛṇanta, juṣanta. ¹ The fem. is regularly formed from the 2 Anomalous form for *ápimşan, from piş- strong stem in -ant; but the weak stem in 'crush'. -at appears in sincati-, beside siñcánt-i-. VII. VERB. PRESENT SYSTEM. 331 3. The ya- class ¹. 437. The present stems formed with this suffix fall into two groups. In the first, consisting of about 70 transitive or intransitive verbs, the suffix is unaccented; in the second, consisting of rather more than 80 verbs with a passive meaning, the suffix is accented. In all probability both groups were identical in origin, with the accent on the suffix. This is indicated by the fact that the root though accented in the first group appears in its weak form; and that this group consists largely of intransitive verbs and to some extent of verbs with a passive sense. The latter are manifestly transfers from the -yá or passive group with change of accent. Thus jáyate 'is born' is an altered passive beside the active jánati 'begets'. The accent moreover occa- sionally fluctuates. Thus the passive mucyáte 'is released' once or twice occurs (in the RV. and AV.) accented on the root; and there is no appreciable difference of meaning between ksiyate and kṣīyáte is destroyed'; jiyate and jīyáte 'is overcome'; pácyate and pacyáte 'is cooked'; miyate and mīyáte (AV.) ‘is in- fringed' ². A. The radically accented ya- class. 438. The root nearly always appears in a weak form. Thus roots that otherwise contain a nasal, lose it: dymh- 'make firm': dih-ya-. The root vyadh- 'pierce' takes Samprasarana: vidh-ya-. The root spas 'see' loses its initial: pás-ya-. Several roots ending in a shorten the vowel before the suffix: dha- 'suck': dhaya-; ma- 'exchange': maya-; va- 'weave': váya-; vya- 'enve- lope': vyáya-; hva- 'call' : hváya-³. a. Several other roots usually stated as ending in a remain unchanged: gã- 'sing': gaya-; gla- be weary' : glaya- (AV.); trā- 'save' : trắya-; pyā- ‘fill up' : pyẩya-; rā- ‘bark': raya-; vā- 'blow': vaya-; śrā boil': śraya-4. b. The root fram- 'be weary' lengthens its vowel: śrámya-5. c. The final of roots in 7 sometimes becomes both īr6 and ūr; thus jỡ- ‘waste away becomes júrya- and jīrya- (AV.); tr- 'cross': turya- and tirya-7 (AV.). The root pr fill' because of its initial labial becomes púrya- only. 439. The forms actually occurring in this class are the following: Present Indicative. Active. Sing. 1. asyāmi (AV.), íṣyāmi, nahyāmi, páśyāmi (AV.), vídhyāmi (AV.), hváyāmi. 2. ásyasi, işyasi, ucyasi (√uc-), gāyasi, náśyasi, páśyasi, púşyasi, rányasi, rāyasi, risyasi, haryasi. 3. ásyati, iyati (RV¹), isyati, krudhyati (AV.), gayati, jiryati (AV.), juryati, tanyati, dásyati, dáhyati (AV.), diyati, divyati (AV.), dusyati (SA. XII. 23), dhayati, nasyati, nýtyati (AV.), pásyati, púsyati, ranyati, risyati, vayati (AV.), vāyati, vidhyati, vyayati, śimyati (TS. v. 2. 12), susyati (Kh. Iv. 538), sidhyati, haryati, hṛṣyati, hváyati. Du. 2. diyathas, raṇyathas. 3. asyatas (AV.), naśyatas, pásyatas, púsyatas, rispatas (AV.), vayatas (AV.), vayatas, śrámyatas (AV.). ¹ Cp. LORENTZ, IF. 8, 68—122. | grammarians as ending in -ai and belonging ricyate is left' beside ricyáte (V.), lúpyate is lost' beside lupyáte (AV.), hiyate 'is left' beside hiyáte (V.). 2 Also in Brāhmaṇa passages of the TS. to the a- class. The latter form is preferable from the point of view of gradation. Cp. 27, a, 1; BB. 19, 166. 1 5 In B. this analogy is followed by several roots in -am. 3 These are reckoned by the native gram- marians as ending in e and belonging to the a class. This seems preferable from the point of view of vowel gradation: see 27, a, 3. 7 Only in an emendation ava-tiryatī (AV. 4 Such roots are reckoned by the native xIx. 98) for ávatiryatis, Pada ávatīḥ yatih. 6 In the á class - becomes -ir, e. g. tr-: tirá-. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Pl. I. asyāmasi, páśyāmasi and paśyāmas (AV.), vidhyāmas (AV.), vyayāmasi (AV. TS.), haryāmasi, hváyāmasi. 2. ásyatha, pásyatha, púsyatha, risyatha, háryatha. 3. ásyanti (AV.), áryanti, gáyanti, jūryanti, dasyanti, diyanti, dháyanti (AV.), naśyanti (AV.), náhyanti, nýtyanti (AV.), páśyanti, pusyanti, ráṇyanti, risyanti, váyanti, vāyanti, vidhyanti (AV. TS.), śrāmyanti, háryanti, hváyanti. Middle. Sing. I. isye, padye (AV.), gaye, nahye (TS. 1. 1. 10¹), mánye, mrsye, vyaye (AV.), hvaye. 2. íyase (i-‘go'), jáyase, tráyase, dáyase, pátyase, pyāyase, mányase, miyase, múcyase. 3. işyate, iyate, rjyate, kṣīyate, jáyate, jiyate, trsyate (AV.), dáyate, dipyate (AV.), pácyate, pátyate, pádyate, pásyate, púsyate (AV.), budhyate (AV.), manyate, mīyate, mrsyute, riyate, haryate. Du. 3. jayete (AV.), hváyete. Pl. 1. hváyāmahe. 2. trayadhve. 3. iyante, ksiyante, jāyante, trāyante, pádyante, manyante (AV.), mayante, mṛsyante, yüdhyante, riyante, hváyante. 33² —— Present Subjunctive. 440. Active. Sing. 1. pásyāni (AV.). 2. páśyāsi, haryäsi (AV.); paśyās (AV.); rísyās, háryās. 3. riṣyāti; pásyāt, púṣyāt, ríṣyāt (TS.1.6.2¹). Pl. I. páśyāma (AV.). 3. pásyan. Middle. Sing. I. yúdhyai. -2. paśyāsai (AV.). 3. manyāte, múcyāta (AV.). - Pl. 1. hvayāmahai (AV.). — - — Present Injunctive. Active. Sing. 2. divyas. — 3. gayat, dīyat, pásyat, vidhyat. Pl. 3. pásyan. Middle. Sing. 2. manyathas. 3. jayata, manyata. - Pl. 3. dáyanta. - Present Optative. Active. Sing. 1. vyayeyam. 2. pasyes. rişyet. Du. 3. hvayetām (TS. III. 2. 4¹). búdhyema (AV.), risyema. Middle. Sing. 3. paśyeta, manyeta (AV.), mîyeta (ŠA. XII. 20). jayemahi. Present Imperative. 441. Active. Sing. 2. asya, gáya, dîya, dýhya, nasya, nahya (AV.), nṛtya (AV.), pásya, yudhya, vaya, vidhya, śusya (AV.), sivya (AV.), harya, hvaya. With ending -tāt: asyatāt (AV.). - 3. dasyet, dhayet (AV.), Pl. I. pásyema, púsyema, Pl. I. - 3. asyatu, ucyatu (AV.), trpyatu (AV.), naśyatu, nṛtyatu (AV.), rádhyatu (AV.), vidhyatu (AV.), śușyatu, sīvyatu, hváyatu (AV.). Du. 2. asyatam, isyatam (AV.), diyatam, nahyatam (AV.), pusyatam (AV.), vidhyatam, háryatam. -3. asyatām (AV.TS.), nahyatām (ŠA.XII. 32), vidhyatām. Pl. 2. işyata, gāyata, jasyata, náśyata (AV.), nahyata (AV.), páśyata, pusyata, muhyata (AV.), vayata, vidhyata, haryata. With ending -tana: nahyatana. 3- gayantu (AV.), typyantu (AV.), nasyantu (AV.), pusyantu, múhyantu, médyantu, vyayantu (AV.), śimyantu (TS.V. 2.11¹), haryantu (AV.), hváyantu (AV.). Middle. Sing. 2. jáyasva, tráyasva, dayasva, drhyasva, nahyasva (AV.), padyasva, paśyasva, pyāyasva, budhyasta (TS. AV.), manyasva (TS. AV.), vyayasva, hvayasva (AV.). - 3. ṛdhyatām, jáyatām, tráyatūm, dīpyatām (TS. Iv. 7.134), padyatām (AV.), pyāyatām (TS. AV.), mạnyatām (TS. AV.), medyatām (AV.), rádhyatām (AV.), śiyatām (AV.) ‘lie', hvayatām (AV.). VII. VERB. PRESENT SYSTEM. Du. 2. trayetham, manyetham, hvayetham (AV.). Pl. 2. 3. trayetām. asyadhvam, jāyadhvam (AV.), tráyadhvam, dayadhvam, nahya- dhvam (AV.), budhyadhvam, sivyadhvam.-3. jayantām, tráyantām, padyantām (AV.), pyāyantām, manyantām (AV. TS.), vyayantām (TS. III. 3.11³), hvayantām (TS. III. 2. 4¹). Present Participle. 442. Active. ásyant-, isyant-, rjyant-, (á-) kupyant- (AV.), kṣsúdyant-, gayant-, gŕdhyant-, trsyant-, diyant-, nýtyant-, pásyant-, piyant-, púsyant-, yásyant-, yudhyant, ráyant-, (á-)lubhyant-(AV.), váyant-, vidhyant-(AV.), vyáyant-, śímyant- (TS. v. 2. 12¹), sívyant-, háryant-; and the compound án-ava-glāyant- (AV.) 'not relaxing'. Middle. iyamana-, kayamana-, cáyamana-, jáyamana-, tráyamāṇa-, dáyamana-, náhyamana-, pátyamana-, pádyamana-, páśyamana-, púryamāṇa-, pyáyamāna-, búdhyamana-, mányamāna-, yúdhyamāna-, rádhyamäna- (AV.), váśyamāna- (AV.), háryamāṇa-, hváyamāna-. Du. 3. ápasyatām. Pl. I. ápasyāma. Imperfect Indicative. 443. Active. Sing. I. adiyam, ápasyam, avyayam. 2. apaśyas, áyudhyas.- 3. agayat, adhayat, anrtyat (AV.), ápasyat, ayudhyat, avayat (AV.), ávidhyat, avyayat, áharyat, áhvayat; ásyat. - 333 3. ajūryan ², ápasyan, ávayan (AV.), ahvayan (AV.); ásyan (AV.). Middle. Sing. 2. ájāyathās, aharyathās; jayathās. 3. ájāyata, apatyata, amanyata, arajyata (AV.); jāyata. Du. 2. áhvayethām (AV.). - 3. áhvayetām. Pl. 3. ájayanta, ánahyanta (AV.), apadyanta (AV.), ápasyanta, áman- yanta, ahvayanta; jayanta, dáyanta. B. The suffixally accented yá- class (passive). DELBRÜCK, Verbum 184 (p. 166-169). AVERY, Verb-Inflection 274-275. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 768-774; Roots 230-231. v. NEGELEIN 38-40. - - ¹ ávatīryatís (AV.XIX. 93) is a corrupt reading: see WHITNEY'S Translation; cp. p. 331, note 7. 2 AVERY 249 adds adhayan(?). 444. Any root that requires a passive forms its present stem by adding accented -yá (which never needs to be pronounced -ia). The root appears in its weak form, losing a nasal and taking Samprasarana; thus añj- 'anoint': aj-yá- be anointed'; vac- 'speak' uc-yá- 'be spoken'. Final vowels undergo the changes usual before ya in verbal forms: final i and u being lengthened, ā mostly becoming ī, r being generally changed to ri, and 7 becoming īr³. Thus mi- 'fix': mīya-; su- 'press': sūyá-; dã- ‘give': dī-yá- (but jñā- ‘know' : jñā-yá-); kṛ- ‘make': kri-yá-; - 'crush': sīrya-. 3 No example of ur seems to occur in in the Samhitäs, but pur-ya- from př- 'fill' is found in the -ya class. a. The root tan- 'stretch' forms its passive from tā- : tā-yá-. Similarly jan- 'beget' makes its present stem from jā- : jaya-te, which has, however, been transferred to the radically accented ya- class. mri-yá-te 'dies' (V/mr-)4 and dhriyáte (√dhṛ-) ‘is steadfast', though passives in form, are not so in sense 5. 445. The inflexion is identical with that of the radically accented ya- class in the middle, differing from it in accent only. No forms of the optative are found in the RV. or AV. The forms actually occurring are the following: 4 This root has a transitive sense ('crush') only in its secondary form mrn-, and in the AV. in the imperative forms mṛṇīhi and mynīta. 5 Cp. above 437. 334 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Present Indicative. Sing. I. hiye (ha- 'leave'). 2. acyase (anc- 'bend', AV.), ajyáse (Vaj- and Vanj-), idhyáse, ucyáse (√vac-), niyase, puyase, badhyáse (AV.), mucyáse (AV.), mrjyáse, yujydse, ricyase, rudhyase (rudh- 'hinder'), śasyáse (Vsams-), sicyáse, stuyase, hüyáse (hu- 'call'). 3. ajyáte (Vaj- and yañj-), asvate (AV.), idhyáte, ucyáte (√vac-), udyate (ud- 'wet' and vad 'speak'), upyáte (√vap), uhyate (√vah-), rcyáte (arc- 'praise'), kriyáte, kṣīyáte 'is destroyed', gamyáte (AV.), grhyate (AV.), chidyate (AV.), jiyáte (AV.)¹, tapyate, tyáte, tujyáte, dabhyate, diy áte is given' (AV.), dīyate is divided' (AV.), duhyate, drsyate, dhamyate, dhiyate (dha- 'put'), dhriyate, niyáte, pacyáte, pīyate 'is drunk' (AV.), puyate, prcyáte, badhyáte ( √ bandh-)², mathyáte (AV.), mucyáte, mrjyáte, mriyáte, yujyáte, ricyate, ribhyate³, lupyáte (AV.), vacyáte (√vañc-), vidyáte is found', vrjyátet, śasyáte (√ śams-), šisyate, śiryate, śruyate, sicyáte, suyáte 'is pressed', (Vsu-), srjyáte, hanyáte, huyáte 'is called'. - — Du. 3. ucyete ( √ vac-). Pl. I. tapyāmahe (AV.), panyámahe. 3. upyánte (Vvap-), rcyánte, rdhyante (AV.), kriyánte, jñāyante, trhyánte (AV.), dahyante (AV.), duhyánte (AV.), bhriyante, miyánte ‘are fixed' (Vmi-, AV.), mriyante (AV.), yujyante, vacyánte (Vvanc-, AV.), vīyante (Vvi-, AV.), śasyánte (V sams-), śiryante (AV.), srjyante (AV.), hanyánte, huyante. Present Subjunctive. 446. Sing. 3. uhyáte, bhriyāte, śiṣyātai5 (AV.). Du. 2. uhyáthe6. Present Injunctive. Sing. 3. suyata ( √ su-). Present Imperative. Sing. 2. idhyásva (AV. TS.), dhiyasva (AV.), dhriyasva (AV.), mucyasva (Kh. II. 114), mriyásva (AV.), vacyasva (√vañc-). 3. rdhyatām (AV.), tāyatām (AV.), dhīyatām (AV.), dhūyatām (AV.), dhriyatām (AV.), pṛcyatām, badhyatām (AV.), mucyatām (AV.), hanyátām (AV.), hīyatām. Pl. 2. prcyadhvam (AV. TS.), yujyadhvam, vicyadhvam (AV.). 3. tapyantam (AV.), trhyantām (AV.), prcyantām (AV.), badhyantām, bhajyantam (Vbhañj-, AV.), vacyantām, vrścyantam, hanyantām (AV.). Present Participle. 447 acyámāna- (AV), ajyámana-, idhyámāna-, udyámāna- (Vvad-, AV.), upyámāna- (Vvap-, AV.), uhyámana-, rcyámana-, krtyámāna- (AV.), kriyámāṇa-, (á-)kṣīyamāṇa-, głyámāna-, guhyámāna-, tapyámāna-, tāyámāna-, tujyámana-, trhyámana-, dadyámana-1, dīyámana- (AV.), duhyámana- (AV.), dhiyámana-, nahyámāna- (AV.), nidyámāna-, niyámāna-, pacyámāna-, pišyámana- (AV.), pūyámāna-, prcyámāna-, badhyámäna-, bhajyámāna-, mathyámāna-, madyá- māna-, mīyámāna- (mi- ‘fix'), mṛjyámāna-, yamyámāna-, vacyámāna- ( √ vañc-), 5 Emendation in AV. II. 31³, for uchiṣātai, 2 bhidyate, AV.xx. 131¹, is an emendation. the reading of the text. ¹ From Viya or Vj- 'scathe'. 3 līyate, AV.xx. 1343. 4, is an emendation. 6 A 3. pl. mid. in -antai once occurs in 4 The forms vyscate, vricante, vrscantām | the TS. in the form jāyantai: WHITNEY 760 a. appear occasionally to stand for uricyate, 7 From the weak present stem dad- of vrścyante, vrścyantām in the AV. See v. NEGE- dā- 'give'. LEIN 40; BLOOMFIELD, SBE. 42, 418. VII. Verb. Present System. 335

viydmana- {PiS[.), sasydmana-, skydmana-, srjydmana-, stuydmana-, hanydmana- {KS[ himsydmana-, huydmana- {hu- 'call'); from the causative of Ybhaj-:bh3jyd- mana- (AV. xit. 4²⁸).

Imperfect Indicative.

448. Sing. 3. aiiiyata, dmucyata, aricyata. — PL 3. dtapyanta (AV. TS.), afacyanta, aprcyanta, dsicyanta (AV.)j acyanta.

b. The second or graded conjugation.

449. The chief characteristic of this conjugation is vowel gradation in the base^[49] consequent on shift of accent. The base has a strong grade vowel in the singular indicative (present and imperfect) active, throughout the subjunctive, and in the 3. sing, imperative active. Minor peculiarities are: I. loss of n in the endings of the 3. pi. mid. {-ate, -ata, -atrini) ; 2. formation of the 2. sing, imperative active with a suffix, generally -dhi; 3. vowel gradation in the modal suffix of the optative (act. -ya; mid. -i); 4. formation of the middle participle with -ana.

a. The second conjugation comprises five distinct classes falling into two main groups in which α) the vowel of the root (simple or reduplicated) is graded; β) the vowel of the suffix (nearly always containing a nasal) is graded.

α. I. The root class.

450. The base is formed by the root itself, to which the personal endings are directly attached (in the subjunctive and optative with the inter- vening modal suffix). The radical vowel is accented and takes Guna in the strong forms. More than a hundred roots are comprised in this class^[50].

a. A good many irregularities are met with in this class, with regard to both the base and the endings, 1. Vrddhi is taken in the strong forms by mrf- 'wipe' (e. g. mā͏́ arj-mt), and before consonants by roots ending in -u, i. e. by ksnu- 'whet', nu- 'praise', yu- 'unite' (AV.), stu- 'praise'; e. g. stáu-mi^[51], á-slau-l^[52], but d-stav-am. — z. The Guna vowel, along with the accent, is retained in the root of si- 'lie' (middle) throughout the weak forms; e.g. sing. I. say-e, 2. si-se. In the 3. pi. this verb at the same time inserts r before the endings: si-rate, si-re (AV.), si-ralam, d-se-rata, d-se-ran^. — 3. Several roots form a base with the connecting vowel / or z' 6 before consonant endings. The roots an-^ 'breathe', rud-^ 'weep', vam 'vomit', svas- 'blow', svap-'^ 'sleep' insert / before all terminations beginning with a consonant, except in 2. 3. impf., where they insert J: e. g. dni-H, anl-i; avamT-t; svasi-ti. The roots id- 'praise' and is- 'rule' add i in some forms of the 2. pers. middle; tdi-sva; isi-se (beside tk-se), isi-dkve. The 3. pi. tsi-re is, owing to its accent ^o, probably to be accounted a present rather than a perfect i'. Occasional (imperative sing.) forms with connecting i from other roots also occur: jdni-sva 'be born', vasi-sva 'clothe', snalhi-hi 'pierce', stani-hi 'thunder'. The root brii- 'speak' regularly inserts i in the strong forms before terminations beginning with consonants; e. g. brdvl-mi. The same i also appears in the form tavT-ti from tii- 'be strong'; in am'i-si and in the TS. '* amJ-ti, ami-sva, dniT-i from am- 'injure'; and in saml-sva (VS.), from sam-

r5 There are some transfer forms according to the a- conjugation from the stem śáy-a-, including the isolated active form áśayat, which is common. Nearly a dozen roots besides śī- retain the accent on the radical syllable throughout. See 97, 2 a.
r6 This ī is, however, in reality originally part of a dissyllabic base: cp. Brugmann, KG. 212, 2.
r7 The AV. has also forms according to the a- conjugation: ána-ii, etc.
r8 The RV. has no such forms from rud- and sva.
r9 The AV., however, has the form svap-tu.
r10 See 97, 2 a and 484.
r11 The 3. sing. impf. of this verb is in the MS. aiśa (like aduha), cp. Whitney 630.
r12 Whitney 634. 336

I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 'labour'. 4. A few roots undergo peculiar shortenings in the weak forms: as 'be' loses its vowel ¹ (except where protected by the augment) ², e. g. s-más 'we are'; han-3 'slay' in the weak forms loses its n before terminations beginning with consonants (ex- cept m, y or z), but syncopates its a before terminations beginning with vowels, when h reverts to the original guttural gh-; e. g. ha-thá, but hanyáma; ghn-ánti, part. ghn-ánt-; the root vas- 'be eager', takes Samprasāraṇa; e. g. 1. pl. us-mási, part. us-āná-4, but I. sing. vás-mi. The root vas- 'clothe' similarly takes Samprasarana once in the participle uş-āṇá- (beside the usual vásāna-). 5. With regard to endings, the root sās- 'order' loses the n in the 3. pl. active (as well as middle) and in the participle, being treated like roots of the reduplicating class (457)5: 3. pl. impv. sas-atu (TS.), part. sás-at-6. The root duh- 'milk' is very anomalous in its endings: middle impv. 3. sing. duh-ắm, 3. pl. duh-rám and duh-ratam; ind. 3. pl. mid. duh-ré and duh-ráte beside the regular duh-até (with irregular accent); active imperf. 3. sing. á-duh-a-t³ beside á-dhok, 3. pl. a-duh-ran beside á-duk-an and duh-ur; and in the 3. opt. the entirely anomalous sing. duh-i-yát (RV.) and pl. duh- iyán (RV.) (for duh-yát and duh-yúr). - Present Indicative. 451. A final or prosodically short medial radical vowel takes Guna in the singular; elsewhere it remains unchanged, excepting the changes of final vowels required by internal Sandhi, and the irregular shortenings mentioned above (450, a 4). The ordinary endings are added directly to the root. But the 3. sing. mid. ends in -e nearly as often as in -te; and anomalous endings appear in the 3. persons of the roots is, duh-, sas-, si-¹¹1 IO II The forms actually occurring would, if made from i- 'go' and brū- 'speak', be as follows: Active. Sing. 1. é-mi. 2. é-şi. 3. é-ti. Du. 2. i-thás. 3. i-tás. Pl. 1. i-mási and i-más. 2. i-tha and i-thána. 3. y-ánti. Middle. Sing. 1. bruv-é. 2. bru-sé. 3. bru-té and bruv-é. bruv-athe. 3. bruv-áte. Pl. 1. brū-máhe. 2. bru-dhve. 3. bruv-áte. The forms which actually occur are the following: Active. Sing. 1. ádmi, ásmi, émi, kṣṇaumi, dvéṣmi (AV.), pāmi ‘protect', márjmi, yámi, yaumi (AV.) ‘join', vaśmi, vāmi, śāsmi (AV.), staumi (AV. TS.), hanmi, harmi. With connecting 7-: brávimi. 2. átsi, ási, ési, kársi (AV.), cakṣi (= *cakṣ-și), chantsi (Vchand-), dárşi (dr- 'pierce'), párși (pr- ‘pass’), pási ('protect'), bhási, yási, vakṣi (vaš- 'desire'), véși (√vī-), šāssi, sátsi, stoși ¹², hámsi. With imperative sense ¹: ksési (ksi- ‘dwell'), jési, jósi (= *jos-și : jus- ‘enjoy'), dársi, dhákşi (dah- 'burn'), nakşi (nas 'attain'), nési, pársi, prasi, bhaksi (bhaj- 'divide'), matsi, māsi, yákşi (yaj- 'sacrifice'), yámsi (yam- 'reach'), yāsi, yótsi (yudh- ‘fight), rátsi (rad- ‘dig'), rási, váksi (vah- 'carry'), véși (√vī-), śróși, sakṣi (sah- 'prevail'), sátsi, hoşi (hu- 'sacrifice'). With connecting 7-: amīși, brávīsi. — ¹ It is, however, preserved in an altered form in the 2. sing. impv. act.: e-dhi for

az-dhi (62, 4, 6, p. 57). This verb has the

further anomalies of losing its in the 2. sing. pres. a-si, and in inserting in the 2. 3. sing. impf. ásī-s, ásī-t. It has no middle. 2 Cp. V. NEGELEIN 83; VAN WIJK, IF. 18, 59. 3 Limited to the active in this conjugation in the RV. 4 The only middle form. 5 There are also some transfer forms according to the conjugation: 3. sing. śásati. dās- 'worship' the part. In the middle participle the h of the root reverts to the guttural gh: dúgh-ana-. 6 Similarly from dáš-at-. - Du. 2. 8 Transfer to the a- conjugation. The MS. has further anomalous end- ings in the imperf. mid.: 3. sing. a-duh-a and 3. pl. a-duh-ra, probably as parallel to the present duhe and duhre: WHITNEY 635. 10 Excepting the few forms of roots which may take connecting ¿ or 7 (450, a 3). ¹1 See above 450, a 2, 3, 5; cp. JOHANSSON, KZ. 32, 512; NEISSER, BB. 20, 74. 12 See 450, a 1, note ³. 13 Some of these have no corresponding root present or root aorist; cp. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 624; BARTHOLOMAE, IF. 2,271; NEISSER, BB. 7, 230 ff., 20, 70 ff.; BRUG- MANN, IF. 18, 72; DELBRÜCK, Verbum 30; Syntaktische Forschungen 5, 209. VII. VERB. PRESENT SYSTEM. 337 3. átti, ásti, éti, kşeti, takti (tak- 'rusḥ'), dāti (dā- 'share'), dāṣṭi (dāś- 'worship'), dvesti, páti, bhárti, bháti, mārṣți (SA. XII. 9), yắti, răṣṭi (rāj- 'rule'), rélhi (rih- 'lick'), vasti (vas- 'desire'), vati, véti, stauti (AV.; Kh. v. 3²), hánti. With connecting -i- or --: ániti, śvásiti; amīti (TS. VS.), taviti (tu- 'be strong'), brávīti. Du. 2. ithás, krthás, pathás, bhuthás, yathás, vithás, sthás (as- 'be'), hathás (√han-). 3. attas, etas (AV.), ksitás, dvistas (AV.), patas, psātás (AV.), bhūtas, yatas, vätas, stas, snatas, hatás, hnutas. Pl. 1. admasi (AV.), imási, uśmásiª (Vvas), stumási, smási, hanmasi (AV.); dvişmás, brūmás (AV.), mṛjmas (AV.), yāmas, rudhmas (AV.), vidmas (Kh. iv. 5³³), stumas (AV.), smas, hanmas. 2. itha, krtha, gathá (RV¹.)³, nethá, pāthá 'protect's, yathá, stha, hathá; pāthána, yāthána, sthána. 3. adanti, amánti, uśánti, kşiyánti, ghnánti (√ han-), dánti (dā- ‘cut'), duhanti, dvişánti (AV.), pänti, bruvánti, bhanti, mrjánti, yánti, yánti, rihánti, rudánti, vänti, vyánti (√vī-), sánti. Middle. Sing. I. iye (i- 'go'), ile, ise, uvél, duhe, bruve, mrje (AV.), yuje, yuve (yu- join'), suve (su- 'beget'), hnuve. 2. íkse, krsé, cakse (= *caks-se), dhukse (AV.), bruse, vitsé (vid- 'find'), šése. With connecting -i-: sise. With ending -e: íse", cité (cit- 3. áste, itte (Vid-), irte, iste (Vīš-), cáște (√ cakṣ-), brūté, váste, śāste, finkte⁹ (Všinj-), sūte, hate (SA. XII. 27). 'perceive'), duhé, bruve, vidé ('finds'), śáye". Du. 2. ásathe, isäthe, caksāthe, vasathe. śayāte, súvāte. — — Pl. 1. ásmahe (AV.), imahe, iśmahe (AV.), mṛjmáhe (AV.), yujmahe, sasmahe, sémahe (AV.), hūmáhe. - 2. With connecting --: īsidhve (AV.). - 3. ásate, irate, ilate, isate, óhate (√uh-), grhate, cákṣate, duhaté ¹3, dvişáte (AV.), nimsate, bruváte, rihaté ¹3, vásate, śasate, suvate. With ending -re: duhré, śére (AV.); with -rate: duhrate, śérate (AV. TS.). 3. asate, iyate, duhāte, bruváte, — Present Subjunctive. 452. In the AV. several forms are irregularly made with a, as if following the a conjugation. No examples of the 2. du. and pl. mid. are found. The forms which actually occur, if made from brü- 'speak', would be: Active. Sing. 1. brávāṇi, brávā. 2. brávasi, brávas. 3. brávati, brávat. Du. 1. brávāva. 2. brávathas. 3. brávatas. bravatas. Pl. 1. brávama. 2. bravatha. 3. brávan. ¹ With irregular strong radical vowel. 2 Once anomalously śmási. 3 With loss of nasal as in /han-. 4 With irregular strong radical vowel: cp. V. NEGELEIN 33. 5 Once from pā- 'drink', in I. 86¹? 6 Thirteen times from pa- 'protect', once (II. II14) from pā- 'drink' (probably subj. aor.). 7 This form occurring only once in the RV. seems to be formed from a doubtful root u 'proclaim'; cp. WHITNEY, Roots, under u. 8 huvé, sing. I. and 3., should perhaps be Indo-arische Philologie. I. 4. — Middle. Sing. 1. bravé. 2. bravase. 3. brávate. - Du. 1. bravāvahai. 3. brávaite. Pl. 1. brávamahai, bravamahe. 3. brávanta. The forms which actually occur are the following: Active. Sing. 1. ásāni (AV.), brávāṇi; ayā, bravā, stávā. placed here rather than in the á class ; on- this form cp. OLDENBERG, ZDMG. 59, 355 ff.; NEISSER, BB. 25, 315 ff. 9 šinte (AV.). 10 AVERY 234 gives ise only, apparently instead of ise. The form işe would be 3. sing. mid. perfect. 1¹ On these forms cp. V. NEGELEIN 10²; NEISSER, BB. 20, 74. 12 Placed by WHITNEY, Roots, doubtfully under the aorist of Vgrah-. 13 With irregular accent. 22 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 2. ayasi (AV.), ásasi, bravasi; áyas (AV.), ásas, kṣáyas (kṣi- ‘dwell'), ghásas, dánas, parcas, bravas, védas, šákas, hánas; with -ā-: áyās (AV.). 3. áyati, ásati, vayati (Vvī-), védati, hanati; adat (AV.), áyat, ásat, irat', kṣayat, ghasat, cayat, déhat, dohat (1. 16426), dvésat (AV.), pāt ('pro- tect'), brávat, védat (vid- 'know'), stávat, hánat (AV. TS.); with-a-: ayat (Kh. III. 1³), asāt (AV.), rodāt (Kh. 2. 11¹). 338 Du. I. hánāva. - 2. ásathas, vedathas. 3. patas 'protect' (Iv. 557). Pl. I. ayāma, ásāma, kṣáyāma, dveṣāma (AV.), brávama, stávama, hánāma. -2. ásatha ², stavatha; with-a-: bravătha (AV.), hanātha (AV.).— 3. ayan, ásan, brávan, yavan (join', AV. III. 172), hánan (AV.); with -ā-: ádān (AV.), ayān (AV.). Middle. Sing. I. stușé³. - 2. āsase. 3. āsate, idhaté, dóhate, dvésate (TS. Iv. 1. 10³), várjate; with -tai: áyātai (AV.), ásātai (AV.); with secondary ending -ta: isata. - Du. I. bravavahai.— 3. brávaite. — Pl. 1. ilāmahai, brávā- mahai; lamahe. 3. hánanta. - Present Injunctive. 3. vet (x. 53⁹), staut; without ending: dán, Active. Sing. 2. vés. rất, han. — Pl. 3. yan, san. Middle. Sing. 3. vasta, sūta. Pl. 3. lata, vasata. Present Optative. — —— 2. syás. 453. Active. Sing. I. iyām, yāyām, vidyām, syám. 3- adyat (AV.), iyit, bruyat, vidyát, syát, hanyát (AV.). Du. 2. brūyātam (TS. Iv. 7. 15), vidyatam, syātam. 3. syātīm. Pl. I. iyāma, turyáma, vidyáma, syáma, hanyáma. - 2. syáta; syátana. 3. adyúr, vidyúr, syur. Middle. Sing. I. isiya, śáyiya (AV.). 3. āsīta, ilīta, īsita, duhita, bruvīta, śáyīta, stuvītá. Pl. I. bruvimahi, vasimahi, stuvimahi. Present Imperative. 454. The endings are added directly to the root, which appears in its weak form except in the 3. sing. act., where it is strong and accented 5. In the 2. sing. act., -dhi is added to a final consonant, -hi to a vowel; -tāt, which occurs only three times, may be added to either a consonant or a vowel. In the mid., -ām 3. sing., -ram and -ratām 3. pl., occasionally appear for -täm and -atām6. — — Active. Sing. 2. addhi, edhi (as- 'be'), tālhi (Vtakṣ-), psahi (AV.), mrddhi (AV.), viddhi ('find' and 'know'), sadhi (Vsas-); ihi, jahil, pahi ‘protect', brūhí, bhāhi, yahí, vāhi, vihi, vīhí, stuhí, snāhi (AV.); with connecting -/-: anihi (VS. IV. 25), snathihi, svasihi (AV.), stanihi; with -tat: brūtāt (TS. 1. 6.4³), vittát, vītāt. 3. attu, ástu, etu, dvestu (AV.), pātu 'protect', psātu (AV.), mārṣṭu (AV. TS.), yātu, vaṣṭu (√vaš-), vátu, vétu, vettu (AV.), sastu, stautu (AV.), snautu (TS. III. 5. 5²), sváptu (AV.), hántu; with connecting -I-: brávītu. I AVERY 230 here adds ydhat, which I regard as a root aor. subjunctive. 2 vidátha, AV. I. 32¹, seems to be a cor- ruption for védatha; cp. WHITNEY's note. 3 For stus-a-i: cp. AVERY 238; DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 181³; NEISSER, BB. 27,262-280; OLDENBERG, ZDMG. 55, 39-. 4 With irregular accent and weak root (VII. 18) for *indhate, beside inádhate formed from Vidh- according to the infixing nasal class. 5 This is also irregularly the case in six or seven forms of the 2. pl., before both -ta and -tana: éta, neta, stota; étana, bravītana, sotana, hantana. 6 In duhám, vidām (AV.), śayim (AV.) duhrum (AV.), duhratām (AV.). 7 For *jha-hi, from han- 'slay': see 32, 2 c, and cp. v. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte 8². 8 Metrically shortened for vihi, from V/vi.. VII. VERB. PRESENT SYSTEM. 339 Du. 2. attam (AV.), itam (AV. TS.), pätám 'protect', brütam (AV.), yatám, vittám, vitám, stam (as- 'be'), stutam, hatám. 3. itām, dugdhām (V duh-), pātām 'protect', sastám, stám (AV.), hatām (AV.). Pl. 2. attá, itá and éta, pātá 'protect', brūta, yātá, śasta (śas- ‘cut'), sta (VS. AV.), stota, hatá; with -tana: attana, itana and étana, yatána, sastána, sotana (su- 'press'), hantana; with connecting --: bravitana. 3. adantu, ghnantu, drāntu, pantu 'protect', bruvantu, yantu, yantu, vāntu (AV.), vyántu (Vvi-) and viyantu (TS.), śasatu (TS.v.2.12¹), svásantu (AV.), santu, svápantu (AV.). Middle. Sing. 2. īrṣva, cakṣva (= *cakṣ-șva), trásva, dhukṣva', mṛkṣva (V mṛj-, AV.), stusvá (AV.); with connecting -i-: ílisva, jániṣva, vásisva. 3. āstām, yutām (AV.), vastām, śetām (AV.); with -ām: duhám, vidam (vid- ‘find', AV.), śayām (AV.). Du. 2. īrathām, cakṣäthām (TS.), duhātham (AV.), vasāthām (TS.). 3. duhātām (AV.). Pl. 2. adhvam² (√ās-), īrdhvam, trắdhvam, mydḍhvam (AV.). 3- īratām, stuvatām (AV.); with -rām: duhrām (AV.); with -ratām: duhratām (AV.). - Present Participle. 455. The active participle is formed by adding -ánt3 to the weak root; thus y-ánt- from i- 'go'; duh-ánt- from duh- 'milk'; s-ánt- from as- 'be'. The strong stems of the participles of daś 'worship' and sās- 'order' lose the n: dás-at-4 and sás-at-5. The middle participle is formed by adding the suffix -and to the weak form of the root; thus iy-aná- from Vi-; us-aná- from Vvas; ghn-āná- (AV.) from √han-. In a few examples, however, the radical vowel takes Guna; thus oh-aná- from üh- 'consider'; yodh-and- from yudh- 'fight'; sáy-ana- from šī- ‘lie'; stav-āná- from stu- 'praise'. The final of √ duh- reverts to the original guttural in digh-āna- beside the regular dúhana-. The root as 'sit' has the anomalous suffix -ina in ás-īna- beside the regular as-aná. Several of these participles in -ana alternatively accent the radical vowel instead of the final vowel of the suffix; thus vid-āna- beside vid-āná- 'finding'. - Active. adánt, anánt-, uśánt-, kşiyánt-6 'dwelling', ghnánt- (√han-), duhánt-, dvisánt-, dhṛṣánt-, pắnt- 'protecting', bruv-ánt-, bhánt, yánt-, yant-, rihánt, rudánt, vánt-7 (AV.), vyánt- (Vvi-), sánt-, sasánt-, stuvánt, snánt-, svapánt-; with loss of n: dášat-, sásat-. Middle. adaná, āsāná- and ásīna-, indhāna-, iyāná- (VS. x. 19; TS. I. 8. 14²), ilana-, irāṇa-, isana- and (once) išaná, usaná-8, uṣaṇá-9 (vas- 'wear'), bhāna- and ohāná- (√ūh-), kṣṇuvāná-¹, ghnāná- (AV.), dihāná-, dúghāna- and duhaná- and dúhana-, dhṛṣaṇá-(AV.), nijaná-, bruvāṇá-, mrjāná-, yuvaná- (yu- 1 DELBRÜCK 61 and AVERY 242 wrongly give this form as duksva. 2 In AV. (IV. 14²) and TS. (1v. 6. 5¹) some Mss. read āddhvam. VS. xvII. 65 has ādhvam. 3 The feminine is formed with - from the weak stem; thus ghnat-i-, duhat-i-, yat-i-, yāt-i, bhāt-i, rudat-i-, sat-i (AV.), snät-i-. But the AV. has yantī (beside yati-) and svapánti-; see WHITNEY, Index Verborum 3744. 4 The verb dāš- may have lost its nasal in the 3. pl. act., but there is no evidence of this, as the only form preserved according by GRASSMANN as a participle. to the root class is 3. sing. dāşti. 5 As in 3. pl. 6 ksyántam TS. IV. 1. 25. 7 apa-ván AV. XIX. 504 is probably N. sing. of this part.; see WHITNEY's note and cp. LANMAN 484². 8 The RV. has once the transfer form uśámana-. 9 Once, beside the regular vásâna-. The RV. has also once the transfer form uṣámāṇa-. IC The form grhīṇá (x. 1031²), doubtless 2. sing. impv. of the na- class, is regarded 22* 340 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 'join'), yodhaná-, rihāṇá-, vásāna-'wearing', vidāna- and vidāná-, vyāná-(√vī-), śáyāna-, śásana- (AV. TS.), sivana- (su- bring forth', AV.), stuvaná- and stavāná-, svāná- (su- 'press', SV.)¹. Imperfect Indicative. 456. Active. Sing. 1. adoham (Kh. v. 15¹4), apām ('protect'), ábravam, avedam, ahanam; ādam (VS. xII. 105), ấyam, āsam, airam (Vīr-). 2. ápās, áyās; áis (AV.); ves (√vī-); with connecting -Î-: abravīs (AV.); āsīs; without ending: áhan; han. 3. ápāt, ayat, avāt (AV.), astaut; áit?; with connecting -I-: ábravīt, avamīt; ánīt, ásīt³; without ending: adhok, ávet (AV.), áhan; ãs (= *ās-t, from as 'be'); hanª. Du. 2. áyatam, ahatam; ástam, áitam; yatam (AV.).— 3. abrūtām (AV.); āttām (VS. XXI. 43), ástām, aitām (AV. VS.). Pl. I. atakṣma, ápāma. - 2. ataşta; áita; abravita; áyatana, ásastana; áitana; ábravitana. — 3. ádihan (AV.), anavan, abruvan, avyan (√vi-); ayan (i- 'go'), ásan; asans (as- 'throw'), -ghnan (Kh. 1. 22); with ending -ur: atvisur, apur (pa- 'protect'); asur (as- 'throw', 1. 179²); cákṣur, duhur. Middle. Sing. 3. acasta, atakta, ávasta (AV.), ásūta; áiṭṭa (Vīḍ-); mṛṣṭa (1. 1744), sūta. Pl. 2. áradhvam. - 3. aghnata (AV.), acakṣata, ajanata, ámrjata (AV.), aśasata; asata, dirata. With ending -ran: aduhran (AV.), áseran. a. 2. The Reduplicating Class. 457. This class is less than half as frequent as the root class, comprising fewer than 50 verbs. The endings are here added to the reduplicated root, which is treated as in the root class, taking Guna in the strong forms. The stem shows the same peculiarity as the desiderative in reduplicating (= ar) and a with i. Here, however, this rule is not invariable. All the roots with

except one reduplicate with i. They are r- 'go': i-y-ar-6; ghr- 'drip': jighar-; tr 'cross': titr-; př- 'fill' and pr- ‘pass': pipar-; bhr- 'bear': bíbhar-; sṛ- 'run' : sisar; pre- 'mix': piprc-; but vrt- 'turn': vavart-. While nine roots redupli- cate a with a, thirteen do so with i. The latter are: gã- 'go': jiga-; ghra- 'smell' : jighra-; pa- 'drink' : piba-; mã- 'measure' mima-; ma- 'bellow': mima-; sa- 'sharpen': síśā-; sthā- 'stand' : tíṣṭha-; hā- ‘go forth': jihi-¹; vac- 'speak' : vivac-; vas- 'desire': vivas-8; vyac- 'extend': vivyac-; sac- 'accompany': sisac-9; han- 'strike' : jighna-. Three of these, however, pa-, stha-, han-, have per- manently gone over to the a- conjugation, while a fourth, ghrā-, is beginning to do so. Contrary to analogy the accent is not, in the majority of verbs belonging to this class, on the root in the strong forms, but on the redupli- cative syllable. The latter is further accented in the 3. pl. act. and mid., as well as in the 1. du. and pl. mid. Doubtless as a result of this accentuation, the verbs of this class lose the n of the endings in the 3. pl. act. and mid. ; e. g. bíbhr-ati ¹0 and jihate. IO 1 To be pronounced thus in the RV., though always written suvăná-. 2 The form aitat (AV. XVIII. 340) seems to | cation and root. be a corruption of áit; see WHITNEY's note in his Translation. 3 Cp. v. NEGELEIN 81; REICHELT BB. 27, 89. VS. VIII. 46 has the transfer form āsat. 4 árudat (AV.) is a transfer to the a- con- jugation. In 1. 77² vés, 3. sing., seems to be an aor. form

vé-s-t.

5 Unaugmented form IV. 3¹. With -y-interposed between redupli- 7 With 7 for ā; inflected in the middle only. 8 Also vavas-. 9 Also saic-. 10 That is, a replaces the sonant nasal. VII. VERB. PRESENT SYSTEM. 341 d. There are a number of irregularities chiefly in the direction of shortening the root in weak forms. 1. Roots ending in à drop their vowel before terminations beginning with vowels : e. g. Vmā: mim-e, 3. pl. mím-ate. Vdā- and Vdha-, the two commonest verbs in this class, drop the à in all weak forms. 2. The root vyac takes Samprasāraṇa; e. g. 3. du. viviktás; analogously hvar- 'be crooked', makes some forms with Samprasāraṇa, when it reduplicates with u; e. g. juhurthās, 2. sing. mid. injunctive. 3. The verbs bhas- 'chew', sac- 'accompany', has- laugh', syncopate the radical vowel; thus babhas-at, 3. sing. subj., but bóps-ati, 3. pl. ind.; sáśc-ati, 3. pl. ind. pres., saśc-ata, 3. pl. inj.; jáks-at-, pres. part. 4. The à of sa- 'sharpen', mā- 'measure', mā- 'bellow', rā- 'give', ha- 'go away' (mid.), and (in AV.) hã- leave' (act.) ³, is usually changed to before consonants; e. g. si amási, mimīte, rarithās³, jihīte, jahīta (AV.); while the roots da- 'give' and dhā- 'put' dr op their vowel even here 4; e. g. dád-mahe, dadh-mási. 5. The initial of ci- 'observe' reverts to the original guttural throughout; e. g. cikéşi (AV.). 6. When the aspiration of dadh-, the weak base of dha-, is lost before t, th, s, or dhu, it is thrown back on the initial; c. g. dhat-sva. 7. The roots dī- ‘shine', dhì- ‘think', pī- 'swell', reduplicate with 7; e. g. ádidet; ádidhet; ápīpet. 8. There are a number of transfers from this to other classes. Thus caks- 'see', originally a syncopated reduplicative base (= *cakās-), has become a root inflected according to the root class; jakṣ- 'eat', also originally a reduplicated base (jagħas-), has become a root from which is formed the past passive participle jag-dhá-, and which in the later language is inflected both in the root class and the class. The weak bases dad- and dadh- show an incipient tendency to become roots 5, from which a number of transfer forms according to the a- conjugation are made, such as 3. sing. mid. dada-te, 3. pl. ind. act. dádhanti, 3. pl. impv. act. dadha-ntu, 3. sing. mid. dadha-te, 2. du. dadhethe (AV.). The roots pā- 'drink', sthā-, han-, form only transfer stems according to the a- class: piba-, tiştha-, jighna-; while ghrā-, mā- ‘bellow', rā-, bhas-, sac make occasional forms from transfer stems according to the a- class: jighra-, mima-, rára-, bápsa-, sáśca-. - - —— - Inflexion. 458. The forms actually occurring would, if made from bhr- 'bear', be the following: Active. Sing. I. bibharmi. 2. bíbharşi. 3. bíbharti. - Du. 2. bibhṛthás. 3. bibhṛtás. - Pl. 1. bibhṛmási and bibhṛmás. 2. bibhṛthá. 3. bibhrati. Middle. Sing. 1. bibhré. 2. bibhṛṣé. 3. bibhṛté. Du. 1. bibhrvahe. 2. bibhráthe. 3. bibhráte. Pl. 1. bibhrmahe. 2. bibhṛdhve. 3. bibhrate. The forms which actually occur are the following: - — Present Indicative. Active. Sing. I. íyarmi, jáhāmi, jígħarmi, juhómi, dádāmi, dádhāmi, piparmi (fill', AV.), bíbharmi, vivakmi (Vvac-), śiśāmi. 2. iyárşi, cikéşí (AV.), jáhāsi (AV.), jigāsi, dádāsi, dádhāsi, píparsi, bibharşi, mamatsi, vavákṣi (√vaš-), viveksi 7 (vis- 'be active'), sisakşi (V sac-), sisarși³. 3. iyarti, jáhāti, jigāti, jigharti, juhóti, dádātiº, dádhāti, píparti 'fills' and 'passes', bábhasti (AV.), bíbharti and (once) bibhárti, mímāti 'bellows', mimeti (ma- 'bellow', SV.), yuyoti 'separates', vavarti (= vavart-ti, II. 386), vívakti, vivasti (√vas), viveşti (vis- be active'), sásasti (VS.) and sasásti (TS.VII.4.19¹), síşakti (√ sac-), sísarti. tº Du.2. dhatthás, ninīthás, pipṛthas, bibhṛthás.- 3. dattás (AV.), dádhātas ¹0 (AV.), bibhītás (AV.), bibhṛtás, mimītas, viviktás (√vyac-), vivistas. Pl. 1. juhūmási, dadmasi, dadhmási, bibhṛmási, śiśīmási; jahimas“ (AV.), juhumás, dadmas (AV.), dadhmas, bibhṛmas (AV.), vivişmas. 2. dhatthá, ¹ This of course does not take place in the 6 This is the accentuation in MAX MÜLLER'S transfer verbs according to the a- conjugation. and AUFRECHT's editions, both in Samhita and Padapatha. 2 In the RV. ha- 'leave', has only forms with ā (never 7). 7 Cp. NEISSER, BB. 30, 303. 3 But rarāsva (AV.). 8 With imperative sense. 9 Also the transfer form dádati. 4 The vowel of ha- 'leave' is also dropped in the 3. pl. opt. act. jahyur (AV.). 5 From the former is made the past passive participle dat-tá- 'given'. 10 With strong base, for dhattás. 11 With base weakened to jahi- for jahi-. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. pipṛthá, bibhṛthá. 3. jahati, jighrati (AV.), júhvati, dádati, dádhati³, dīdyati² (AV.), piprati, bapsati (Vbhas-), bibhrati 3, sáścati. Middle. Sing. 1. juhvé, dadé (AV. TS.), dadhé, mime. 2. datse (AV.), dhatsé. 3- jihite, juhuté, dattét, dhattés, mímite, sisite; with -e: dadhé (+ AV.). Du. 1. dádvahe.- 2. dadháthe. - 3. jihäte, dadháte7, mimate8 (v. 826). Pl. 1. dádmahe, mimīmahe (AV.). 2. jihīdhve (AV.). 3. jihate, dadhate, mimate ('measure'), sisrate. 342 - Present Subjunctive. 459. Active. Sing. 1. dadhani, bibharaṇi (TS. I. 5. 10¹). — 2. juhuras, dádas, dadhas, dīdhyas (AV.), vivesas. 3. píprati; dadat, dádhat, didayat, dīdāyat ¹0 (AV.), babhasat, bibharat (AV.), yuyávat 'separate'. IO vivyak. Du. 2. dádhathas, bapsathas (Kh. 1. 11¹). Pl. I. jahama, juhavāma, dadhama. — 3. dádan (AV.), dádhan, yuyavan. Middle. Sing." 2. dádhase. 3. dádhate; with -tai dadātai (AV.). Du. I. dadhāvahai (TS. 1. 5. 10¹). Pl. I. dadāmahe. 3. juhuranta ¹². — Present Injunctive. Active. Sing. 2. dadās (AV.), bibhes (AV.). - Pl. 1. yuyoma ¹³ (AV.). Middle. Sing. 2. juhurthas (√hvr-). 3. jíhīta. Pl. 3. sascata. — — I Also the transfer form dádhanti. 2 Regarded by DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 1333, as an intensive. 3 There is also a transfer form mimanti 'bellow'. 4 Also the transfer form dadate. 5 Also the transfer form dadhate. 6 There is also the transfer form rarate from Vra-. 7 Also the transfer form dadhele (AV.). 8 By AVERY 2374 given as 3. sing. sub- unctive middle. Present Optative ¹4. Active. Sing. 2. mimīyās (x. 56²). —— 3. jahyāt's (ŚA. xII. 11); juhuyắt (AV.), dadyāt (AV.), bibhīyāt, bibhṛyāt, mamanyāt, mimīyāt (mā- 'measure'). Du. 3. yuyuyátām. Pl. 1. juhuyáma.. - 3. jahyur¹5 (AV.). Middle. Sing. 3. dádhīta and dadhītá. Pl. 1. dadīmahi, dadhimahi. 3. dadiran. 9 TS. 1. 5. 10, III. I. 8² has the transfer form dádante. 10 Pp. didayat; see WHITNEY's note on AV. III. 8³. - Present Imperative. 460. Active. Sing. 1. jáhāni (AV.). - 2. daddhi, piprgdhi (Vprc.), mamaddhí, mamandhi, yuyodhi, vividdhi (√vis-), śiśadhi. — With -hi: cikīhi (ci- ‘note', AV.), didīhí and dīdihí ( √ dī-), dehí (√ dā-), dhehí, piprhí, bibhṛhi (AV. TS.), mimīhi (mā- 'measure'), rirīhí ¹ (√rā-), śiśīhí. — With -tāt: jahītāt (AV.), dattāt, dhattāt, pipṛtāt (TS. IV. 4. 12¹). 3. ciketu (TS.III. 3.115), jáhātu, jigātu, juhotu (TS. 111. 3. 10¹), dádātu, dádhātu, pípartu ('fill' and ‘pass’), bibhartu (AV.TS.), mimātu, yayastu, yuyotu, śiśātu, siṣaktu. - - - 3. jigāt, dadāt (AV.), 11 śaśvacái (RV. III. 33¹⁰) is probably sing. I perfect subj. (p. 361); but occurring beside the aorist form namsai, it may be an aorist, to which tense WHITNEY, Roots, doubtfully assigns it. 12 dīdayante (AV. XVIII. 373) is perhaps a subjunctive. 13 With the strong base yuyo- for yuyu-. 14 AVERY 241 gives here several forms which it is better to class as optatives per- fect. 15 With weak base jah-, for jahi-, which here loses its final vowel like dadā- and dadhā-. 16 The only form in which Vrā- reduplicates with i. VII. VERB. PRESENT SYSTEM. Du. 2. jahītam (AV.), jigātam, dattám, dhattám, piprtám, mimītám, yuyutám and yuyotam*, śiśītám, sisṛtam. -3. cikitām (ci- ‘note', AV.), dattām, dhattám, piprtám, bibhṛtám, mimītām, śiśītām. Pl. 2. tyarta 2, jahīta (AV.), jigāta, juhuta and juhóta 3, dattá and dádāta, dhattá and dádhata³, ninikta (√nij-), pipykta, piprtá, bibhīta (AV.), bibhṛtá (TS. IV. 2.3¹), yuyóta, sisita, sisakta; jigatana, juhitana³, dadatana, dhattana and dádhatanas, pipartana, bibhītana, mamattána, yuystana', vivaktana. 3. dadatu (AV.), dadhatu 7. Middle. Sing. 2. jihisva, datsva (AV.), dhatsva, mimişva (AV.), rarasva (AV.). - 3. jihītām8. Du. 2. jihāthām (TS. I. 1. 12¹), dīdhīthām (AV.), mimāthām, rarātḥām. Pl. 2. juhudhvam (TS. Iv. 6. 15), raridhvam. 3. jihatām, dadhatām, sisratām (Kh. I. 36). Present Participle. 461. Active. Active. As the suffix -ant drops its n (like the endings of the 3. pl. act.) strong and weak stem are not distinguished. The feminine stem of course lacks n also; e. g. bibhrat-i-. Stems occurring are: cikyat- (ci- 'note') ⁹, jáhat-, jigat-, júhvat-, titrat- (tr- 'cross'), dádat, dádhat-, dídyat-, didhyat-, bápsat-, bíbhyat-, bíbhrat-, saścát- ('pursuer') and sáścat-¹ ('helping'), sisrat-¹¹ Middle. jihana-, júhvana-, dádana-, dádhana-, didyana-, didyāna-, dídhyāna-, pipāna- (pā- 'drink', AV.) and pipāná-“², pípyāna-¹³ (√pī-), mimāna-, rárāṇa-¹, śíśāna-. ¹ With strong base yuyo- for yuyu-. 2 With strong base iyar- for *iyr-; cp. V. NEGELEIN 654 f. Imperfect Indicative. 462. All the verbs of this class occurring in the 3. pl. act. take the ending ur except bhr-, which has the normal an. The verbs da-, dha-, ha- show the irregularity (appearing elsewhere also) of using the strong instead of the weak base in the 2. pl. act. Active. Sing. I. adadam, adadham. 2. ádadās, ádadhãs ¹5, ádīdes, ávires (Vvis-); bibhes (AV.), vivés (Vvis), sisas. 3. aciket (Vci-), ájahat, ajigāt, ádadāt, ádadhāt, ádīdet, ábibhar, abibhet, ávivyak ¹7, aśiśāt; vivés (√vis-). Du. 2. adattam, adhattam. 3. áviviktām, ámimātām (AV.) 18. Pl. 2. ádadāta ¹9, ádadhata 19 and ádhatta; ájahatana ¹9, ádattana. 3. abibhran; ajahur, ájuhavur, adadur, adadhur, ámamadur, avivyacur; jahur, dadur, didhyur (AV.), vivyacur. Middle. Sing. 2. ádhatthās, ámimīthās; adatta, adhatta, ápiprata 20, ámimīta; śiśīta. 3 With strong base for weak. 4 Strong base dáda- for dad-. 5 Strong base dádha- for dadh-. 6 Strong base pípar- for pipr -. Also the transfer form dadhantu. 8 There is also the 3. sing. transfer form dadatām. 9 cikyat (IV. 38¹), nom. sing, m., is given by v. NEGELEIN 772 as cikyat and explained as a pluperfect form. ro When compounded with the negative particle, sascat remains unchanged in the fem. if accented a-saścát, but has n if accented on the prefix: á-saścant-i-. ¹1 For inflected forms of these stems see 312. Am - 343 - - dīdīthās (AV.). 3. ájihīta, Pl. 3. ajihata, ájuhvata²¹. 12 With irregular accent. 13 The anomalous transfer form bibhra- māṇa- takes the place of *bibhrāṇa-. 14 But perfect rarāṇá-. 15 There is no sufficient reason for regarding ádadhas in x. 739, as a 3. sing. (AVERY 248; DELBRÜCK, Verbum 50, 59). 16 There is also the transfer form dádat. v. NEGELEIN 672 gives dádhat (RV. AV.) which seems a misprint for dádhat. 17 There is also the unaugmented transfer form vivyácat. 18 WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 665, quotes ajahitām from the TS. (mantra?). ¹9 With strong base instead of weak. 20 Anomalous form instead of *ápitrta. 21 Also the transfer form adadanta. WHITNEY 658 also mentions the unaugmented 3. pl. jihata. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. f. 1. The infixing nasal class. 463. This class, which includes fewer than 30 verbs, is characterized by the accented syllable ná preceding the final consonant of the root in the strong forms. That syllable in the weak forms becomes a simple nasal varying according to the class to which the following consonant belongs. 344 1. The infix, appearing in forms outside the limits of the present stem, has become part of the root in añj- 'anoint', bhanj- 'break', and hims- 'injure'. 2. There are a few transfers to the á- class, in which some of these verbs come to be inflected in the later language¹, and in which several verbs are regularly nasalized in the present stem (429, a, 1). 3. Instead of the regular -ná-, the root trh- 'crush' infixes -né- in the strong forms; thus 3. sing. trne-dhi. 4. In the 3. pl. ind. mid. irregular accentuation of the final syllable occurs exceptionally in each of the forms añjaté, indhaté, bhunjaté ². Present Indicative. 464. The forms actually occurring, if made from yuj- 'join', would be the following: Pl. 1. yunjmas. Active. Sing. 1. yunájmi. 2. yunákṣi. 3. yunákti. 3. yunjanti. Du. 2. yunjathe. Middle. Sing. 1. yunjé. 2. yunkṣe. 3. yunkté. 3. yunjate. Pl. 2. yungdhvé. 3. yuñjáte. The forms which actually occur are the following: Active. Sing. 1. anajmi (AV.), chinadmi (AV.), tṛṇadmi ( √ trd-), bhinádmi, yunájmi, runadhmi (rudh- 'obstruct'). 2. prnákṣi (Vprc-), bhinátsi, yunaksi, vynáksi (vrj-'twist'). 3. anakti, unátti (√ud-), kṛṇatti (krt- 'spin'), grnatti ³ (AV.x. 743), chinátti (AV.), tṛṇatti, pinásti (Vpis-), bhanákti (√bhanj-), bhinátti, yunákti (AV.), rinákti (√ric-), runáddhi, vrnákti, hinásti (Vhims-, AV. SA.). Pl. I. anjmas. 3. añjánti, undánti, pimşánti, prñcánti, bhindánti, yunjánti, viñcanti (vic- 'sift'), vṛñjanti. —— ➖➖➖ mahai. Middle. Sing. I. anje, rnje (rj- 'direct'), prnce (AV.), yuñjé, vṛñjé. 2. yunkṣe (AV.). 3. anktér, indhé (= ind-dhé, Vidh-), prikté, yunktes, rundhé (— rund-dhé, AV.), vṛňkte, hímsteº (AV.). With ending -e: vrije. Du. 2. anjathe (Kh. v. 64; VS. xxxIII. 33), yunjathe. xx. 61), tuñjáte, vṛñjāte (AV.). 3. añjāte (VS. Pl. 2. angdhvé. 3- añjáte and añjaté, indháte and indhaté, rujate, tuñjáte, prñcáte, bhuñjáte and bhuñjaté, yuñjáte, rundhate (AV.), vṛñjate. · Present Subjunctive. 465. The weak base is once used instead of the strong in the form añj-a-tas for *anaj-a-tas; and the AV. has once the double modal sign a in the form trnáh-ān. Du. I. Active. Sing. 2. bhinádas. — 3. rnádhat, bhinádat, yunájat. rinácāva. - 3. anjatas. - Pl. 3. anájan, yunájan, vṛṇajan; tṛṇáhān (AV.). Middle. Sing. 3. inádhate, yunájate. Pl. I. bhunájāmahai, runadha- - - Present Injunctive. Active. Sing. 2. pinák (Vpis-), bhinát. riņak (√ric-). Middle. Pl. 3. yunjata. I Thus ud- 'wet' : unátti is inflected as unda-ti in B. and S.; and yuj- 'join': yunákti as yunja-ti in U. and E., beside the old forms. 2 In the RV. anjaté occurs once, añjáte 12 times, indhaté 4 times, indháte 15 times, while bhunjaté and bhuñjáte occur once each. - 3. pinak, prnák, bhinát, 3 úd grnatti 'ties up', is here only a cor- ruption of the corresponding út krnatti of RV.x. 130², seemingly a form of grath- 'tie'. 4 AV. anté. 5 AV. yunte. 6 With irregular accent. VII. VERB. PRESENT SYSTEM. Present Optative. Active. Sing. 3. bhindyāt (AV.). — Present Imperative. 466. The only ending of the 2. sing. act. is -dhi, no form with tat having been met with. As usual, the strong base sometimes appears in the 2. pl. act.: unátta, yunákta; anaktana, pinaṣṭana. Active. Sing. 2. andhi' (V añj-), undhi (= unddhi), chindhi (= chind- dhi), trndhi (= tṛnddhí), pṛndhi (=prigdhi), bhandhi (— bhangdhi), bhindhi (= bhinddhi), yundhi (= yungdhi, AV.), rundhi (= runddhi, AV.), vrndhi (= vrngdhi). 3. anáktu, chináttu (AV.), tṛṇédhu² (AV.), prnáktu, bhanaktu (AV.), bhinattu (AV.), yunáktu (AV.), vinaktu (√/vic-, AV.), vṛṇaktu, hinástu (Kh. iv. 5¹5). Du. 2. antam (= anktam, AV.), chintám (= chinttám, AV.), priktám. 3. anktām (VS. II. 22). Pl. 2. unátta 3, bhintta (TS. Iv. 7. 132), yunákta, vrikta; anaktana, pinas- tana. 3. añjantu, undantu (AV.), yuñjántu (AV.), vṛñjantu (AV.). Middle. Sing. 2. ankṣva (AV.), yunkṣvá, vṛnkṣva (AV.). -3. indham s (= inddhām, AV.), yuntām (= yunktām, AV.), rundham (= runddhām, AV.). Du. 2. yunjatham. Pl. 2. indhvam (= inddhvam), yungdhvám. 3. indhatām. Middle. Sing. 3. prñcītá. Present Participle. 467. Active. añjánt-, undánt- and udat-í- (AV.), rñjánt-, ṛndhánt-, kṛntatí- (AV.), pimṣati-, prñcánt- and prñcatí-º, bhañjánt- and bhañjatí, bhindánt- and bhindatí- (AV.), bhunjati, yuñjati-, viñcánt-, (á-)himsant-. 345 Middle. añjāná-, índhãna-, tuñjāná-, tundāná-7 (AV.), précăná-, bhindāná-, yuñjāná- (TS. IV. 1. 1³), rundhānd-, śumbhāná-8, hímsāna-. Imperfect Indicative. 468. Active. Sing. 2. átṛṇat9 (AV.), abhanas¹ (AV.), ábhinat, ariņak (Vric-), avṛṇak; unap (√ubh-), ṛṇak (Kh.iv.6⁹), pinak, bhinát. — 3. átrnat, aprnak (Vprc-), ábhinat, ayunak and ayunak, avinak (√vic, AV.), ávṛṇak (Vvrj-); áunat (V√ud-); bhinát, riņák, vṛṇák. - Du. 2. atṛntam (– atrnttam).- Pl. 3. átrndan, ábhindan, avṛñjan; āñjan, āyuñjan (TS. 1. 7. 7²). Middle. Sing. 3. ainddha (Vidh-, AV.). - Pl. 3. ayunjata, arundhata (AV.); unaugmented: anjata. — f. 2. The nu- class. DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 154-157. AVERY, Verb-Inflection 232 ff. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar p. 254-260; Roots 213. v. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte 57-60; 63-64; 94. - 3 The AV. has the transfer form umbhata (Vubh-) according to the á- class. 4 AV. XIX.455: akṣva emended to á-ankṣva; see WHITNEY's note on the passage. 5 V. NEGELEIN 63, note ¹, thinks this form may be the starting point of the ending -am 469. More than thirty verbs follow this class in the Samhitās. The stem is formed by adding to the root, in the strong forms, the accented syllable -n, which in the weak forms is reduced to -nu. 1 For ang-dhi. The final consonant of in the imperatives 3. sing. vid-am and the root is regularly dropped before the dúh-am. ending -dhi. 6 AV. also pŕňcati-. 2 Cp. V. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte 61³. 7 Vtud- otherwise follows the á- class. 8 Vsubh otherwise follows the a- or á class. 9 From Ytrd. The MSS. have átrinat: see WHITNEY's note on AV. xix. 324. 10 For *abhanak-s (Ybhañj-): see WHITNEY, Grammar 555, and his note on AV. uI. 6³. Cp. above 66, c, f 2 (p. 61), 346 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. a. Several irregularities occur with regard to root, suffix, and ending. 1. The root sru- 'hear' is dissimilated to śr. before the suffix: śr-nu-, r-nó-. 2. The root yr- 'cover' assumes the anomalous form of ur- (with interchange of vowel and semivowel): ur-nu-, beside the regular vr-nu- 2. 3. Four roots ending in -n, tan- 'stretch', man- 'think', van- 'win', san- ‘gain', seem to form their stem with the suffix -u, being assigned by the Indian grammarians to a separate class, the eighth; but this appearance has probably been brought about by the -an of the root having originally been reduced to the nasal sonant: ta-nu- for *in-nu- 3. 4. In place of the regular and very frequent kr-nu-, there appears in the tenth book of the RV. the anomalous stem kuru-, once in the form kur-mas (x. 517, 1. pl. pres. ind., and twice in the form kuru (X. 19², 145²), 2. sing. impv. act. The strong form of this stem, karó-, which has the additional anomaly of Guna in the root, appears in the AV., where however the forms made from krnó-, krnu are still upwards of six times as common as those from karó-, kuru-5. The isolated form taru-te 'attains', which occurs once in the RV. (x. 76²), seems to be analogous in formation to karó-ti, but it may be connected with the somewhat frequent nominal stem taru-6. 5. The of the suffix is dropped, in all the few forms which occur in the 1. pl. ind. act. and mid., before terminations beginning with m: kur-más, krn-mási (AV.), tan-masi (TS.), hin-mas (AV.), hin-masi (AV.); krn-mahe, man-mahe7. When the -nu is preceded by a consonant, the u becomes uz before vowel endings; e. g. ašnuv-anti (but sunv-ánti). 6. In the 3. pl. mid., six verbs of this class take the ending -re8 with connecting vowel -i-: inv-ire, rnv-ire, pinu-ire, śrnv-iré, sunv-iré, hinv-iré. The connecting vowel -- is also taken by śru- in the 2. sing. mid. śrnu-i-sé (for *rnu-şe) used in a passive sense. 7. Five stems of this class, i-nu-, r-nu, ji-nu-, pi-nu-, hi-nu-, have come to be used frequently even in the RV. as secondary roots following the a- conjugation. Of these pinu-a- occurs almost exclusively in the RV. as well as the AV.; inv-a- alone is met with in the AV.; and jinv-a- and hinv-a- are commoner in the RV. than ji-nu- and hi-nu-. - - - - Present Indicative. 470. The forms actually occurring, if made from kr- 'make', would be as follows: Active. Sing. I. krnómi. 2. krnósi. 3. krnóti. Du. 2. krnuthás. 3. kṛṇutás. PL 1. krnmási and krnmás. 2. kynuthá. 3. kṛṇvánti. Middle. Sing. 1. krnvé. 2. krnusé. 3. krnuté and krnvé. - Du. 2. krvathe. Pl. 1. kramahe. 3. krnváte. The forms which actually occur are the following: Active. Sing. 1. ūrņomi (AV.), ṛṇomi, kṛnómi, kṣinómi (AV.TS.), minomi (mi- ‘fixʼ, AV.), vṛṇomi (‘choose', Kh. 11. 65), šaknomi (AV.), śrnómi, hinómi. With -u-: karomi (AV. TS.), tanomi. — 2. āpnóși (AV.), inoși, krnósi, jinóși, strnóși, hinóși; tanósi, vanósi. 3. aśnoti (as- ‘attain'), apnóti (VS. AV.), inóti, unoti (RV¹.), ūrṇoti, ṛṇoti, rdhnoti, krnóti, cinóti 'gathers', dāśnýti, dunoti (AV.), dhūnoti, minoti (AV.), vrnóti, śaknoti (AV.), śrnóti, sunýti, skunóti (AV.), hinóti; karoti (AV. TS. VS.), tanóti, vanoti, sanóti. 3. aśnutás, Pl. 1. kṛṇmási (AV.), hinmas (AV.), hinmasi (AV.); kurmás, tanmasi (TS. IV. 5. 11¹). 2. aśnutha, krnuthá, dhunuthá, sunuthá. 3. aśnuvanti, Du. 2. aśnuthas (Kh. 1. 9²), urnuthas, kṛnuthás, vanuthás. ūrnutás, kṛṇutas, sunutás; tanutas (Kh. III. 22º). 1 Cp. DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 154¹. 2 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 674. 3 Cp. BRUGMANN, KZ. 24, 259; DELBRÜCK p. 156. 4 Perhaps starting from the aorist á-kar and following the analogy of krnó-; cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 656, 3. — (DELBRÜCK 174, BRUGMANN, KG. 673) of this phenomenon. There is no example in the | Samhitãs of the 1. du. in -vas and -vahe; but

krn-vás, *krn-váhe must be presupposed to

account for the loss of the - before -mas and -mahe: BRUGMANN, KG. 673. 8 Like duh-re in the root class. 5 WHITNEY 715. 9 This is the only form (besides the 6 Occurring in táru- 'swift' (?), taru-tý- 'con- participle pinu-aná- and pinv-ánt-, pinv-at-im in queror', táru-tra- 'victorious', táru-șa- 'victor', | AV.) in which the stem pinu- appears. All others and the verbal stem táruşya-'cross', 'overcome'. are made from the transfer stem pinua-. 7 Thus kyn-mahe is not the only example 10 Sometimes accented kynvaté. VII. VERB. PRESENT SYSTEM. ṛṇvánti, kṛṇvánti³, cinvánti (TS. 1. 1. 7²), dabhnuvanti, dunvanti (AV.), pruṣṇuvanti, šaknuvánti (AV.), śrṇvánti, sunvánti, hinvánti; kurvanti (AV.), tanvánti. Middle. Sing. 1. aśnuve, kṛṇvé, hinvé; kurve (AV.), manvé (AV.), vanve. 2. aśnuse, ürņuse, krnusé, cinuṣé, dhunusé; tanușe (AV.). connecting vowel -i-: śrnv-i-sé. With 3. aśnuté, urnuté, kṛṇuté, dhūnute, prusnute, śrnute; kurute (AV.), tanute, tarute, vanuté. With ending -e: śrnvé, sunvé, hinvé. Du. 2. tanvāthe. Pl. I. kṛṇmahe, manmahe. 3. aśnuvate, kṛṇváte, vrnváte and vṛṇvaté, sprnvaté, hinváte; kurváte (AV.), tanvaté and tanváte (AV.). With ending -re: inv-i-re, rņv-i-re, pinv-i-re, śṛṇv-i-ré, sunv-i-ré, hinv-i-ré. - — vanvan. Present Subjunctive. 2. rnávas, 471. Active. Sing. 1. kṛṇava, hinavā; sanávāni (AV.). krnávas, trpnávas, śṛṇávas; karavas (AV.). 3. aśnavat, krnávat, cinavat, dhunavat, prusnávat, śrnávat, sunávat; vanávat. With double modal sign ā: karavat (AV.), krnavat (AV. xx. 1325). aśnavatai ³ (AV.). - Du. 1. aśnavāva, kṛṇavāva. With ending -tai: Pl. I. aśnávāma, kṛṇávāma, minavāma, saknávāma, sunavāma, sprnavāma. 2. sanávatha; with double modal sign: kṛṇavātha (VS.). kṛṇávan, śrnávan. 3. aśnavan, - Middle. Sing. 1. ašnavai (VS. xix. 37), kṛṇávai, sunávai; manávai. 2. krnavase; vanavase. 3. krnávate; manávate. Du. I. kṛṇavavahai; tanavavahai. 2. aśnávaithe. 3. krnvaitet. Pl. I. aśnávamahai (x. 97¹7), kṛṇávāmahai, stṛṇavāmahai (AV.). 3. aśnavanta, kṛnávanta. Active. Sing.6 2. rnos. Present Injunctive. 3. úrnot. Middle. Sing. 2. tanuthas. - 3. rnutá. Present Optative. ➖➖➖de - —— — Active. Sing. I. sanuyam. śrṇuyama; vanuyáma, sanuyáma. Middle. Sing. 3. kṛṇvīta¹; manvīta (AV.). — 2 The form arnavat, AV. v. 28 (Vr-), is a corruption of avrnot in RV. 3 The TS. has once aśnavatai (WHITNEY 701). 4 Irregular for krnávaite. 5 Omitted by AVERY 238. - - - - Pl. 3. rnvan, minván, hinván; Pl. 3. kṛnvata; manvata. Du. 2. aśnutam, krņutám, trpnutám, śṛṇutám, hinótam⁹. (AV. TS.), kṛṇutām (AV.). 347 3. śṛṇuyắt (AV.). Pl. I. cinuyāma, - Present Imperative. 472. Active. Sing. 2. śrnudhi. With ending-hi³: akṣṇuhi (akṣ- ‘mutilate', AV.), aśnuhi, āpnuhí (AV.), inuhi, ūrṇuhi, kṛṇuhí, cinuhí, trpnuhi, dabhnuhi (AV.), dhunuhi, dhṛṣnuhi, śrnuhi, sprnuhi, hinuhi; tanuhi, sanuhi. With ending -tāt: kṛṇutāt, hinutāt. Without ending: inú, urnu, kṛṇu, dhūnu (AV.), śṛṇú, sunú, hinu; kuru, tanu. - 3. aśnotu, apnotu (AV.), urnotu (AV.), krnótu, cinotu, minotu, śrnótu, sunotu; karotu (TS. VS.), tanotu (AV.), sanotu. 3. aśnutām - ¹ skynvanti after pari: pariṣkṛnuánti (IX.14²), 6 The injunctive form aśnavam, AV. xix. pári skynvanti (IX. 6423). 556, is a conjecture; see WHITNEY's note on the passage. 7 urvītá occurs in TS. VI. 1.3³ and ūrņu- uita in K. (WHITNEY 713). 8 Cp. WHITNEY 704. 9 With strong stem. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Pl. 2. ūrṇuta, kṛṇutá and kṛṇóta³, trpnuta, dhūnuta, śṛṇutá and śṛṇota¹, sunutá and sunóta, hinuta (AV.) and hinóta; tanota¹ (AV. TS.). With ending -tana: krnótana², śrnotana², sunótana ², hinotana* (x. 30¹). 3. aśnuvantu, urņuvantu, kṛṇvántu, cinvantu (TS.v. 2.11²), śṛṇvántu, hinvantu; vanvántu, sanvantu. 348 Middle. Sing. 2. urnusva, krnusvá, cinusva (AV.), dhūnusva (AV.), śrnusvá; tanuṣva, vanusva. 3. aśnutām (AV.), kṛṇutắm; tanutām (TS. 1. 6. 3³), manutām, vanutām (AV.). Du. 2. kṛṇvatham (AV.). — Pl. 2. kṛṇudhvám, sunudhvam; tanudhvam, vanudhvam (AV.). 3. ṛṇvatām (AV.); kurvatām (AV.), tanvátām (AV.), vanvatām (AV.). - Present Participle. 473. Active, ūrṇuvánt- and ūrṇvánt-, f.-vatí-, ṛṇvánt-, kṛṇvánt-³, f. -vatí-, cinvánt-, f.-vati, dunvánt- (AV.), dhunvánt-, pinvánt- (AV.), minvánt-, vrnvánt-, śrṇvánt, f. -vatí-, sunvánt-, hinvánt-, f. -vatí-; kurvánt- (AV.), f. -vatí- (AV.), tanvánt-, f. -vatí- (AV.), vanvánt-. Middle. ūrṇvāná-, kṛṇvāná-, cinvāná- (TS.IV.2.10¹), dhūnvāná-, pinvāná-, sunvāná-, hinvāná-; kurvāṇá- (AV.), tanvāná-, manvāná-, vanvāná-. Imperfect Indicative. 474. Active. Sing. I. aśrṇavam; kṛṇavam. 2. ákrnos, ávrnos, áśrnos, ásaghnos, ainos, áurnos; akaros (AV.), ávanos, ásanos. 3. ákrnot, ádhunot, avrnot, apnot (AV. TS.), ardhnot (AV.), ainot, durnot; akarot (VS. AV.), atanot, asanot. - Du. 2. akṛṇutam, adhunutam. Pl. 2. akṛṇuta and akrnota; akrnotana. 3. ákrvan, acinvan (AV.), aśaknuvan, aśṛṇvan (AV.); rnvan, minvan; akurvan (AV.), avanvan, ásanvan. Middle. Sing. 2. adhunuthas; kuruthas (AV.). 3. akṛṇuta, ádhunuta; kṛṇuta; akuruta (AV.), atanuta (AV.), ámanuta. - — Pl. 2. ákṛṇudhvam. - 3. ákṛnvata, avrnvata; akurvata (AV.; Kh.I 135), átanvata, amanvata, avanvata (AV.). - p. 3. The nã- class. WHITNEY, DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 151–153. AVERY, Verb-Inflection 232 ff. Sanskrit Grammar p. 260-263; Roots 214. v. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte 49- 57- Cp. J. SCHMIDT, Festgruss an Roth 179 ff.; BARTHOLOMAE, IF. 7, 50-81; BRUG- MANN, IF. 16, 509 ff. 475. Nearly forty verbs belong to this class in the Samhitās. The stem is formed by adding to the root, in the strong forms, the accented syllable -nás, which in the weak forms is reduced to -nī before consonants and -n before vowels. a. There are some irregularities with regard to the root, the suffix, and the endings. 1. The root shows a tendency to be reduced in various ways. The roots j- 'overpower', ju- 'hasten', pū- 'purify', are shortened; e. g. jinámi, junāsi, punáti. The root grabh- 'seize' and its later form grah- take ¹ With strong stem instead of weak. Thus 3 skryvánt in pari-skrván (IX. 39²). in four out of seven verbs there is an alter- native strong form; and in one other (tanota) the strong is the only form occurring. 4 In x. 134 akṛṇvata has the appearance of being used for the 3. sing. (— akṛṇuta). 2 Thus all the forms occurring with -tana have a strong stem. WHITNEY 704 also mentions karóta besides the 2. du. kynotam, but I do not know whether these forms occur in mantra passages, 5 The suffix may originally have been -nai of which -ni would be the weak grade (27); but BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, 597, note, disagrees with this view. He thinks -nī has displaced earlier -ni, KG. p. 512. 1 VII. VERB. PRESENT SYSTEM. 349 Samprasāraṇa; e. g. grbhnámi and grhnámi (AV.). Four roots which, in forms outside the present system appear with a nasal', drop the nasal here; thus bandh 'bind' badhnámi (AV.); manth- 'shake': mathnami (AV.); skambh- 'make firm': skabhnáti; stambh- 'prop': stabhnáti (AV.). The root jñā- 'know', also loses its nasal; e. g. jā-nā-mi². 2. The strong form of the suffix, -nā, appears in certain 2. persons impv. act., which should have the weak form -nī; e. g. 2. pl. puná-ta for puni-tá. On the other hand -nt appears once instead of -na in 3. sing. injv. minīt 3 (AV.). 3. A few roots ending in consonants take the peculiar ending -āná in the 2. sing. impv. act.; e. g. grh-āṇá ¹. 4. Transfers to the a- conjugation are made from five roots. These are rare in the case of gr- 'sing': grná-ta 2. pl. ind., grṇa-nta 3. pl. impf.; mi- 'damage': mina-t 3. sing. injv., amina-nta 3. pl. impf.; - 'crush' only frna (AV.) 2. sing. impv. But pr- 'fill' and mr- 'crush' form the regular á stems prná- and mrná- (beside prná- and mṛṇā-), ten forms being made from the former, and five from the latter in the RV.5 — —— — Present Indicative. 476. The forms actually occurring, if made from grabh- 'seize', would be the following: Active. Sing. 1. grbhnámi. 2. grbhnási. 3. grbhnáti.- Du. 2. grbhnithas. 3. grbhnītás. Pl. 1. grbhṇīmási and grbhṛīmás. 2. grbhnitha and grbhnithána. 3. grbhnánti. Pl. 1. grbhnīmáhe. Middle. Sing. 1. grbhné. 2. grbhnīṣé. 3. grbhṛīté. 3. grbhnáte. 6 The forms which actually occur are the following: Active. Sing. 1. aśnámi ('eat', AV. VS.), iṣṇāmi (AV.), kṣiṇāmi (AV.), grnāmi (gr- sing'), gṛṇámi (AV. VI. 71³, gr- 'swallow'), grbhnami, grhnámi (AV. TS.), jānāmi, jinámi, punāmi, pṛṇámi (AV.), badhnámi (bandh- 'bind', AV. TS.), mathnāmi (AV.), mināmi, riņāmi (AV.), śṛṇámi (AV.), sināmi (AV.), stabhnami, strṇāmi (AV.). 2. aśnási (AV.), iṣṇāsi, junāsi, prnási, rinási, śrnäsi. 3. aśnáti, krīnāti, kṣiṇati (ksi- 'destroy'), grnáti, grbhnáti, grhnáti (AV.), jānáti, jináti, junäti, punáti, prnáti, mináti, musnati (AV.), rináti, śṛṇāti, sināti, skabhnáti, stabhnáti (AV.), hruṇāti. Du. 2. rinīthas. 3.grnītás, prnītas. - 5 Beside seven present stems of this class there appear denominative stems in -āya from the same roots. Cp. v. NEGELEIN 50-52. 6 Given, along with a number of cognate forms, as from the root badh-, by v. NEGE- LEIN 57. Pl. I. grnīmási, junīmási, minīmási, śṛṇīmasi (AV.); jānīmás. — 2. jānītha; strnīthána (AV.). -3. aśnánti (AV.), kşinánti, grnánti, grbhnánti, grhnánti (AV.TS.), jānánti, jinanti, junánti, punánti, prnánti, prīṇanti, badhnánti (AV.), bhrīṇánti, minánti, riņánti, śrīṇánti, stṛṇánti. Middle. Sing. 1. grné, grbhne, grhné (AV.), vrné. 2. grnīsé³, vrnisé (AV.), śrinise, hrnise. - 3. krīnīte (AV.), kṣiṇīte (AV.), grnité, punite, prinité, rinite, vrnité, śrathnīté, strnite, hrnite. With -e for -te: grne. Pl. 1. grhnīmahe (TS. v. 7. 9¹), punimahe (Kh. III. 104), vṛṇīmáhe⁹. 1 Cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, 627. 2 Originally *janā- with nasal sonant, jn-bhri- *consume'. nā; see BRUGMANN, KG. 666 (p. 511). 3 On this form see v. NEGELEIN 56, note 1. 4 On the origin of this ending see BRUG- MANN, Grundriss 2, p. 975. - 7 The only form occurring of the root 8 The form grnisé also occurs in the RV. as a 1. sing. ind., 'I praise', being formed from an anomalous aorist stem grnī-s-. 9 According to to WHITNEY 719, once vrnimahé, with reference doubtless to RV. v. 20³, where, however, vṛṇīmahé 'gne is only the Sandhi accentuation for vrnimahe ágne (see above 108 and p. 319, ncte 13). 350 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 3. aśnate¹, grbhṇate, gṛhṇate (AV.), jānate, punáte (AV.) and punaté, badhnáte, rinaté, vrnáte. Present Subjunctive. 477. In the 2. 3. sing., subjunctive forms are indistinguishable from the indicative present, if formed with primary endings, and from the injunctive, if formed with secondary endings, as the modal sign a is merged in the strong stem; thus grbhnáti may be 3. sing. indicative or subjunctive; grbhnás may be 2. sing. injunctive or subjunctive. In such forms therefore the sense or con- struction of the sentence can alone decide their value. These as well as un- mistakable subjunctives are rare in this class. — Active. Sing. 2. grbhnás, junás.- 3. prṇāti (x. 24, cp. 25), pṛṇāt (AV.). – Pl. 1. junáma, mináma. Middle Du. I. krīnāvahai (TS. 1. 8. 4¹). Pl. 1. jānāmahai (AV.). Active. Sing. 1. kṣinām. minit3 (AV. VI. 110³). Middle. Sing. 2. hrnithas. stynīmáhi4. Present Injunctive. 2. rinas (AV. xx. 135¹¹). 3. jānắt, Pl. 3. minan, rinán (vIII. 728), scamnan. 3. grṇīta, grbhnīta, vrnīta. - —TE Present Optative. In the middle some forms of the optative cannot be distinguished from unaugmented forms of the imperfect, as the modal sign -ī is merged in the suffix -17. The forms actually occurring are very few, being found in the 2. 3. sing. only. FORM — Active. 3. aśnīyāt (AV.), grhṇīyát (AV.), jinīyát (AV.), prṇīyát. Middle. 2. jānīthās (Kh. Iv. 5³⁰º). 3. vrnita (TS.I.1.2¹ = vurīta, VS. IV. 8). Pl. I. Present Imperative. 478. The regular ending of the 2. sing. act. is -hi, while -dhi never occurs. Three verbs take -tät as well. One of these, grah-, and three others ending in a consonant, as, bandh, stambh-, take the peculiar ending -āná. Active. Sing. 2. gṛṇāhi ³ (TS. IV. 4. 125), gṛṇīhí, gṛbhṇīhi (AV.), gṛhṇāhi 5 (AV.), janīhi, punahi (SV.), punīhí, prnihi (AV.), mṛnihi, śṛṇahi (SV.), śrnahí śṛṇīhí¹, stṛṇīhi8 (AV.). With -tāt: grhṇītāt (AV.), jānītāt⁹ (TS. AV.), punītāt. With -ana: asana, grhāṇa ¹0 (x. 103¹2), badhana (AV.), stabhāná (AV.) 3. grṇātu, grhṇātu, jānātu (AV.), punātu, pṛṇātu (AV.), badhnātu (AV.), śṛṇātu (AV.), sinātu (AV.). Du. 2. aśnītám, gṛṇītam (TS. IV. 1. 8²), gṛhṇītam (AV.), prṇītám, śṛņītám, strnītám. 3. gṛṇītām, punītām (AV.). ¹ grnaté (AV. IV. 212), given by v. NEGE- LEIN as a finite form grnate (unaccented), is the dat. sing. of the participle. 2 This form is accented jánat in the Khila (III. 21) after RV. x. 103 (AUFRECHT's Rigveda², 682), but it is correct in the corresponding passage of the AV. (III. 26). 3 For mināt. 5 With strong base instead of grihi, gyhnīhi. 6 With strong base and irregular accent. 7 Also the transfer form śrna (AV. XIX. 45¹). 8 WHITNEY 723 quotes strnāhi from the TS. [VI. 3. 1²]. 9 v. NEGELEIN 57, line 6, seems to regard jätát (AV. XIX. 156), given as jñātät (un- accented), as an anomalous imperative; but it is the ablative of the past participle. 4 There seems to be no certain example of a 3. pl. AVERY 240 gives grbhnata, but this form (Ix. 147) appears to have an imperf. 10 Both forms are omitted by AVERY 243; sense; he adds vrnata with a query, but I the latter is regarded by GRASSMANN as a participle. cannot trace the form. VII. VERB. PERFECT SYSTEM. Pl. 2. grnīta¹, grbhnīta, jānītá, punitá and punīta², pṛṇītá, mathnīta (AV.), mṛṇīta (AV.), stṛṇīta (AV.). With -tana: punitána, prnitana, śrīnītana. 3. aśnantu (AV.), grṇantu (AV. TS.), grħṇantu (AV.). jānantu (AV.), punintu, mathnantu (AV.), badhnantu (AV.), srnantu, srinantu (AV.), sinantu (AV.). - Middle. Sing. 2. grbhṇīṣva (Kh. Iv. 5²), pṛṇīṣva (Kh. 11. 8¹), vrnīsvá. 3. strnītām, hṛṇītām. Pl. 2. jīnīdhvam (AV.), vṛṇīdhvám. 3. jānatām³, vṛṇatām (AV.). Present Participle. 479. Active. aśnánt-, f. -atí- (AV.), iṣṇánt, uṣṇánt-, grṇánt-, grhṇánt- jānánt-, f. -ati-, jinánt- (AV.), punánt-, f. -atí-, prnánt-4, prinánt-, mathnánt-, minánt-, f. -atí, musnant-, mrnánt-, rinánt-, śrīṇánt-, skabhnánt-, stṛṇánt-, f. -atí- (AV.). Middle. ápnana-, iṣṇāná-, gṛṇāná-, grhṇāná- (AV.), janäná-, drūnāná-, punāná-, prīṇāná-, mināná-, riņāná-, vṛṇāná-, śṛṇāná-, śrathnāná- (AV.), śrīṇāná-, stṛṇāná-, hṛṇāná-. 351 Imperfect Indicative. 480. Active. Sing. 1. ajanām, aśnām. — 2. ákṣiṇas, agrbhnäs, aprnās, áminās, amusnās, aramnäs, arinas, astabhnas; ubhnás, rinas, śrathnas. 3. agrbhnät, agrhṇāt (AV.), ajānāt (AV.), ápṛṇāt, aprīnāt, ábadhnat, ámathnāt, aminat, amuşnat, áramnat, árinat, aśrnat, ástabhnat, ástrnat; äśnāt (AV.), aubhnāt; jānāt, badhnat (AV.). Du. 2. ámuṣṇītam, ariņītam, avṛṇītam. Pl. 2. árinīta. 3. akrīnan (AV.), agrbhnan, agyhnan (AV. TS.), ajanan5, apunan, ábadhnan, aśrathnan, ástṛṇan; áśnanº (AV.); áśnan (x.176¹), rinán (x.138¹). Middle. Sing. 1. ávrni. -3. ábadhnīta (TS. 1. 1. 10²), ávynīta, áśrīnīta. Pl. 1. avrnīmahi. 3. agrbhnata¹, ájanata (TS. II. I. 11³); grbhṇata. - - — ▬▬▬▬▬ II. The Perfect System. BENFEY, Vollständige Grammatik p. 372-381,- DELBRÜCK, Verbum 112-134. AVERY, Verb-Inflection 249-253. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar p. 279-296; Roots 219- 221. V. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte 70-78. - 481. Like the present system, the perfect has, besides an indicative, the subjunctive, optative and imperative moods, as well as participles and an augmented tense, the pluperfect. It is of very frequent occurrence, being taken by nearly 300 verbs in the Samhitās. It is formed in essentially the same way from all roots, its characteristic feature being reduplication. 1. The Reduplicative Syllable 8. 482. The reduplicative vowel is as a rule short. It is, however, long in more than thirty verbs. These are kan 'be pleased' : ca-kan; klp- 'be adapted'

cã-klp-; gr- ‘wake' : jā-gr-; gydh- 'be greedy' : ja-grdh-; trp- 'be pleased':

tā-tṛp-; tṛṣ- ‘be thirsty': tā-tṛṣ-; dhr- 'hold': da-dhr-; nam- 'bend' : na-nam-; I Also the transfer form according to the (the participle nom. sing. m. jānán is á- class, grnáta (AV. V. 279). common). 2 With strong instead of weak base. 6 In práśnan (AV. XI. 332) the Pada text reads pra-ásnan. 3 In Khila II. 106 wrongly jānātām. 4 With fem. prnánti-, a transfer to the á- class. 7 Also the transfer forms aminanta and grnanta (VIII. 37). 5 v. NEGELEIN 57 also gives the unaugmented 8 On the reduplicative syllable see v. NEGE- form janan (RV. AV.), which I cannot trace | LEIN 70; cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, 846. 35² I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. mah 'be liberal' : ma-mah-; mrj 'wipe': mā-mrj-; mṛś- 'touch' : mā-mṛś-; radh- be subject': rã-radh-; ran- ‘rejoice': rā-ran-; rabh- 'grasp' : rā-rabh-; vanc- 'be crooked' : vā-vak-; van- 'win' : vā-van-; vaś- 'desire' : vā-vas-; vas- 'clothe': va-vas-; vāš- 'roar' : vā-vaś-; vṛj- 'twist': vā-vṛj-; vṛt- ‘turn' : vā-vṛt-; vṛdh- 'grow': vā-vṛdh-; vṛṣ- 'rain' : vā-vṛṣ-; śad- ‘prevail' : śã-sad-; sah- 'prevail'

sā-sah-; skambh- 'prop': cã-skambh-; dī- ‘shine': di-di-; dhī- 'think': dī-dhi-;

pi- 'swell': pi-pi; hid- 'be hostile' : ji-hīḍ- (AV¹.); jū- ‘be swift' : ju-ju-; 'be strong': tu-tu-; śū- 'swell' : sū-śu-¹. tu- a. The reduplication of r (ar) and ? (= al) is always ²; e. g. kr- 'make' : cakṛ-; gydh- 'be greedy' : jā-gṛdh-; klp- ‘be adapted' : cā-kļp-. b. The reduplication of a, i, u is made with a, i, i respectively; e. g. khad- 'chew' : ca-khād-; bhī- 'fear' : bibhi-; budh- "know': bu-budh-. There are, however, certain exceptions to this rule. 1. Roots containing ya or va and liable to Samprasāraṇa in other forms (such as the past passive participle), reduplicate withi and u respectively 3. Those with ya are: tyaj- 'forsake': ti-tyaj-; yaj- 'sacrifice': i-yaj-; vyac- 'extend': vi-vyac-; syand- 'move on' : si-syand- (AV.). Similarly cu- 'stir' : ci-cyu-4 (beside cu-cyu-), and dyut 'shine': didyut-4. Those with va- are: vac- 'speak': u-vac-; vad- 'speak': u-vad-; vap- 'strew': u-vap-; vah- 'carry': u-vah-; svap- 'sleep': su-svap-. The three roots yam- 'reach', van- 'win', vas- 'wear', however, have the full reduplication: ya-yam-, va-van-, vā-vas-; and vac- 'speak' has it optionally: va-vac beside u-vac-5. a. The roots bhu- 'be', su- 'generate', and - lie', reduplicate with a: ba-bhu-; sa-su- (beside su-şi-, AV.); sa-si (in the participle śa-say-āná-) 6. c. In roots beginning with vowels, the reduplication coalesces with the initial of the root to a long vowel; e. g. an- 'breathe': an-; av- 'favour' : äv-; as- 'eat' : as-; as- 'be': as-; ah- 'say': ah-; r- 'go' : ār- (— a-ar-); ap- 'obtain'

ap-; id 'praise': id-; ir- 'set in motion': i; üh- 'consider': uh. But if the

root begins with i or u, the reduplicative syllable is separated, in the sing. act., from the strong radical syllable by its own semivowel: i- ‘go': 3. pl. iy-ur, but 2. sing. i-y-é-tha; uc- 'be pleased': 2. sing. mid. ūc-i-sé, but 3. sing. act. u-v-óc-a¹. a. Five roots beginning with prosodically long a, reduplicate not with a, but with the syllable an-. Only two of these, both containing a nasal, viz. ams- ‘attain' and añj- 'anoint', make several forms; the former, 3. sing. ān-áms-a and ăn-as-a, pl. 1. ān-aš-ma, 2. ăn cả 3 ăn-aś-úr; mid. sing. I.3. ān-as-é; subj. pl. I. ăn-áś-ā-mahai; opt. sing. I. ān as yam 8; the latter, an-añja (VS. VIII. 29; TS. III. 3. 102); mid. sing. 1. an-aj-é, pl. 3. an-aj-re; subj. sing. I. an-aj-ā; opt. 3. sing. an-aj-yat. The root rdh- (reduced from ardh-) 'thrive', which has a nasalized present stem 9, makes the forms an-ṛdh-úr (AV.) and ān-rdh-e. Through the influence of these nasalized verbs, their method of reduplication spread to two others which show no trace of a nasal anywhere. Thus from arc- 'praise' occur the forms an-rc-úr and an-rc-é; and from arh- deserve', an-rh-úr (TS¹.) beside arh-ire (RV.). There are besides two isolated forms of doubtful meaning, probably formed from 1 The quantitative form of the stem is | 4 Due to the vocalic pronunciation of the governed by the law that it may not contain jy: ciu- and diut-. (except in the 1. sing. act.) two prosodically short vowels; the only exceptions in the weak stem being the two irregular forms tatane, I. sing. mid., and jajanúr, 3. pl. act. Thus sah reduplicates sāsah- and once sasūh- 7 These are the only two examples to be (weak). Cp. BENFEY's articles 'Die Quanti- | met with in the Samhitãs of this form of tätsverschiebungen in den Samhita- und Pada- Texten', GGA. 19 ff. 5 This root thus shows the transition from the full to the Samprasāraṇa redupli- cation. 6 Cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, 846. reduplication. 2 In most of the forms from a- and r- roots, the Pada text has u. 8 Beside āśatur, āśāthe, etc., from as, the unnasalized form of the same root. Cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 1211¹. 9 Thus rnádhat, yndhyām, ṛndhánt-, accord- ing to the infixing nasal class. 3 These verbs originally had the full redu- plication ya and va- as is shown by the evidence of the Avesta, which has this only; cp. BARTHOLOMAE, IF. 3, 38 ($ 59). VII. VERB. PERFECT SYSTEM. 353 nasalized roots: an-rj-úr (AV¹.), from j- 'attain' (with present stem rñj-)¹, and an-ah-a ², 2. pl. act., perhaps from amh- 'compress' 3³. This form of reduplication evidently arose from a radical nasal having originally been repeated along with the initial vowel, which is lengthened as in many other stems (ca-kan, etc), while the root itself is shortened by dropping the nasal. In the modal forms anaj-ā, ănaj-yāt, ăn-áš-āmahai the reduplicative vowel seems to have been shortened because an- came to be regarded as containing an augment (like ānat, aorist of naś- 'attain') 5. d. A few irregularities in regard to consonants also appear in the formation of the reduplicative stem. I. The root bhr- 'bear' reduplicates with j (as if from Vhr-), making the stem ja-bhr-, forms from which occur nearly thirty times in the RV., beside only two forms from the regular stem ba-bhr-. 2. In forming their stem, the five roots ci- 'gather', ci- 'observe', cit- ‘perceive', ji- 'conquer', han- ‘smite', revert to the original guttural (as in other reduplicated forms) in the radical syllable: ci-ki-, ci-kit-, ji-gi-, ja-għan-. e. The root vid- 'know' loses its reduplication along with the perfect sense. Thus véd-a 'I know'; vid-váms- 'knowing'. Some half dozen other roots show isolated finite forms without reduplication; and four or five more have unreduplicated participial forms. Thus taks- 'fashion' makes takṣ-athur and takṣ-ur; yam- 'guide' : yam-átur; skambh- ‘prop' : skambh-áthur, skambh-ur¹; nind- "blame' : nind-ima¹; arh- 'be worthy': arh-ire; cit- 'perceive' : cet-atur (AV. VS. SV.) 8. Three unreduplicated participles are common: dās-váms- and dāś-i-váms- (SV.) 'worshipping', beside the rare dadās-váms-; mīḍh-váms- 'bountiful'; sāh-váms- 'conquering', beside sasah-váms-. There also occurs once the unreduplicated jani-váms- (in the form vi-janús-ah) beside jajñiváms- 'knowing' (from √jñā-); and the isolated vocative khid-vas may be the equi- valent of *cikhid-vas, from khid- 'oppress'⁹. 2. The Root. 483. Like the present and imperfect, the perfect is strong in the sing. act. Here the root, as a rule, is strengthened, while it remains un- changed in the weak forms. But if it contains a medial a or a final ã, it remains unchanged in the strong forms (except that a is lengthened in the 3. sing.), while it is reduced in the weak. In the strong stem, the radical vowel takes Guņa, but in the 3. sing. a final vowel takes Vṛddhi instead of Guna ™º Thus vi 'enter' makes vivés-; druh 'be hostile', dudróh-; krt- 'cut', cakárt-; but bhi 'fear', 1. 2. bibhé, 3. bibhái-; śru- 'hear', 1. 2. Suśró-, 3. śuśráu-; kṛ- 'make', 1. 2. cakár-, 3. cakár-¹¹ In the weak stem, on the other hand, the root remains unchanged; thus viviš-, dudruh-, cakṛt-, bibhī-, śuśru-, cakṛ-. Some irregularities occur in the treatment of the radical vowel. d. I According to both the infixing nasal class, 3. pl. rnjate, and the á- class, 3. sing. rūjáti. 2 Probably for *änaha; cp. the weak stem sasah beside săsah-. I. The verb root beside caskabh-āná- (AV.), and ninid-úr. 8 With strong radical syllable. 9 DELBRÜCK, Verbnm 148, adds dabhúr, but this is rather aorist (beside perf. debhur). 10 On the origin of this distinction between 3 Cp.DELBRÜCK, Verbum 145, and WHITNEY, the 1. sing. and the 3. sing. cp. J. SCHMIDT, Roots, under anh 'be narrow or distressing". | KZ. 25, 8 ff. and STREITBERG, IF. 3, 383–386. 4 Except in the form an-ámsa (cp. veyk- Tai) beside an-āša (— -ývok-e). 11 This distinction is invariable in the RV., and the rule seems to be the same in the 5 Cp. the Greek aor. inf. év-eyk-eîv and the perfect évveyK-TAI, 6 Cp. BEZZENBERGER, GGA. 1879, p. 818; J. SCHMIDT, KZ. 25, 3; BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2,848. 7 With the strong (nasalized) form of the Indo-arische Philologie. I. 4. | AV. WHITNEY 793 d mentions cakāra as an exception, but this form is 3. sing. in all the passages given in his AV. Index; and jagraha (AV. III. 183) is evidently a corruption; see WHITNEY's note and cp. p. 356, note 9. 23 354 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. mrj 'wipe' takes Vṛddhi instead of Guna throughout the strong stem: mamārj-³. 2. Two instances of the strong stem being used in weak forms occur in the RV.: pl. 1. yuyotimá and 3. vivesur 2 beside the regular vivisur. 3. The radical vowel of bhu- remains unchanged in the strong as well as the weak forms, interposing v before vowels; thus sing. 2. babhú-tha, pl. 3. babhū-v-úr. — 4. The weak stem of tr-cross' appears in the RV. as titir- and tutur-; thus sing. 3. tatār-a, but pl. 3. titir-ur, part. titir-váms-, opt. sing. 3. tutur-yát ³. a. Roots containing medial a leave the radical syllable unchanged in sing. 1. 2., lengthening the vowel in sing. 3.; they reduce it in the weak stem by contraction, syncopation, or loss of nasal. I. The roots with initial ya- and va-, which reduplicate with the vowels i and 24 respectively, take Samprasāraṇa, the result being contraction to 7 and . Thus from yaj- 'sacrifice': strong stem i-yáj-, weak ij- (= i-ij-)5; vac- 'speak': u-vác- and uc- (= u-uc-); vad- 'speak': u-vád- and ud-; vap- 'strew': u-vap- and up-; vas- 'dwell': u-vás- and ūṣ-; vah- 'carry': u-váh- and üh. The root vā- 'weave' is similarly treated in the form pl. 3. u-v-ur (= u-u-v-ur). Samprasāraṇa of the root also appears in the weak stem of svap- 'sleep' and of grabh- and grah- ‘seize': su-șváp- and su-şup-; ja-grábh-, ja-gráh- and ja-grbh-, ja-grh. The roots yam-6, van-, vas- ‘wear' have the full reduplication throughout; yam- taking Samprasāraṇa and contracting in the weak stem, van- syncopating its a, and vas- retaining it throughout: ya-yam- and yem- (-ya-im); va-ván- and va-vn-; vā-vas- (both strong and weak). 2. More than a dozen roots containing a between single consonants and reduplicating their initial without change, contract the reduplication and root to a single syllable with medial e. The type followed by these verbs was doubtless furnished by sad- 'sit', which forms the weak stem sed- (=

sazd-),

beside the strong sa-sád-, and supported by yam-, with its weak stem yem- (= ya-im) beside the strong yayam-7. The other stems showing this contraction are formed from tap- 'heat', dabh- 'harm', nam- 'bend', pac- 'cook', pat- 'fall', yat- 'stretch', yam- ‘guide', rabh- ‘seize', labh- ‘take', sak- ‘be able', sap- 'curse', sap- 'serve'. The roots tan- 'stretch' and sac-'follow' also belong to this class in the AV., but not in the RV. The root bhaj- 'divide' though not redupli- cating with an identical consonant in its strong stem ba-bhaj-, follows the analogy of this group in forming the weak stem bhej. 3. Four roots of this form, however, simply syncopate the radical a without contracting. These are jan- ‘beget' : jajñ-, strong jaján-; pan- 'admire'

papn-, strong papan-; man- 'think': mamn-8; van- 'win': vavn-, strong văvan-.

Three others have this syncopated as well as the contracted form: tan- 'stretch'

tatn- and ten- (AV.); pat- 'fall' : papt- and pet-; sac 'follow': saśc- and sec-

(AV.). Syncopation of medial a also takes place in four roots with initial guttural: khan ‘dig' : cakhn- (AV.), strong cakhán-; gam- 'go' : jagm-, strong jagám-; ghas- 'eat' : jaks-, strong jaghás-; han- 'smite' : jaghn-, strong jaghán-. 4. In a few roots with medial a and a penultimate nasal, the latter is lost in the weak stem 9. Thus krand- 'cry out' cakrad-; tams- 'shake': tatas-; skambh- 'prop': caskabh- (AV.), strong caskámbh-; stambh- 'prop': ¹ The same irregularity appears in the present stem. 2 Cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 1223¹. 3 Cp. v. NEGELEIN 74¹. 4 But they had the full reduplication in the IIr. period; cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, P. 12203, 5 In the one form yejé (beside ijé), yaj- follows the analogy of yam-, preserving a trace of the old reduplication ya.. 6 The analogy of yam- is followed by yaj- in the one form yejé (beside jé); cp. note 5. 7 See BARTHOLOMAE, Die ai. e-Formen im schwachen Perfect, KZ. 27, 337-366; BRUG- MANN, Grundriss 2, p. 1222; cp. v. NEGELEIN 71³. 8 The strong stem does not occur. 9 Cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 12174. VII. VERB. PERFECT SYSTEM. 355 I tastabh-, strong tastámbh-. Similarly, from dambh-, the nasalized form of dabh- 'harm', is formed dadabh-, strong dadámbh- (AV.); and from rambh-, the nasalized form of rabh-2 'seize', rărabh-. From dams- 'bite', only the participle dadašváms- occurs. The root bandh- 'bind', both loses its nasal and contracts, forming the weak stem bedh- (AV.) beside the strong babándh- (AV.). b. Roots with final ā retain that vowel in the strong stem, but in the weak reduce it to i3 before consonants and drop it before vowels. Thus dhà- 'put' employs dadhá- in the strong forms, dadhi- and dadh- in the weak. 3. Endings. 484. The endings in the indicative active are all peculiar (excepting the secondary -vaª and -ma), while in the middle they are identical (excepting the 3. sing. -e and 3. pl. -re)5 with the primary middle endings of the present. They are the following: sing. I. -a 2. -tha Active pl. -má sing. Middle du. [-váhe] -áthe -áte du. [-vá] pl. I. -é -áthur -máhe -á 2. -sé -dhvé 3. -a -átur 6 -úr 7 3. -é -ré Roots ending in -ī take the anomalous ending -au8 in the 1. and 3. sing. act.; e. g. dha- 'put: da-dháu. The only exception is the root pra- 'fill', which once forms the 3. sing. pa-prá (1. 69¹) beside the usual pa-práu. a. Consonant endings. These are, as a rule, added directly to the stem. No forms with -vá or -váhe occur in the Samhitas; -máhe is always added direct, as is also -dhvé in the only form in which it occurs, dadhi-dhvé. The remaining consonant endings, -tha, -ma, -se, -re, are nearly always added direct to stems ending in vowels, but frequently with the connecting vowel -- to stems ending in consonants. 1. Roots with final à always add the endings directly to the stem, which reduces the radical vowel to i9 in the weak forms; e. g. dadá-tha; dadhi-má, dadhi-sé, dadhi-reto 2. Roots with final and u also always add these endings direct to the stem; e. g. ji- 'conquer' : jige-tha; nī- ‘lead': niné-tha; su- 'press’ : sușu-má; cyu- 'move': cicyu-sé; hu- 'sacrifice': juhu-ré; hu- 'call': juhu-ré. The only exception is bhu-, which (doubtless owing to the fondness of this verb for -uv-) forms babhív-i-tha twice in the RV. beside the usual babhi-tha, and babhūv-i-má once in the AV. 1 From which is formed the weak stem | shown by the evidence of the Avesta; cp. debh-. BRUGMANN, KG. 797 (p. 597). 2 From which is formed the weak stem rebh-. 8 This has not been satisfactorily explained; cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 1223³. 3 See DELBRÜCK, Verbum 147 (p. 120); BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, 844 (p. 1206-8); cp. v. BRADKE, IF. 8, 123-137; 156-160; REICHELT, BB. 27, 94. 4 No perfect form with -va is, however, found in the Samhitās. 9 This as the reduced form of a (cp. hi-tá- etc., from dhā-), occurring in such very common verbs as da- 'give' and dhà- 'put', was probably the starting point for the use of i as a connecting vowel in other verbs; but cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p. 1208¹; cp. also IF. 8, 123—160. 5 Both of these, however, occasionally appear in the present ind. mid. 10 The vowel is dropped before -ré in 6 The a is here probably not connecting | dadh-re, which occurs once beside the very vowel but identical with the a of the 2. pl.; common dadhi-ré. Similarly the stem of da- a-tur getting its from the 3. pl. -ur, and give', is shortened before the ending -rire -a-thur being then formed like -thas beside in dad-rire, which occurs once (with passive -tas: cp. BRUGMANN, KG. p. 597. sense). 7 That (and not s) is here original is 23* 356 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 3. Roots with final - add the endings -tha, -ma, and -şe direct (ex- cepting two or three forms), but -re always with connecting -i-; thus kr- 'do'

cakár-tha, cakr-ma, cakr-sé, but cakr-i-ré. Connecting -i- before the other

endings appears in ār-i-tha, ār-i-má (r- ‘go'); and in jabhr-i-se (bhr- ‘bear'). 4. Roots with final consonant add tha, ma; se, re direct if the last syllable of the stem is prosodically short, but with the connecting vowel -- if that syllable is long. Thus tatán-tha; jagan-ma, jagrbh-má, yuyuj-ma; dadrk-sé, vivit-se; cākļp-ré, tatas-ré, duduh-ré, pasprdh-ré, yuyuj-re, vivid-ré and others; but as-i-tha, uvóc-i-tha, vivéd-i-tha; uc-i-má, papt-i-má, sed-i-ma; tatn-i-şe; j-i-ré, jagm-i-re, tataks-i-re, yet-i-ré. The only exception is vét-tha, which as an old form inherited from the IE. period (Greek oio-a) without reduplication, remained unaffected by the influence of reduplicated forms. a. Six roots ending in consonants add -rire 3 instead of re: cikit-rire (beside the more usual cikit-re), jagrbh-rire (once beside the usual jagrbh-ré), bubhuj-riré (once), vivid- rire (once beside vivid-ré), sasri-rire (once), and duduh-rire (once in the SV. for the common duduh-re of the RV.)4. b. Vowel endings. Before terminations beginning with vowels final radical vowels are variously treated. 1. ž, if preceded by one consonant, becomes y, if preceded by more than one, iy: e. g. from bhi- ‘fear', bibhy- atur, bibhy-ur; but from śri- 'resort', śiśriy-e. - 2. Final й ordinarily becomes uv; e. g. yu- join': yuyuv-é; śru- 'hear': suśruv-e; śu- 'swell': susuve. But □ becomes v in hū- 'call', e. g. ju-hv-é; and ūv in bhū- 'be' and sū- 'bring forth', even in strong forms 5; e. g. 3. sing. ba-bhūv-a, sasūv-a“. 3. Final - becomes ; e. g. from kr- 'make', cakr-á, cakr-é. But becomes ir in titir-ur from tr- 'cross', and in 3. sing. tistir-e, part. tistir-āṇá-, from stř- 'strew' (the only root with a vowel preceded by two consonants that occurs in the perfect). Perfect Indicative. 485. The forms actually occurring, if made from kr- 'make', would be the following: Du. 2. cakráthe. Active. Sing. 1. cakára7. 2. cakártha. 3. cakára. - Du. 2. cakráthur. 3. cakrátur. - Pl. 1. cakṛmá. 2. cakrá. 3. cakrúr. Middle. Sing. 1. cakré. 2. cakṛṣé. 3. cakré. 3. cakráte. Pl. 1. cakrmáhe. 2. cakṛdhvé. 3. cakriré. The forms which actually occur are the following: Active. Sing. I. asa, uvápa (TS. I. 5. 32), cakara, ciketa (cit- 'observe'), jagama, jagrábha, jagráha (AV.)º, jaghása (AV. vi. 117²)¹º, jihīļa“, tatápa, dudróha, papana, babhuva, bibháya, mimaya (mi- 'diminish'), raraṇa, rirébha, viveša, véda ¹2, śiśraya, suśráva. The TS. (111.5.5') has the Vṛddhi form vavāra (vr- 'cover'). I This is in accordance with the rhythmic rule that the stem may not have two proso- dically short vowels in successive syllables. 2 The strength of this rhythmic rule is well illustrated by the same root vac- having the two collateral forms varak-şé and úc-i-sé; cp. also the unique lengthening, in a weak form, of the radicala in sa-säh-i-şe (beside the usual sāsah-) and the Guņa in yuyop-i-má. 3 The additional may have come into use under the influence of forms from roots in r, like dadhr-ire from Vdhy-. 4 The ending-rire is once also added to a root ending in a vowel: dad-rire, from Vdā-. - — 5 Instead of the normal āv. 6 This is the only perfect form of Vsu- occurring. 7 The I. and 3. of dhà- 'put' would both be dadháu; of vid- 'find', both vivéda. 8 The 3. pl. of vid-'find' would be vividré. 9 AV. III. 183 reads jagráha, but this must be emended to jagráha, see WHITNEY'S note. 10 jaghása here is a misprint for jaghása: see WHITNEY's note on the passage. ¹¹ Also in AV. IV. 325, but written jihida in the Samhita text, but ji in Pada. See WHITNEY's note. 12 Unreduplicated form. VII. VERB. PERFECT SYSTEM. 2. iyatha¹ and iyetha, cakártha, jagántha (gam-‘go'), jaghántha, jabhartha, jigetha (ji- 'conquer'), tatántha, dadatha, dadhártha (dhr- 'hold'), dadhátha, ninétha, papātha (pā- ‘drink'), paprátha², babhútha, yayantha (yam- ‘guide'), yayátha, vāvántha, vavártha (vr- 'cover'), vivyáktha (vyac- 'extend'), véttha 10, sasáttha (sad- ‘sit'). With connecting -i-: ápitha (AV.), áritha (r- 'go'), ávitha (av- 'favour'), asitha (as- 'be'), uvócitha (uc- 'be pleased'), cakartitha (krt- ‘cut'), tatárditha (trd- 'split'), dudohitha, dudróhitha (AV.), babhúvitha, rurójitha, rurodhitha, ruróhitha (AV.), vavákṣitha, viveditha (vid- 'find'), vivesitha. — 357 3. ana, anámsa and anaśa (ams 'attain'); ápa, āra (r- 'go'), ava, ása (as- 'eat'), ása (as- 'be' and as- 'throw'), áha (ah- 'say'), iyáya (i- 'go'), uváca (vac- 'speak'), uvasa (vas- 'shine'), uvaha, uvóca (uc- 'be pleased'), cakarta (krt- ‘cut'), cakárśa (kṛś ‘be lean', AV.), cakára, cakrāma, cakháda, cakhána (VS.v.23), cacáksa, cácarta (crt-'bind', AV.), cacára (AV.), cacchanda, caskánda, caskámbha, cikaya (ci- 'gather'), cikāya (ci- 'observe'), cikéta³ (cit- 'perceive'), jagáma, jagraha, jaghåna, jaghása, jajána, jajára (AV.), jabháraª, jigáya (ji- 'conquer'), jujóșa, juháva (hu- 'call'), tatákşa, tatarda, tatarha (AV.), tatána, tatápa, tatāra, tatsāra (tsar- 'approach stealthily'), tastámbha, tatana (RV¹.), tityája, tutáva (tu- 'be strong'), tutóda, dadámbha (dambh- 'harm', AV.), dadárśa, dadabha (dabh- 'harm'), dadára (dr- 'split'), dadása (dāś- 'worship'), dadharşa, dadhára, didéva (div- 'play', AV.), didesa (AV.), did- yóta (AV.), dīdaya (VS. XII. 34), nanāša (nas- 'be lost), nanáha 5 (AV.), nanama, ninaya, papáca (AV.), papāta (AV.), papāda, papráº, pipéśa, pipesa, pipaya, pupósa, babándha (VS. AV.), babarha (brh- 'make strong', AV.), babháñja (bhanj- ‘break'), babhája, babhúva, bibhāya, bibhéda, mamanda (mand- 'exhilarate'), mamárşa, mamátha (math-'shake', AV.), mamáda (mad- 'exhilarate'), mamára (mr- 'die'), mamárja (mrj- 'wipe', AV.), 1. mimāya (mā- 'bellow'), 2. mimaya (mi- 'fix'), 3. mimaya (mi- 'damage'), mīmáya (mi- 'damage', AV.), mimetha (mith- 'alternate'), mimyákṣa, mumóda, yayāma, yuyója (AV.), yuyódha, yuyópa, rarákṣa, raráda, rarádha, riréca, ruroca, rurója, ruroha (AV.), vavakṣa, vavanda, vavárta, vavárdha, vavarha, vavāca³ (vac- ‘speak'), vavāra (vṛ- ‘cover'), vavrája, vāvárta, vāvána, viváya (vi- 'be eager'), vivéda, vivéśa, vivésa, vivyāca, véda o, sasaka (AV.), śaśápa (AV.), śiśrāya (śri- 'resort'), sušoca, suśrava, sasarja, sasáda, sasána, sasára, sasuva, sasáha, siṣedha, sisaya, suşáva (su- 'press'). With the ending -au: tastháu, dadáu, dadháu, papáu (pa- 'drink'), papráu, yayáu. 10 Du. 2. ārathur, aváthur, asathur, iyathur, işáthur, upáthur (√vap), úháthur (√vah-), cakráthur, cakhyathur (khyā- ‘see'), jagṛbháthur, jagmáthur, jigyathur (ji- 'conquer'), jijinváthur, taksathur ¹0, tastháthur, dadáthur, dadhathur, ninyathur, papáthur (pa-‘drink'), paprathur, pipinváthur", pipyathur (pi- 'swell), petathur (Vpat), babhūváthur, mimikşáthur, yayathur, yemáthur (Vyam-), riricáthur, vidáthur, vividáthur, vivyáthur (vyā- or vī- 'envelope'), sedáthur (Vsad), skambháthur ¹⁰. ¹ The irregularity of this form which 5 Overlooked by WHITNEY, Roots, under occurs once in the RV. and once in the AV. | Vnah-: AV. VI. 133¹. beside the regular iyétha is hard to explain. 2 In VL 177 this form stands for the 2. sing. of prath- 'extend'; see NEISSER, BB. 30, 302. 3 Occurs twice in the RV. also with the irregular accent ciketa. 4 It is very doubtful whether jahá VIIL 4537 is 3. sing. perfect of ha- 'leave' (cp. DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 124), like paprá. PISCHEL, Vedische Studien 1, 163 f., thinks this word with the following kó should be read jáhako 'abandon- ing'. ROTH thinks (pw.)jahá is an interjection. a, 7. 6 The only occurrence of à for au unless jaha is a verbal form. 7 Omitted by AVERY 250. 8 RV¹. beside the ordinary uváca. 9 From jinv- 'quicken', a secondary root starting from the present stem ji-nu- of ji- 'quicken'; see 469, a, 7. ro Unreduplicated form. II From pinu- 'fatten', which started from a present stem of the -nu class; see 469, I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Du. 3. āpatur, avatur, āśatur (aś- ‘attain'), āsatur, īyátur, ühátur (√ vah-), cakratur, cikyatur (ci- ‘observe'), cetatur', jagmatur, jajñátur (jan- ‘beget'), jahatur (ha- 'leave'), tataksátur, tasthátur, dadatur, paprátur (prā- ‘fill’), petátur, babhūvátur, mamátur (mã- ‘measure'), mimikṣátur (miks- ‘mix'), yamátur², yematur (√yam-), vavakṣátur, vavrdhatur, sasratur³ (Vsr-, AV.), sisicatur, sedátur (V sad-). 358 Pl. 1. ānaśma (ams- ‘attain'); cakṛmá, jaganma, jagrbhmá, tasthi-má (√stha-), dadhi-má, yuyujma, rarabhmá, rari-má (rã-'give'), vavanmá, vidmát, śuśruma (AV.), susuma. With connecting -i-: ärimá, asimá (as- 'be', AV.), ūcimá (√vac-), ūdimá (√vad-), ūṣimá (vas- ‘dwell’, AV.), cerimá (√ car-, AV.), jaghnimá (√han-, AV.), jihimsimá (AV. TS.), dadāśimá, nindima 5, nīnima (TS. III. 2.8³), paptima, babhūvima (AV.), yuyopimá 7, yemimá, vavandima, vidmá³, šekimá ( √ śak-, AV.), saścima, suṣūdima (√ sūd-), sedima³ (√ sad-). 2. anāhaº (RV¹.), ānaśá (amś- ‘attain'); ūṣá (vas- ‘shine'), cakrá, jagmá ¹⁰ (AV. TS. VS.), dadá, babhūvá, yayá, vidá³, śaśāsá, seka (√ śak-), sedá (V sad-). - 3. ānaśúr (amś- 'attain'), anrcúr (√arc-), anṛdhúr (AV.), ānrhúr (TS. III. 2.8³); apúr, ārúr, āśur (aš ‘attain'), āsúr (as- ‘be'), āhúr, īyúr, īṣur (is- 'send'), ucur, udur (und- ‘wet', AV.), ūvur (vā- ‘weave'), ūṣúr (vas- ‘shine'), ūhúr (√vah-), cakramúr, cakrúr, cakhnúr (khan-, AV.), cākļpur (AV.), cikitur, cikyur (ci- perceive'), cerúr (√ car-, AV.), jagrbhúr, jagṛhúr (AV.), jagmúr, jaghnúr (√han-, AV.), jajanúr" and jajñúr (jan- ‘beget’), jabhrur (√ bhṛ-), jahúr (ha- 'leave'), jaharur¹² (√hr-, AV.), jāgrdhúr, jigyur (ji- ‘conquer'), jugupur ¹³, jujuṣúr, jūjuvur ( √ jū-), takṣur ¹4, tatakṣúr, tastabhúr, tasthúr, tātṛpur (AV.), tātṛṣúr, titirur ( √ tř-), tuştuvúr, dadāśúr, dadúr, dadhúr, dādhṛṣur (AV.), didyutur (TS. II. 2. 126), duduhur, dudruvur (AV.), debhur (dabh- 'harm'), nanakṣúr, ninidúr, papur (pā- ‘drink'), paptúr (pat- ‘fall’), paprur (prā- ‘fill’), pipisur, pipyur (√pī-), babhūvúr, bibhidúr, bibhyur (bhĩ- ‘fear'), bedhúr (bandh-, AV.), mamur (mā- ‘measure'), mamrur (mṛ- ‘die'), māmṛjur, māmṛśúr, mimikṣúr (√myakṣ-), mimyúr (mi- 'fix'), yamur¹¹, yayur, yuyudhur, yemůr, rāradhur (√rādh-), riripur, rurucir, ruruhúr, vavakṣúr, vavrjur, vavrur (vr- 'cover'), vāvaśúr (vaś- 'desire'), vāvṛtúr, vāvṛdhúr, vidúr§, vividur, viviśúr and (once) vivesur 5, vivisur, śaśasur, śaśramur, śaśadúr, sušuvur, śekúr (√śak-), saścur, sasrúr, sisyadúr (V syand-, AV.), sisicur, susupur (Vsvap-), susuvur (VS. xx. 63), susruvur (AV.), sedir (Vsad-), sepur, skambhur¹4. Middle. Sing. I. ijé, idhe (idh- 'kindle'), isé (is 'move'), ühé (uh- 'con- sider'), caké (kā- kan-'be pleased'), cakre, jigye (ji- 'conquer'), tatane ¹6, tasthe, titvișe, dade, mame (mā- ‘measure'), māmahe, raré (√rā-), šepé (V√ śap-), saśce. 16 = ¹ AV. III. 21²; SV. 1. 2. 2. 1¹⁰, explained by 9 This form (VI. 485) may be 2. pl. from BENFEY, SV. Glossary, as 3. du. perf. without a root amh- for *anaha. reduplication. WHITNEY, note on AV. III. 21², thinks it is a corruption for cetatu, but quotes WEBER as taking it for 3. du. perf. from cat- "frighten into submission'. 2 Unreduplicated form with present meaning (VI. 67¹). 10 Сp. WHITNEY's note on AV. VI. 974. 11 This form without syncope occurs once in the RV., jajňúr twice. 12 WHITNEY on AV. III. 96 would emend this irregular form, the reading of all the Mss., to jahrur. 3 sisratur (RV1.) is an anomalous 3. du. pres. ¹3 This is the only finite form of this ind. of s-, according to the reduplicating secondary root, and it occurs in a late hymn class with perfect ending instead of *sisrtás. | (VII. 1039); the past participle gupitá- also 4 The form vivişma which AVERY gives occurs twice in the tenth book. This Vgup- with a query is probably an error for was doubtless evolved from the denomina- vivişmas 1. pl. pres. (VI. 235. 6). tive gopā-yá- 'act as a cowherd'. 5 Cp. IF. 3, 9f.; ZDMG. 48, 519. 6 The metre requires ninima (see BR. under ni lead'). 7 With strong radical syllable. 8 Unreduplicated form. 14 Unreduplicated form occuring once. 15 With irregular strong vowel. 16 With unsyncopated vowel occurring once; 3. sing. tatne. VII. VERB. PERFECT SYSTEM. 359 2. cakrsé, cicyusé, tasthi-șe (AV.), dadṛkṣé (drś- ‘see'), dadhi-sé, paprse yuyuksé (Vyuj-, AV.), rari-șe, ririkṣé (√ric-), vavakṣé (√vac-), vavrsé (vr- 'choose'), vivitse (vid- 'find'). - With connecting -i-: ucişé (Vuc- and Vvac-), upise (Vvap-), ühise (Vvah-), jajñiṣé (√jan-), jabhrise, tatnise, bedhişe (AV.), sepisé (Vsap-, AV.), sasahişe¹. ījé 3. ānajé (V añj-), ānaśé (Vams-), ānṛce, anṛdhe; ase (as- 'throw'), (Vyaj-), īļé (Vīḍ-), îdhé (Vidh-), īṣé (īṣ- ‘move'), ūce (uc- be pleased'), upe (Vvap-), ühe (uh- 'consider'), také (Vka-), cakradé (V krand-), cakramé, cakré, cakşadé (kşad- ‘divide'), cākļpé (AV.), cikité (√ cit-), cukṣubhé (kṣubh- 'quake', AV.), cucyuve, jagrhe³, jagmé (Vgam-), jajñé (√jan-), jabhre (√bhr-), jigye (√ji-), jihile (Vhid-), jujusé, juhvé (hu- 'call'), tatakṣé, tate (√tā- 'stretch' = Vtan-), tatne ( √ tan-), tatre (tra- 'protect'), tasthe (Vstha-), titvisé, tistiré² (stř- 'strew'), dádrše, dadé, dadhanvé, dadhé, dadhré (dhr- 'hold'), dadhvase (dhvams- 'scatter'), duduhe, dudhuve (√ dhû-, AV.), nanakṣé³, nunudé, neme (√nam-), paprkṣé, pape² (pā- ‘drink'), páprathe (RV¹.) and paprathé (RV². AV¹.), paprel (Vprā-, AV.), paspaśé (spaś- ‘see'), pipiśé, pipise, pipīle, pipye (pï-'swell’), pece ( √ pac-), babādhé, babhre (√bhṛ-), bedhé (√ bandh-, AV.), bheje (bhaj- 'divide'), mamé (ma- 'measure'), mamahe, mamrjé, mimikse, yuyujé, yuyuvé (yu- ‘join'), yejé⁹ (√yaj-), yeme (Vyam-), rarapsé, rarabhe (Vrambh-), riricé, rurucé, rebhé (Vrabh-, AV.), vavakṣé (√vaks-), vavande, vavné (√van-), vavré (vr- ‘cover'), vāvaše (vas- 'desire'), vāvase (VIII. 4³, vas- 'clothe') ¹º, vāvrje, vāvṛté, vāvrdhé, vidé (vid- 'know'), vividé (vid- ‘find’), vivyé (vyā- ‘envelope'), vivye (vī- ‘be eager'), šašamé (VS.xxxı.87), śaśrathe, śaśré (śr- 'crush'), siśriyé (śri- 'resort'), suśruve, susuve (su- 'swell'), sepé (V sap-, AV.), sasāhé¹¹ and sasāhe ¹2, sasrjé, sasré (sr- 'flow'), sasvajé, sisice, sisyade (√syand-, AV.), sușuvé (sū- ‘bring forth'). Du. 2. asathe (Vas- 'attain'), jäthe (AV.), uhyáthe ¹3 (IV.566), cakramāthe, cakráthe, cikéthe¹4 (ci- 'note'), dadáthe, dadháthe, mamnáthe (√man-), rarāthe (rā- 'give'), riricáthe, sasráthe (Vsr-). 3. ásates, cakrate, dadháte, pasprdhate, bhejate (bhaj- 'divide'), mamáte (mā- 'measure'), mamnáte (man- 'think'), yuyudhate, yemáte (Vyam-), rebháte (√rabh-, AV.), vävṛdhắte¹6, sasvajāte. Pl. I. bubhujmáhe, mumucmáhe, vavṛmáhe (vr- 'choose'), śāśadmahe (sad- 'prevail'), sasrjmáhe. 2. dadhidhvé. 3. anajre (√ añj-); cākļpré, cikitré ( √ cit-), jagrbhré¹, jahi-re ( √ hā-, AV.), juhuré, juhūré, tatasré (Vtams-), tasthi-re, dádṛśre, dadhi-ré, dadhre, duduhré, nunudré, paspṛdhré, pipiśre, mami-ré (mā- ‘measure'), mumucré, yuyujré, riricré, ¹ With strong radical vowel: cp. p. 356, note 2. 2 With passive sense. 3 Omitted by AVERY 250. 4 From dhanv- a transfer root from dhan- 'run'. Cp. WHITNEY, Roots 81. 5 From naks. 'attain', a secondary form of na 'attain'; cp. WHITNEY, Roots 87. 6 IV. 437. This form (which is perhaps rather to be taken as 1. sing.) may be formed from praks, a secoudary form of prach- 'ask'; cp. BENFEY, O. u. O. 3, 256; DEL- BRÜCK p. 1264; WHITNEY, Roots, and BR. s. v. prach-. 1 papré, given by AVERY 250 with a query, does not seem to occur in the RV. 8 From miks-, a desiderative formation from mis-; cp. WHITNEY, Roots. 9 yeje occurs three times in the RV. (ouly with ā- and pra-), jé occurs twice as 3.sing., once as 1. sing. 10 WHITNEY, Roots, under vas- 'clothe'. This form is placed by BR. and GRASSMANN under a root vas- 'aim'. 11 X. 104¹⁰ (AVERY sāsahe), Pada text sasahé. 12 VIII. 96¹5, (AVERY sāsāhe), Pada text sasahe cp. RPr. 580, 582, 587, 589. 13 This seems to be an anomalous form for zhathe (uh- 'consider'; cp. GRASSMANN). 14 Irregular form (RV¹.) for *ciky-āthe. 15 Thus irregularly accented v. 66². This form, āśāte, also occurs five times unaccented. 16 The AV. has also the transfer form vāvrdhéte. 17 See notes on AV. XVIII. 346 in WHITNEY'S Translation. 360 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. rurudhre, vävakre (vanc- 'move crookedly')', vavaśre² (vas- bellow'), vivijre, vidre³, vividré, vivipre, viviśre, śāśadré. With connecting -i-: arhire³, áśire (Kh. I. 11¹), ijiré (Vyaj), idhiré (Vidh-), iriré4, isirés (is- 'send', AV.), ūciré (√vac-, AV.), ühiré (√vah-), cakriré, cacakṣiré (VS.xl. 10 : Up.), jagmire, jajñiré (V jan-), jabhriré (√ bhṛ-), jihīliré (√ hīḍ-), tatakşiré, tatniré (V tan-), tastriré (V sty-, AV.), teniré (V tan-, VS. TS. AV.), dadhanviré, dadhire (Kh. 1. 4³), dadhrire (V dhr-), papire (pä- ‘drink'), bedhire ( V bandh-, AV.), bhejiré ( √ bhaj-), mimikṣire ( √ mikṣ- ‘mix', and √ myakṣ-), yetiré ( √ yat-), yemire ( √ yam-), rurucire (Kh.1. 12¹), rebhiré (√rabh-), lebhiré (√ labh-), vavakşire, vavandiré, vavašire, saściré (V sac-), secire (Vsac-, AV.), sedire (Vsad-). With ending -rire: cikitrire ( √ cit-), jagrbhriré, dadrire ( √ dā-), bubhujriré, vividrire, sasṛjrire. Moods of the Perfect. 486. Modal forms of the perfect are of rare occurrence in the Samhitās except the RV. They are made from the perfect stem in the same way as from the present stem. It is, however, not always possible to distinguish modal forms of the perfect from those of other reduplicated stems (present reduplicating class, reduplicated aorist, and intensive) either in form (because the reduplication is in many instances the same) or in meaning (because the perfect is often used in a present sense). Perfect Subjunctive. 8 487. The normal method of forming the stem is to add -a- to the strong perfect stem, accented on the radical syllable. In the active the secondary endings are more usual; e. g. tuştáv-a-t. If the primary endings are added in the active, the reduplicative syllable is in several forms9 accented, as jújos-a-si. In about a dozen forms, nearly all with secondary endings, the weak stem is employed, but whether the reduplicative syllable was then accented is uncertain, because the examples that occur are un- accented. Middle forms, numbering not many more than a dozen, occur only in the 3. sing., with the ending -te, and in the 3. pl. with the ending -anta. Active. Sing, 1. anajā ¹. 2. jújoşasi, didáyasi, paprcasi ¹3; cakradas, cākánas, cikitas ( √ cit-), jújoṣas, tatanas, dadāśas, dīdáyas, papráthas, piprayas, bubodhas, mamádas, māmáhas, mumucas¹, rāráṇas, sāsáhas, súṣūdas. ¹ With reversion to the original guttural. 2 With shortening of the radical vowel. 3 Without reduplication. — 3. ciketati (√ cit-), jújosati, dádāśati, dadhársati, dídešati ¹5, dīdáyati, búbodhati, mumocati, vavártati; cākánat, cākļpat (AV.), ciketat (√ cit-), jaghánat, jabhárat, jugurat (gur = gr- 'greet'), jújosat, jujuvat ¹4, tatánat, tustávat, dádāśat, dadhánat, dadhársat, papráthat, paspársat, pipráyat, mamádat (AV.), mamandat, dīdáyat, mumucat¹¼, mumurat (mur-— mṛ- ‘crush'), mumócat, rāráṇat, vavártat and vavrtat¹4, vavanat (TS. II. 4. 5¹), vividat ¹4, śuśravat, šūšuvat, sāsáhat, suṣūdat. 4 In RV. regularly erire, Pp. ā-īrire (but in I. 64 for eriré the accentuation should be érire á īrire). The AV. has once sam-îhiré (XIV. 146). 5 isire with irregular accent is probably to be regarded as a present (450, 2). 6 IF. 8, Anzeiger 13. —— - 7 From the secondary root dhanv-= dhan- 'run'. 8 Two subjunctive forms with double modal sign -ā- occur: papr căsi and vāvydhāti. 9 Cp. the accentuation of the reduplicating class. 10 Except the forms dīdáyasi, didáyati, dadhárşati and vavártati. ¹1 The two roots muc- and dhys- make sub- junctive forms from both the strong and weak stem. 12 RV. v. 54¹: this form (Pp. anaja) is regarded by DELBRÜCK 126 and AVERY 251 as a 2. pl. ind. 13 With donble modal sign -ā-. 14 With weak radical syllable. 15 Always ā-dideśati in relative clauses. VII. VERB. PERFECT SYSTEM. Du. 2. ciketathas, jújoșathas; ninīthas¹ (1. 181¹). Pl. 1. cākánāma, tatánāma, šūśávāma. - 2. jújosatha, bubodhatha. 3. jujusan², jujosan, tatánan, papráthan, mamádan. Middle. Sing. 1. šaśvacái ³ ( √ śvañc-). 3. jújosate, tatápate, dadhṛṣate², yuyójate, vāvṛdhate², šaśámate (śam- ‘labour'). Pl. I. anášāmahai. - Perfect Injunctive. 488. There are a few singular active and 3. pl. middle forms which must be classed as injunctives, being identical in form with the corresponding un- augmented persons of the pluperfect. These are: Sing. 2. šašās (= *śaśās-s). 3. dudhot (dhu- 'shake'), siset5 (si 'bind); sasvár (= *sasvar-t, from svar- 'sound'); with connecting --: dadharṣīt. Pl. 3. cákramanta, cakánanta, tatánanta, dadabhanta, paprathanta, māmahanta, rurucanta², vävṛdhánta², vivyacanta. - 361 Perfect Optative. 489. This mood is formed by adding the accented optative modal suffix combined with the endings (416a) to the weak perfect stem. The active forms are the commonest, occurring more than twice as often as those of the middle. a. There are a few irregularities in the formation of this mood. I. The radical vowels of pā- 'drink', śru- ‘hear', and kr- 'make', being treated as before the -ya of the passive (444), the stems of these roots appear before the optative suffix as papī-, suśru-, 2. The vowel of the reduplicative syllable an- is shortened (as if it contained the augment) in ănajyāt (Vanj-). 3. A connecting is interposed in -- jakş-i-yát, while the radicali is combined with the ending in śiśrīta. 4. A transfer according to the analogy of the a- conjugation is ririses; possibly also sișet 6. and cakri-. Active. Sing. I. ānaśyām; jagamyām, papṛcyām, riricyām, vavṛtyám. 2. cakriyas¹, juguryās (gur- =gr- 'greet'), pupusyas, pupūryās (pur- — pr-, ‘fill'), babhūyās, rurucyās, vavrṛtyās, viviśyās, šuśrūyás³. — = 3. anajyāt; cacchadyāt, jakṣīyāt⁹ (ghas- 'eat'), jagamyāt, jagāyāt (gā-‘go'), jagrbhyāt, juguryát, tutujyát, tuturyát (√tur- tr-), nināyātxo, papatyat (AV.), papīyāt¹¹ (pā- 'drink'), papṛcyāt, babhūyát, mamadyat, riricyāt, vavṛtyāt, sasadyāt (AV.), sasṛjyāt, sāsahyāt. Du. 2. jagamyātam, śuśrūyátam. Pl. I. tuturyāma, vavṛtyāma, śūśuyáma, sāsahyáma. 3- jagamyur, tatanyur, dadhanyur, mamrdyur, vavrjyúr, vavṛtyur. vāvṛdhīthás. Middle. Sing. I. vavrtiya. 2. cakṣamithas, vävydhíthás. 3. jagrasīta, dudhuvīta, māmṛjīta, vavṛtīta, śiśrītá (śri- ‘resort'), susucīta. Pl. I. vavrtimahi. There also occurs in the middle one precative form: Sing. 2. sāsah-i-s-thás. - 1 Abnormal form withont modal sign or strong radical vowel; cp. HIRT, IF. 12, 220. 2 With weak radical syllable. 3 This form occurs only once (III. 33¹0) beside the s-aor. namsai, and may therefore be an irregular redupl. aorist, to which it is doubtfully assigned by WHITNEY 863 a. 4 SV. jujósate. 5 This form, however, might be a transfer present optative from să- (the collateral formā to i. Perfect Imperative. 490. The regular perfect imperative is formed like the present impera- tive of the reduplicating class, the 3. sing. active being strong. Hardly more of the root si-) according to the reduplicating class; or a reduplicated aorist injnnctive (GRASSMANN and WHITNEY 868 a). 6 See note 5 on this form. 7 Cp. v. NEGELEIN 66. 8 With lengthened radical vowel. 9 With interposed -ī. 10 Cp. HIRT, IF. 12, 220. ¹¹ With change of the final radical vowel 362 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. than twenty regular forms occur, nearly all of them being active. There are also some irregular imperatives, being transfer forms which follow the analogy of the a conjugation, made from either the strong or the weak perfect stem.. Active. Sing. 2. cākandhi, cikiddhi ( √ cit-), didiḍḍhi¹ (√ diś-), piprīhí, mumugdhi (√muc-), śasādhi (√sas- 'order'), susugdhi (Vsuc-). 3. cakantu, didestu', babhūtu², mamáttu, mumoktu, rārantu. Du. 2. jajastám ³ (jas- ‘be exhausted'), mumuktam, vavṛktam. Pl. 2. jujustana, didistana (V diś-), vavṛttana 4. Middle. Sing. 2. dadhişvá, mimiksvá³, vavytsva6. Pl. 2. dadhidhvam, vavyddhvam 7 (VIII. 20¹8). ending -räm: dadṛśräm (AV)8 'let be seen'. a. The transfer forms are: Active. Du. 2. jujoșatam, mumócatam. Pl. 2. mumócata, rarāṇátā ¹º (L 171¹) Adle Middle. Sing. 2. pipráyasva, mamahasva, vavṛdhasva, vāvṛṣa sva. Pl. 3. mamahantām. Perfect Participle. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 802-807. DELBRÜCK, Verbum 229. 84 and 216. 3. With the unique 2 With i unchanged, as elsewhere in strong forms. 3 Beside ind. jajāsa (AV.). WHITNEY, Roots 53, assigns this form to the redupli- cated aor. beside 3. sing. ajījasata (ŚB.). 4 Given by AVERY 268 as a reduplicated aorist in the form of vavrtana (sic). - 491. There is an active and a middle participle, and both occur fre- quently. Both are formed from the weak stem of the perfect, being accented on the suffix. The strong form is made by adding the suffix -vams to the unstrengthened perfect stem; e. g. cakr-váms-, jaghan-váms-. If the stein is reduced to a monosyllable, the suffix is nearly always added with the connecting vowel -i-, as papt-i-váms- from pat- fall'. Unreduplicated stems, however, do not take the connecting vowel ¹2, as viduáms-. The weak stem of the active participle is identical in form with the 3. pl. ind. act. if written with -us instead of -ur; e. g. cakruş-. The middle participle is formed by adding the suffix -āná to the weak perfect stem; thus from cakr- is made cakr-āṇá-. 12 5 For mimiks-sva. WHITNEY, Roots 120, assigns this form to the reduplicating present class. 6 WHITNEY, Roots 164, assigns this form to the reduplicating present class. - Active. 492. cakrváms-¹3, cakhváms-¹4, cikitváms- (f. cikitúṣī-), jaganváms- (f. jag- músi-), jagrbhváms-, jagmiváms- (TS. IV. 2. 14 for RV. x. I jaganváms-), jagħanváms- (f. á-jaghnuṣī-), jānivāms-¹5, jigīváms- (ji- ‘conquer'), jujurváms- 7 Written vavṛdhvam. 8 Cp. WHITNEY's note on AV. XII. 333. 9 Perhaps also suṣūdáta (AV. 1. 264) placed by WHITNEY, Roots 188, under the perfect, but, Sanskrit Grammar 871, doubtfully under the reduplicated aorist. LINDNER ¹ WHITNEY, Roots 73, doubtfully assigns To Owing to the strong radical vowel this this and the cognate forms dideśati, didista should perhaps be regarded rather as a to the reduplicating present class. 2. pl. subjunctive. (The final vowel is long in the Pada text also.) The accent of these transfer forms was perhaps, except when the radical syllable was strong, normally on the thematic -a. Cp. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 815. ¹ Not, however, in dadváms-, nor in the problematic form cakhvamsam (II. 14¹), which seems to be formed from a root khā-. 12 Except visiváms- (AV.). 13 With the weak stem in the acc. sing. cakrúşam (x. 137¹). ¹4 Without connecting vowel. 15 Only the weak stem of this participle occurs in the form vi-janúş-ah; cp. above 482 e. VII. VERB. PERFECT SYSTEM. (jur-jr- 'waste away'), jujusváms-, jūjuváms-, tatanváms-, tastabhváms-, tasthi-vams- (f. tasthúsī-), titirvams-, tustuváms- (Vstu-), dadaśváms- (dams- 'bite'), dadas váms-, dadaváms- (AV.), dadīšús-, dadivāms- (AV.), dadrváms- (f. dadrişt-3, AV., dr- 'pierce'), dadriváms- (f. dadrśúsí-), dadváms- (dã- "give'), dadhanváms-, dadhrsvams, didiváms-, papiváms- (pa- 'drink'), paprváms- (f. paprúși-; pr- ‘fill’), pīpiváms- (f. pipyúsși-; pî-'swell'), pupusváms-, babhūváms- (f. babhūvúṣī-), bibhīvāms- (f. bibhyúṣī-), mamandúṣī, mamṛváms- (f. mamrúṣī- ; mr-'die'); yayi-váms- (Vya-), rari-váms- (f. rarúşi-, AV.), ririkvāms-4 (√ric-), ririhvams-, rurukváms-4 (Vruc-), vavanväms-, vavarjúsi-5, vavṛváms-6 (vr- 'cover'), vavrtváms-, vavrdhváms-7, vivikváms-4(vic-'sift'), vividváms-, vividhváms- (Vvyadh-), śuśukváms-4 (Vsuc-), śuśruváms-, sušuváms-, sasaváms-8, sasṛváms- (f. sasrůṣī-), sāsahváms-, suṣupváms- (√ svap), sușuváms-, sedus- (sad- 'sit'). a. With connecting -i-: äriváms- presupposed by f. aruṣī- (ṛ- ‘go'), īyivāms- (£. īyúṣī-), ūṣiváms- (vas- 'dwell'), usuși- (TS. IV. 3. 115: vas- 'shine'), okiváms-9 (weak stem uc-is-, Vuc-), jaksiväms (ghas- 'eat', VS. AV. TS.), jajñiváms-³ (√jñā-), paptiváms-, vivišiváms- (TS. Iv. 7. 15¹). Also the negative compound á-saścivāms presupposed by the feminine á-saścusi-. b. Without reduplication: daśváms-, vidváms- (f. vidúşī-), sāhváms-; perhaps also khidvāms- in the voc. khidvas. Similarly formed is midhváms- (f. milhúsī-) 'bountiful', though the root is not found in independent use. With irregular connecting -i- : dīšiváms- (SV.), višiváms- (AV.), and the negative compound ávarjiväms presupposed by the f. á-varjusi- (AV.). 363 Middle. 493. akṣāṇá- (Vákṣ-), ānajāná- (√ añj-), ānaśāná- (√ amś-, AV.), ārāṇá-, āpāná-, ījāná- (√yaj-), ūcāná- (√vac-), cakamāná-" (AV.), 'cakāná- (√ kā-), cakramāṇá-, cakraná-, cakṣadaná, caskabhāná- (AV.), cikitāná- ( √ cit-), jagras- aná, jagmāná-, jajñāná- (Vjan-), jahṛṣāṇá-, jihīļāná-, jujuṣāṇá-, juhurāṇá-¹² (√hvr-), jūjuvāná-, tatṛdāná-, tastabhāná-, tasthāná-, tātrpāṇá-, tātṛṣāṇá-, titvisāṇá-, tistirāṇá- (√ stř-), tuṣṭuvāná-, tūtujāná-¹³, tepāná- (V tap-), dadāná-, dadṛśāná-, dadrāṇá- (drā- ‘run'), dādṛhāṇá-, didyutāná-, duduhāná-, papāná- (pa- 'drink'), paprathaná, paspaśāná-, pasprdhāná-, pipriyaṇá-, pīpyāná, babrhaná, babhrāná-, bubudhaná-, bhejaná-, mamahaná, mumucāná- (AV.), yuyujāná-, yemāná- (Vyam-), rarāṇá-, rārakṣāṇá-, rārahāṇá- (ramh- 'hasten'), riricand-, rurucaná-, rebhāṇá- (AV.), lebhaná (Vlabh-), 1. vavasaná- (vaš- 'desire'), 2. vāvaśāná- (vas bellow'), 1. vavasāná- (vas- ‘wear'), 2. vāvasāná- (vas-'dwell'), 3. vāvasāná- (vas-'aim'), vāvṛdhāná-, vāvṛṣāṇá-, vivyāná- (√ vyā-), sasamaná-", śaśayāná-¹ (śī- ‘lie'), śasaná- (sā- 'sharpen', AV.), śaśramāṇá-, 1 There also occurs the weak stem tatarús-, to be read sasanváms- (cp. the f. sasanúşi- from Vtr. in B.); see ARNOLD, Vedic metre p. 144². 9 With strong radical vowel and reversion to the original guttural. 10 The i may here perhaps more correctly be regarded as a reduced form of the basic vowel, as in dadi-, tasthi- etc. ¹¹ The a is not syncopated in kam- or 2 With strong stem instead of weak. 3 Given under drā- 'run' in the AV. Index Verborum, but translated by WHITNEY, AV. v. 138, as from dr- 'pierce'. 4 With reversion to the original guttural. 5 With strong radical vowel. 6 The anomalous gen. sing. with an addi-| śam-. tional rednplicative syllable, va-vavrúş-as appears once (1. 1735); cp. ZDMG. 22, 605. 7 There occurs once (IV. 2¹7) the anomalons participle with pres. suffix vavṛdhántas (GRASSMANN, Aorist). 8 From san- 'gain'. The metre seems almost invariably to require this participle 12 Doubtfully assigned by WHITNEY, Roots, to the reduplicating class. 13 More frequently with the intensive accent tútujāna-. 14 With the double irregularity of strong radical syllable and reduplication with a. 364 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. śáśadāna-¹ (śad- 'prevail'), śiśriyāṇá- (śri- 'resort'), susucaná-, śúśujana-², śúšuvāna-³, sasrjāná-, sasrāṇá-ª, sasvajāná-, sāsahāná-5, siṣmiyāṇá-, siṣvidāná-, suṣupāṇá- (√svap-), suṣvāṇá- (su- 'press'), sehäná- (√ sah-)5. I Pluperfect. - AVERY, BENFEY, Vollständige Grammatik p. 353. — Abhandlungen der königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen 15, p. 151-154. DELBRÜCK, Verbum 419. Verb-Inflection 253. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 817-820. - - 494. This tense, which is a pluperfect in form but not in meaning, is an augmented preterite made from the perfect stem. As in the perfect, the strong stem is used in the singular active, the weak elsewhere. The endings are the secondary ones; in the 3. pl. -ur always appears in the active and -iran in the middle. There is some difficulty in distinguishing this tense from the imperfect of the reduplicating class and from the reduplicating aorist 6. Though its sense is the same as that of the imperfect, its forms may usually be distinguished (when the reduplication would be identical in both tenses) by the fact that the verb in question is not otherwise conjugated according to the reduplicating present class. On the other hand, the sense helps to distinguish the pluperfect from the aorist, when the reduplication would be identical in both tenses. With the aid of these criteria some sixty forms may be classed as belonging to the pluperfect. The augment is, as in other past tenses, dropped in several instances. The -s and t of the 2. 3. sing. are in some forms preserved by an interposed -- (as in the aorist). Several transfer forms according to the a- conjugation are met with in this tense. 495. Active. Sing. 1. acacaksam, ajagrabham, atustavam; ápiprayam¹ (TS. v. 1. 11³; VS. xxix. 7); cakaram, ciketam (√ cit-), jagrabham (AV.). 2. ájagan; áiyes9 (v. 28); cakán, nanámas. With -- ábubhojís, ávivešís, áviveșīs; jíhimsīs¹⁰ (AV.). 12 3. djagan", aciket (cit-); rārán ¹2. – With -I-: acucyavit ¹3, ájagrabhīt, arirecīt, ávavacīt, avavarīt "4. — With thematic -a: aciketat (√cit), adadhavat¹5 'ran', asusravat (MS.), jagrabhat (VS. XXXII. 2), tastámbhat (1. 121³). acakrat, acikitat and ásasvajat; cakradat, 16 Du. 2. átatamsatam¹7, amumuktam; mumuktam. 'desire'). 3. avāvašītām (vas- Pl. 2. ájaganta; ájagantana, ajabhartana ¹8. With -Ï-: acucyavītana ¹³. 3. ácucyavur, áśiśrayur, aśuśravur, ábībhayur (Kh. 1. 75). Middle. Sing. 1. áśuśravi. 3. didista (V diś-). Du. 2. ápasprdhethām ¹7. 1 With the intensive accent. 2 With the intensive accent and regarded by WHITNEY, Roots 174, and by LINDNER, Nominalbildung p. 54, as an intensive. 3 With the intensive accent and assigned by LINDNER, 1. c., to the intensive, but by WHITNEY, Roots 175, to the perfect. 4 Once also anomalously with mana : sasymāṇá-. 5 sāsahāná- once in RV., sehāná- thrice, from Vsah-. 6 On such doubtful forms see specially DELBRÜCK, Verbum 158 (p. 135 f.). 7 WHITNEY 866 also quotes apiprayan from the TS. - - perfect of i-'go' (= á-iy-e-s), WHITNEY, Roots, as pluperfect of is- or es- 'move' (= á-iy-es), ROTH and GRASSMANN as aorist of Vis-. 10 With irregular accent. 11 For *á-jagam-t. 12 From ran- 'rejoice' (1. 122¹²). 13 Cp. WHITNEY 868 a. 14 From vř- 'cover'; cp. DELBRÜCK, Verbum P. 122¹. 15 WHITNEY regards this form as an aorist, but the reduplicative vowel is that of the pluperfect, while the sense (1x. 877) does not seem decisive. 16 WHITNEY 866. 17 Transfer form. 8 For *á-jagam-s. 18 With strong radical vowel. 9 BENFEY (p. 152) and DELBRÜCK, Verbum 19 These three are, however, classed by p. 123 and 128, regard this form as a plu- | WHITNEY 861, and Roots, as aorists. VII. VERB. AORIST SYSTEM. 365 Pl. 3. ácakriran, ajagmiran, ápeciran (√pac-, AV.); avavṛtran; ásasygram¹. - Transfer forms according to the a- conjugation: átitvisanta, ádadr hanta, ádadrmhanta (TS. IV. 6. 24), ávāvasanta (vas bellow'); cakrpánta, dádhṛṣanta (AV.), vāvasanta (väs- 'bellow'). - With ending -ranta: avavṛtranta. Periphrastic Perfect. 496. This formation made with the reduplicated perfect of ky- ‘make’ which governs the acc. of a fem. substantive in a derived from a secondary (causative) verbal stem, is found only once in the Mantra portion of the Vedas: gamayám cakāra (AV. xvIII. 227) he caused to go' (lit. 'he made a causing to go'). In the Brāhmaṇa portions of the Samhitas (TS. MS. K.), such periphrastic forms (made even with an aorist) are occasionally met with.² III. The Aorist System. 497. The aorist is of frequent occurrence in the Vedas, being made from about 450 roots. An augmented tense taking the secondary endings and forming moods and participles, it is distinguished from the imperfect by lack of a corresponding present3 (e. g. 3. sing. aor. á-kar, 3. sing. imp. á-kṛnot, 3. sing. pres. krnóti) and by difference of meaning (ákar ‘he has done', ákṛnot, 'he did'). There are three distinct types of aorist. 170 roots. I. The simple aorist adds the endings to the root either directly or with the connecting vowel -a-. It thus resembles the imperfect of the root- class or of the accented á- class. This type of aorist is formed by nearly Some nine or ten roots have, beside the regular forms of the simple aorist, a certain number of other forms which have the appearance of indicatives present. They seem to represent a transition to the formation of a new present stem. The most striking The most striking example is the aorist stem voca- from which the 3. sing. vocati occurs several times. 2. The reduplicated aorist resembles the imperfect of the reduplicating present class. It is, however, distinguishable from the latter not only in meaning, but by a certain peculiarity of reduplication and by being nearly always formed with a connecting -a-. This type of aorist is taken by about 85 roots. 3. The sigmatic aorist inserts -s-, with or without an added -a, between the root and the endings. It is taken by rather more than 200 roots. Thus each of the three types has one form following the analogy of the graded conjugation, and another following that of the a- conjugation. The sigmatic aorist has, however, further subdivisions. Upwards of 50 roots take more than one form of the aorist. One verb, budh- 'wake', has even forms from five varieties of the aorist; from two of the first type, e. g. á-bodh-i and budhá-nta; from one of the second, e. g. a-bubudh-a-t; and from two of the third, e. g. á-bhut-s-i and bódh-i-s-a-t. I With reversion to the original gut-| tural. 2 See WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 1073 a, b; JACOBI, KZ. 35,578-587; BÖHTLINGK, ZDMG. 52, article 11; DELBRÜCK, Altindische Syutax 426 f.; LUDWIG, Sitzungsber. d. kgl. Böhm. Ges. d. W., phil.-hist. Kl. Nr. XIII. 3 There are, however, sometimes sporadic forms from the same stem as the aorist beside the normal ones; thus the 2. du. pres. ky-thás occurs besides the numerous regular forms of the nu- class. 366 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. I. Simple Aorist. A. Root Aorist. BENFEY, Vollständige Grammatik 840. AVERY, Verb-Inflection 253-256. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar, 299-304; Roots 222 f.; AV. Index Verborum 380. 498. This form of the simple aorist is taken by about 100 roots (and by more than 80 of these in the RV.), the commonest being those with medial a (nearly 30 in number). It is inflected in both the active and the middle voice. The root is strong in the indicative active singular, but weak elsewhere. Roots ending in vowels, however, show a tendency to retain the strong vowel throughout the indicative active except the 3. plural. a. Roots ending in ā, of which there are some eight, retain the ā throughout the indicative active except the 3. pl., where they drop it before the ending which in these verbs is invariably ur. In the middle indicative, the radical vowel is weakened to 2¹. The forms which occur from these roots, if made from stha- 'stand', would be the following: Active. Sing. 1. ásthām. 2. ásthas. 3. ásthat. Du. 2. ásthātam. 3. ásthā- Pl. 1. ásthāma. 2. ásthâta. 3. ásthur. Middle. Sing. 2. ásthithās. 3. ásthita. Pl. 1. ásthimahi. 3. ásthiran. b. Roots ending in, of which there are some ten, take Guna throughout the indicative active except the 3. pl. Roots ending in i and ž (of which, however, few dual and plural forms occur) show the same tendency. The root bhu- 'be' retains its throughout (as in the perfect), interposing v between it and a following a. The forms met with from kr- 'make' are the following: Active. Sing. 1. ákaram. 2. ákar. 3. ákar. Du. 2. kartam (AV.). 3. ákartām. - Pl. 1. ákarma. 2. ákarta. 3. ákran. Middle. Sing. 1. akri. 2. ákṛthas. 3. ákṛta. The forms which actually occur are the following: Pl. 3. ákrata. tām. - - 2 This might also be the sing. I. of the thematic aorist ágama-t etc. 3 No forms of pa- 'protect' are made according to this aorist, while pā- 'drink' (present stem piba-) has no forms from the root in the present system except pānti (RV¹.) and pāthás (AV.), but perhaps even these are rather to be taken as meant for aorist - forms; cp. p. 369, note ¹ and p. 368, note 10. 4 With the usual absence of Guna in this root; later abhuvam. 5 There is also the transfer form ádam -▬▬▬▬▬ Indicative Active. 499. Sing. 1. ákaram, ágamam², agām (gā- ‘go'), ágrabham, adhām, ápām 3 (pā- ‘drink'), abhuvam 4, abhedam, arodham (rudh- ‘hinder'), áśravam, asthām (AV.); karam, gamam, gām (AV.), dām³, dhām (AV.), vam6 (vr- 'cover'). sthās. 2. agās, adāsī, ápās, aprās, ábhus, áśres, ásthās; gās, dás, dhás, bhūs, With loss of ending: akar, ákran (√krand-), ágans, ághas, avar (vr- 'cover'), aspar; ánatº, avar (vr- 'cover'); kar, kran (√ kram-), bhet (√bhid-), vár, várk". 3. ágāt, acet² (ci- 'collect), ádat", ádhat (dha- 'put'), adhat (dhā- 'suck', AV.), ápāt, aprāt (AV.), ábhūt, áśret (√śri-), áśrot, ásthāt, ——— As in the perfect before consonant (1. 126²), which though not analyzed in endings and in the past passive participle, the Pada text, appears to stand for å adam e. g. ta-sthi-şe (AV.), and sthi-tá- from sthā- as indicated by both sense and accent. 'stand'. — 6 For varam formed by false analogy as a first person to 2. sing. vaḥ (for *var-s) appearing as if formed with the -s of 2. sing. 7 There is also the transfer form ádas (1. 1218), which though not analyzed in the Pada text, is shown by both sense and accent to stand for å-adas. 8 For *á-gam-s. 9 For *a-na-s from naš- ‘attain', where

ának would have been phonetic (54, 6).

10 For *kram-s. 1¹ For *varj-s from Vurj-. 12 There is also the transfer form ádat VII. VERB. AORIST SYSTEM. 367 asrat' (VS. VIII. 28); gāt, dắt, dhất, bhūt, sthật. With loss of ending: ákar, akran³ ( √ kram-), ákrān (√krand), agan, aghas, ácet (cit- 'observe'), atan, adar (dr- 'pierce'), abhet, ábhrāṭ (√ bhrāj-), amok (√ muc-, AV.), ámyak (Vmyaks), ávart, avyks (AV.), ástar; ánat, ávar; kar, gan, nat (√nas- ‘attain', AV.), bhét, vár, vark, skan (√skand-). Du. 2. agātam (AV.), ábhūtam, amuktam (Kh. 1. 126); kartam (AV.), gātam (AV.), dātam, dhātam, spartam. 3. ákartam, agātām (AV.), ádhātām (VS. xx. 57), ánaṣṭām ('reach'), ápātām (VS. XXXVIII. 13), abhūtām; gātām (AV.), dātām. Pl. 1. ákarma, áganma, ágāma, ádarśma (TS. III. 2. 54), adāmaº, ápāma, ábhūma?, asthāma (AV.), áhema (√hi-); dhāma, bhūma (AV.). 2. ákarta, agāta (AV.), ábhūta; abhutana, áhetana; karta (AV.) and kṛta (AV.), gāta (AV.), sthāta (AV.). 3. ákran (√kṛ-), ákṣan⁹ (√ghas-), ágman, ábhūvan, avrjan, avṛtan ¹0 (AV.), avran, áśriyan (√śri-), áśravan (AV.), aśvitan, ahyan (√hi-), āsthan¹¹ (AV.); kran (AV.), kşan (Vghas-), gman, vran. With ending -ur: ákramur, águr, ádur, ádhur, apur (1. 1647), áyamur, ásthur; gur, dabhúr, dur, dhur, nrtur, mandur, sthur. - - Indicative Middle. 500. Sing. 1. akri, ajani, ayuji, avri (vr- 'choose'), ahvi (√hu-, AV.). 2. ákrthas, agathās (VS. III. 19), adhithās, áyukthās, ásthithās. 3. akrta, ágata (AV.), ádişta, adhita, aprkta (Vprs-), ámata (Vman-), amṛta (AV.), áyukta, ávykta (√vrj-), avṛta ('choose' and 'cover'), ásrsta, askṛta (X. 1273), ásthita, áspasta (Vspas-), ásīta (si- 'sharpen'); áyukta; arta (r-'go'), asta (as 'attain'); arta (r- 'go'), krta, gürta (gur- 'greet'), gdha ¹3, mrta (AV.). Du. 1. gánvahi. 3. adhītām ¹4 (√ dhā-). Pl. 1. áganmahi, adimahi (TS. 1. 8. 6²) and adīmahi" (VS. 111. 58)¹5, adhīmahi ¹4 ( √ dhā-), apadmahi (VS. Iv. 29), ámanmahi, ayujmahi, áhūmahi; dhimahi ¹4 (V dhā-). 2. ácidhvam (ci- ‘note'), ámugdhvam (√ muc-), ayugdhvam. 3- akrata ¹6, ágmata, atnata; ārata, ásata (aś- ‘attain'); yujata. With the ending -ran: akrpran¹7, agrbhran, ajușran, ádrśran, apadran, abudhran, áyujran, avasran ¹8 (vas- ‘shine'), áviśran, avṛtran, ásṛgran¹, ásthiran, aspṛdhran. With ending -ram: ádrśram, ábudhram, ásrgram ¹9. 18 — 4 For *ávart-t from vrt- 'turn'. 5 Seemingly with anomalously weak root for *aurk-t. But the form really stands by haplology for the 3. sing. mid. avṛkta: ápāvṛk támaḥ (AV. XIII. 29) he has wasted away the darkness': see WACKERNAGEL, KZ. 40, 544-547- 6 That is, in adāma (v. 30¹5), which though not analyzed in the Pada text, must stand for á-adāma. - 9 For ágh(a)san. (1. 1276, 11. 124, v. 328) which, though not analyzed in the Pada text, appears to stand for á-adat. 10 Misprinted as acrtan in the text of AV. III. 31¹: see WHITNEY's note.

For asras-t: see Sandhi p. 61³.

Transfer form probably for asthur from 2 Also the transfer form (práti) dhat stha- 'stand'; see AJP. 12, 439; IF. 5, 388; (IV. 275). KZ. 22, 435; WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 847, and his note on AV. XIII. 15. 3 For *akram-t. 12 This form might be regarded as au un- augmented perfect. 13 For gh(a)s-ta, from Yghas-; cp. p. 56, 3. 14 With i for i; cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, p.896; v. NEGELEIN 6¹; OLDENBERG, ZDMG. 63, 297. 15 From dā- 'share'. 16 There is also the transfer form kránta (1. 141³). 17 Cp. BLOOMFIELD, Johns Hopkins Uni- versity Circular, Dec. 1906, p. 10. 18 Cp. p. 327, note 7. 19 With reversion to the original guttural. 7 arudhma is quoted in WHITNEY's Roots as occurring in the MS. [I. 65: 94, 6]. 8 Emendation for krtám (AV. XIX. 44¹). — 368 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Passive Indicative of the Root Aorist. DELBRÜCK, Verbum 1814. — AVERY, Verb-Inflection 275.-WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 842-845; Roots 240. v. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte 4. Cp. OSTHOFF, IF. 3, 390; HIRT, IF. 17, 64 f. - 501. There is a peculiar middle form, made from about 45 roots in the Samhitas (40 of them occurring in the RV.), which is used with a predomi- nantly passive meaning¹. When it is formed from verbs with a neuter signi- fication, like gam- 'go', the sense remains unaltered (as in the past passive participle). It is a 3. sing. indicative, in which the augmented root takes the ending. This i, otherwise the ending of the 1. sing. middle, appears to be used in the regular 3. sing. perfect middle (e. g. dadhe, 1. and 3. sing.), and sometimes in the 3. sing. present middle (e. g. śáye, 1. and 3. sing.). The characteristic feature of this passive form is the strengthening of the root as compared with other middle forms, e. g. ákāri beside akri (1. sing. mid.) ². — a. A prosodically short medial i, u or r takes Guņa, while a is normally lengthened; a final i, u or y takes Vṛddhi, while final ā interposes a y before the ending. The accent in unaugmented forms is always on the root. The forms actually occurring are: Sing. 3. ákāri, agāmi, áceti, ácchedi, ájani ³, ájñāyi, átāpi, ádarsi, ádhãyi, ápādi (AV.), ápāyi ('drink'), aprāyi (AV. VS.), ábodhi, ábhrāji, amāyi ('measure'), ámodi, ámyakṣi, áyāmi, áyāviª (VS. xxvIII. I 5), áyoji, áradhi, aroci, avahi (Kh. v. 15³), avāci, ávāri ('cover'), avedi ('find'), áśoci, áśrāyi (V śri-), ásarji, ásādi, ásāvi (√ su-), ástāri, ástāvi, áhāvi; ceti, jáni, jāni, tāri, darśi, dāyi (‘give'), dáyi ('bind), dháyi, pádi, védi ('find'), sádi5. Used injunctively: ghosi, ceti, chedi, tari, dháyi, bhari, bhedi (VS. XI. 64), móci (AV.), yoji, reci, roci, vandi, varhi, vāci, šamsi, šāri, šeși (šiș- ‘leave', AV.), śrávi, sarji, sādi, hāyi (hā- ‘leave', AV.); also the unique form jarayáyi 'let him be embraced', from the secondary stem jāra-ya- 'play the lover'. - Root Aorist Subjunctive. 502. Active. Sing. 1. kárāṇi, gamāni, gāni, bhuvāni. gamas, gás, tárdas, dás, dhás, párcas, pás (IV. 204 ‘drink'), prás, bhúvas¹, yamas, váras ('choose'), śásas, sthás. 3. karati, jósati, darśati (AV.), dáti, dhắti, padāti³, bhédati, rādhati, varjati, stháti; kárat, gámat, garat (gr-'swallow', AV.), gāt, jóṣat, dát, dhāt, padat (AV.), máthat9 (AV. vII. 505), yamat, yodhat, radhat, várat ('choose'), vártat, śrávat, sághat, sāt, sthāt, spárat. Without Guna: ŕdhat, bhívat, śrúvat (RV¹.). IO Du. 2. karathas, gamathas, darśathas, pathás ¹⁰0 (AV. VII. 29¹), bhuthás¹¹, śravathas. 3. karatas, gamatas, bhūtas", śrávatas, sthắtas. - 2 Cp. BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, 1054, 3. 3 This augmented form always occurs in the RV. with short radical vowel, beside the unaugmented jāni as well as jani. 4 From yu- 'separate'. 5 The form sváni (VI. 46¹4) may be the 3. sing. passive aorist (BR. and doubtfully WHITNEY, Roots 201), but GRASSMANN, s. v. sváni, regards it as a neut. substantive in -i. Cp. NEISSER, BB. 30, 305 ff. 6 The 2. 3. sing. with secondary endings - 2. kárasi; káras, kár In one or two passages this form seems | from roots ending in a cannot be distinguished to have a transitive meaning; cp. WHITNEY, from injunctives. Sanskrit Grammar 845 (end). 7 Formed without Guņa as in the ind. aor. and perfect. 8 With double modal sign -ā-. 9 This form has a subjunctive sense ('might shake'); it might otherwise be an injunctive of the a- aorist. 10 Assigued by WHITNEY, Roots, to the present of the root class. 11 Both bhuthás (v1.675) and bhūtas (x.277) seem to be meant for subjunctives formed anomalously without mood sigu, instead of

bhuvathas and *bhúvatas. VII. VERB. AORIST SYSTEM.

369 Middle. Sing. 2. kárase, joșase (AV.). Pl. 1. kárama, gamáma, gāma, dhama, rādhāma. - 3. karanti, gámanti, pānti¹ (II. 11¹4); káran, gáman, garan, dárśan, bhúvan, yaman. 3. idhaté (RV¹.), kárate, bhojate, yojate, várjate, stárate. - Du. 2. dhéthe3, dhaithe. - Pl. I. kárāmahe, gámamahai, dhāmahe, manāmahe (VS. IV. 11), starāmahe. 'separate'). 3. yavanta (yu- Root Aorist Injunctive. 503. Active. Sing. 1. karam (AV.), gäm, dham (VS. 1. 20), bhuvam, bhojam, yojam, sthām. 2. jes, bhus, bhés (Vbhi-, VS. 1. 23 etc.; TS. IV. 5. 10¹). With loss of ending: kar (TS. 1. 3. 7²), dhak (dagh- 'reach', bhet (bhid-), rok (√ruj-, VS.), var ('cover'), vark (√vrj-), star, spar. 3. bhút, śret, ut-thát (V stha-, Kh. II. 11³). — With loss of ending: gan (VS. XXVII. 31; TS. v. 6. 14), dhak (√ dagh-), nak and naț (naś- ‘attain'), vár, vark, skán (V skand-), stan4. Pl. I. gama, chedmas, daghma, bhuma, bhemas, hómas (hu- 'call'). 3. bhuvan, vrán. With ending -ur: kramur, gur, dabhúr, dur, dhúr, sthur. Middle. Sing. 1. námsi (nams- nas 'attain'). 2. dhythas (AV.), nutthás, bhitthas (VS. XI. 68), mṛthás (mr- 'die'), mṛṣṭhas (Vmrs-), rikthās (√ric-), vikthās (Vvij-, VS. I. 23). - 3. arta (Vr), asta (as 'attain'), vukta (TS. IV. 3. 114), vikta (√vij-), vrta (vr- 'choose'). - Pl. 1. dhimahi6 (√ dhā-). — 3. aśata (SA. XII. 19). - - 1

Assigned by WHITNEY, Roots, to the

present of the root class. 2 With weak and unaccented root. 3 A transfer form for *dhathe. 4 This form may, however, perhaps pre- ferably be classed as an imperfect injunctive along with stanihi as pres. impv., as in WHITNEY's Roots. These are the only forms of the simple verb beside the aor. astānīt (AV.). 5 With strong radical vowel. 6 Probably to be explained as the in- junctive corresponding to the augmented indicative adhimahi (see 500, note 14); it might, however, be the 1. pl. opt. mid. with loss of a before the modal --. Indo-arische Philologie. I. 4. - Root Aorist Optative. 504. Active. Sing. 1. afyám (as- ‘attain'), rdhyam (AV.), deyām7, dheyam7, vrjyām, śakyām. - 2. avyās, aśyās, ṛdhyās, gamyās, jñeyās, bhūyás, mṛdhyas, sahyās. 3. bhūyāt (AV.). Du. 1. yujyāva. 3. yujyátām. Pl. I. asyáma, rdhyáma, kriyāma, bhūyáma, vrjyáma, sāhyáma⁹, stheyāma¹. 3. asyur (as 'attain'), dheyur, sahyur. 3. arīta (√r-) Middle. Sing. 1. asiya, muriya (mṛ- ‘die', AV.). uhīta-10 (Vvah-), vurita (vr- 'choose'). - Du. 2. rdhathe. Pl. I. ašīmáhi, idhimahi, rdhīmáhi, našimahi ('reach'), nasimahi, pṛcīmahi, mudīmahi, yamīmahi, sīmahi" (sā- ‘bind'). a. Precative forms of the root aorist are common in the active, being made from about twenty roots in the Samhitās. Active. Sing. 1. apyāsam¹2 (AA. v. 3.2³) ṛdhyāsam (VS. VIII. 9), jīvyásam (AV. VS.), priyïsam¹³ (AV.), bhūyásam, bhrājyāsam (AV.), bhriyāsam (VS. 11. 8), rādhyāsam (VS. XXXVII. 3), vadhyāsam (VS. AV.), śrūyāsam (AV.). 3. avyās, aśyās ('reach'), ṛdhyās, gamyás, daghyās, peyās (‘drink'), bhūyás, yamyās, yūyās ¹4 yu- 'separate'), vṛjyās, śrūyās, saḥyās. 7 For dă-iyām, dhā-iyām, sthā-iyāma. 8 The RV. has no forms of the 3. sing. in yāt, but only the somewhat numerous precatives in -yās = *-yās-t. 9 With irregular strong radical vowel, Padapāṭha sahyāma; cp. RPr. IX. 30. 10 Aor. opt. in WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 837 b, but pres. opt. in 'Roots' 157. II With loss of à before the modal -i-. 12 Accented apyāsam in the ed. (B. I.). 13 WHITNEY, in AV. III. 54, would emend this form to bhriyāsam: see his note on that passage. 14 According to AVERY 241, 3. sing. pres. opt. 24 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Du. 2. bhūyāstam (VS. 11. 7). — Pl. 1. rdhyásma (AV.), kriyāsma, bhūyāsma (AV. VS.), rādhyāsma (AV.). 2. bhūyāsta¹ (TS. III. 2. 56). Middle. Sing. 3. padīṣṭá, mucīṣṭa². 37° Root Aorist Imperative. 505. The active forms of this mood are fairly numerous, occurring in all the 2. and 3. persons; but middle forms occur in the 2. pers. only, ten in the sing. and two in the pl. In the 2. persons active of all numbers, several forms irregularly strengthen the root, which is then nearly always accented. Active. Sing. 2. kṛdhí, gadhi, bodhí³, yandhi (Vyam-), yódhiª, randhi (= rand-dhi; √ randh-), viḍḍhi (√viš-, AV.), vydhi 'cover', sagdhí (√ šak-), śrudhí, sprdhi. With ending -hi: gahi, pahi (AV.), máhi 'measure', sāhi 'bind'. - 3. gantu, dātu, dhātu, pātu (AV.), bhắtu, śrótu, sótu (su- ‘press'). Du. 2. kartam5 (AV.) and krtám, gatám and gantám³, jitam, dātam, dhaktam (√ dagh-), dhātam, pātam (AV.), bhūtám, bhrtam (VS.xi. 30), yantám 5, riktam (Vric-), varktams (Vvri-), vartam 5 (vr- 'cover'), volhám, śaktam, śrutám, sitam (si- 'bind'), sutám, sthatam, sprtam. 3. gantām 5 (VS. Ix. 19), ghástām (VS. xxi. 43), dātām, pātám, volhámº. Pl. 2. kárta5 and krta, gata and gánta7, gātá, dāta, dháta³, pāta (AV.), bhutá, yánta s, varta⁹ (Vvrt-), sasta (Vsams-), śruta and śróta o, sóta 5 (V su-), sthāta, heta 5 (√ hi-). With ending -tana: kártanas, gántanas, gātana, dhatana, dhetana", patana (AV.), bhūtana, yantana 5, sotana (V su-). 3. gámantu, dantu (da- 'cut', AV. XII. 3³), dhantu, pantu (AV.), śruvantu. - 12 Middle. Sing. 2. krşvá, dhisvá (Vdha-), yuksvá; accented on the root: mátsva, yákṣva, rắsva, vámsva (van- 'win'), sákṣva ¹² (1. 42¹, Vsac-); unaccented disva (da- 'give', VS. xxxvIII. 3), māsva 'measure'. Pl. 2. krdhvam, vodhvam¹3 (VS.). Root Aorist Participle. 506. Of the active form of the participle of the root aorist few examples occur. But the middle form is common, nearly forty examples being met with in the RV. The accent here generally rests on the final syllable of the suffix -āna, but in several examples it is on the radical syllable. Active. rdhánt-, kránt-, gmánt-, citánt, pánt-, bhidánt-, sthánt-; also dyutánt-¹4 as first member of a compound. Middle. arāṇá-, idhāná-, urāṇá- 'choosing', úhāna- (√ vah-), krāṇá-¹5, citāna-, cyávana-, juṣāṇá-, tṛṣāṇó-, dṛśāná- and dŕśana-, dyutaná- and dyútana-, dhuvāná- (TS. IV. 4.125), nidāná-, piśāná-, pṛcāná-, prathāná-, budhāná-, bhiyāná-, manāná-, mandāná-, (vi-)mána- (TS. 1v. 6. 3³), yatāná- and yátāna-, yujāná-, ¹ AV. XVIII. 486 has the corrupt reading bhūyāstha; see WHITNEY's note on that passage. 2 The form grabhīṣṭa is a 2. pl. injv. beside the 1. pl. ind. agrabhisma according to the iş. aorist. 3 From both bhu- 'be' for *bhu-dhi and budh 'awake' for *bód-dhi instead of *bud- dhi. 4 For *ydd-dhi instead of *yuddhi. 5 With strong root. 6 For vah-tam, vah-tam through *vazh-tam,

vazh-tām.

7 Once (VI. 4911) accented gantá. 8 With the accent of strong forms. 9 For vart-ta (like varti for vart-ti). 10 Always śrutā or śrótā; also sótā (cp. RPr. VII. 14 f.). 11 With e for ā. 12 sáksva (111. 377) is from Vsah-, being an s- aor. form, for *sah-s-sva beside I. sing. mid. asākṣi and saksi. 13 For vah-dhuam through vazh-dhvam. 14 In dyutád-yaman- 'having a shining track'. 15 Cp. BB. 20, 89. VII. VERB. AORIST SYSTEM. rucānd-, rúhāṇa-, vásāna- ‘dwelling', vipaná, vrāṇá- covering', śubhaná- and súmbhana-, śvitaná-, sacaná-, suvaná- and svaná- (SV.) (su- 'press'), srjand-, sprdhaná-, hiyāná-². As members of compounds only, -cetana- and -hrayāna-3 occur. AVERY, Verb-Inflection 256 f. AV. Index Verborum 380. - B. - Aorist. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar p. 305-308; Roots 224; v. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte 32-34. — 507. This form of the simple aorist is taken by nearly 60 roots, chiefly by such as contain a medial vowel. In the RV. less than half as many verbs form the a- aorist as form the root-aorist; and it is more frequent in the AV. than in the RV. The root generally appears in the weak form, the stem being made with an added -a, which in unaugmented forms is normally accented. This form of the aorist therefore resembles an imperfect of the á class. Middle forms are of rare occurrence in this aorist. 37⁰ a. A certain number of irregularities occur in the formation of the stem. I. The radical vowel of śās- 'order' is reduced to it, e. g. šișat (Iv. 27). 2. Some half dozen roots containing a medial a followed by a nasal, drop the nasal; these are krand- 'cry out', tams- 'shake', dhvams- 'scatter', bhramś fall', randh- 'make subject', srams- ‘fall'. 3. On the other hand - 'go' and sy- 'flow' take Guna and accent the radical syllable, as áranta (unaugmented 3. pl.) and sárat. — 4. Several roots form transfer stems from the root aorist. Some half dozen do this by reducing a final radical ā to a. This is regularly the case in khyā- 'see', vya 'envelope', hva- 'call'; e. g. ákhyat, ávyat, áhvat; but from dā- 'give', dha- 'put', and sthū- 'stand', only occasional transfer forms occur; thus adat; adhat (SV.) and dhat; ästhat (AV₁.). On the other hand, occasional transfer forms are made from kr- 'make', and gam- 'go', in which the radical syllable remains strong; e. g. ákarat (AV.) and ágamat. Indicative. 508. The forms of the indicative actually occurring, if made from vid- 'find', would be as follows: - Active. Sing. 1. ávidam. 2. ávidas. 3. ávidat. - Pl. 1. ávidāma. 2. ávidata. 3. ávidan. Middle. Sing. 1. ávide. 3. ávidata. Pl. 1. vidāmahi. 3. ávidanta. The forms which actually occur are the following: Active. Sing. 1. ákhyam, agrbham (Kh. III. 155), átrpam (AV. TS.), atrham (AV.), anijam (AV.), ámucam (AV.), áruham (TS. VS. AV.), ávidam, ávydham (Kh. Iv. 85), ašakam (VS. II. 28), ásanam, ásaram, ahyam (√ hi-, AV.), ahvam (AV.); ápam (AV.); aram, vidam. — 2. ákaras (AV.), ákṛtas (kṛt- ‘cut'), ákhyas (TS. AV.), áruhas, ávidas, asadas (TS. VS. AV.), ásaras; ápas; káras, guhas, druhas, bhúvas7, mucas (AV.), vidás. 3. ákarať8 (AV.), akramat (AV.), ákhyat, ágamat³ (AV.), ágṛdhat, acchidat (AV.), atanat, átasat (VS. AV.), adrpatº (AV.), adhat¹⁰ (√ dhā-, SV.), ámucat, 2 Hardly any of these participles occur in any of the other Samhitas: rucāná- (VS. XII. 1), rúhāṇa- (TS. IV. 1. 24), svāná- (SV.). 3 In á-cetāna- 'thoughtless', and á-hrayāṇa- 'bold'. 4 As in the weak forms of the present 1 Always written thus in the RV., but to be follow the root-aorist (áhema, ahyan, etc.), pronounced svāná-. this is probably to be regarded as a transfer form, since the regular form according to the root aorist ought to be *áhayam. 7 A transfer form, bhúva-s, following bhuv-am as if from a stem bhuva.. stem. 5 At the same time accenting the radical syllable. Thongh the other forms from Whi- 8 Transfers from the root aorist, following the 1. sing. ákar-am, ágam-am. 9 Emendation in AV. xx. 1365. IO a-dhat. 24* Transfer from the root aorist for 372 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. árudat (AV.), arudhat, áruhat, ávidat, avṛtat (AV.), avrdhat, avyat¹ (√vyā-), áśakat (AV.), asucat, áśramat (AV.), ásadat, ásanat, ásarat, ásicat (TS. III. 2.84), ásypat (AV.), áhvat'; adat² (V dā-), ápat, ärat, ästhat3 (AV.); trsat (AV.), dhatª ( √ dhữ-), bhúvat¹, vidát, sadat (AV.), sánat, sárat. Pl. I. aruhāma (VS. VIII. 52), ávidāma, ásanāma, áhvama; vydhamas (AV. v. 19). 2. ávyata¹; ārata. 3. akhyan, akraman (AV.), agaman (AV.), acchidan (AV.), ádrśan (TS. IV. 5. 1³), arudhan (AV.), áruhan, ávidan, avrjan, avrdhan (VS. xxxIII. 60), aśakan (AV.), ásadan, asanan, asaran, asican; ápan, āran, āsthanº (AV. XIII. 15); khyán, dhvasán7, vidán, sadan. - Middle. Sing. 1. áhve; hve (AV.). 3. akhyata, ávyata¹; arata; vyata ¹.- Pl. 1. šiṣāmahi ( √ šās-). 3. avidanta (AV.), ahvanta; áranta, kránta¹. a- Aorist Subjunctive. 509. The forms of this mood are rare and almost restricted to the active. — Active. Sing. 2. vidási; vidás. Du. I. ruháva. 2. vidāthas. 3. mucāti; vidát. 3. gamatas (AV. x. 74²). Pl. I. arama; radhāma, riṣāma, sadama. - 2. gamatha (AV.), riṣātha, vidātha; riṣāthana. - vidánta. - Middle. Sing. 3. mucāte, śíṣātai (sis- 'leave', AV. II. 31³). Pl. I. işāmahe9 (AV. SV.). a- Aorist Injunctive. 510. Active. Sing. I. aram, khyam, dárśam, radham, risam, ruhám, vidam, sanam. 2. kradas, krudhas (AV.), khyás, guhas, grdhas (AV. VS.), druhas (AV.), mucás, vidas, risas (VS.x1.68; TS. IV. 1.9¹), sisas ('leave'), sadas, sypas (AV.). 3. kṣsudhat (AV.), khyat, grdhat (AV.), tanat, tamat, tṛṣat (AV.), dasat, dhrşát (Kh. Iv.1), bhraśat, mucat, risat, rudhat, rúhato, vidát, śişat, śramat, śrisat, śrúvat¹2, sadat, sánat¹º, srpat (AV.), sridhat. Pl. 3. aran, khyan, gáman (VS. xvII. 78), trpán, trṣan (VS. vI. 31), dṛśan, druhan, risan, vidan, sakan (AV.). Middle. Sing. 3. vidata (AV. XIII. 2³¹). Pl. I. aramahi (AV.); grhamahi. a- Aorist Optative. 511. This mood is rare and confined to the active in the RV., though three or four middle forms occur in the later Samhitās. Active. Sing. 1. āpeyam¹³ (AV.), gameyam, drseyam, bhideyam (AV.), I Transfer form. 2 A transfer form: see p. 366, note ¹². 3 See p. 327, note_5. 4 práti dhat (IV. 275). 5 WHITNEY, note on AV. v. 19, would in stead of ávim vṛdhāma read (with Paipp.) ávīvydhama. 6 A transfer form from Vsthā-; cp. WHIT- NEY's note on AV. XIII. 15. 3- aranta, budhánta, mrsanta, 7 With loss of medial nasal, from Vdhvams-. 8 This form is probably a corrupt reading for the passive šişyátai: see WHITNEY's note on AV. II. 31³. 9 For sisamahi of RV. VIII. 24¹. 10 With accent on the radical syllable. II From sās- 'order', with accent on the root. 12 It is hard to decide whether this form, which occurs only once (1. 127³) beside the regular śrávat, should be classed here as an injunctive of the a- aorist, or as an irregular subjunctive of the root-class following the analogy of bhuvat (cp. 502). 13 In prápeyam (AV. III. 20%), analyzed in the Pada text as prá ápeyam; cp. WHITNEY'S note on the passage. VII. VERB. AORIST SYSTEM. vidéyam ¹ (AV.), šákeyam (Kh.iv. 84), sanéyam. 2. games (VS.). (AV.), gamét, yamet² (AV.), videt, sanet, set³ (VS. ix. 5, 6). Pl. I. asema ('attain'), rdhema (AV.), gaméma, drśema (AV.), pusema, bhujema, ruhema, videma (AV.), śakéma, sadema, sanéma and sánema, srasema4. Middle. Sing. 1. videya (VS. IV. 23). Pl. 1. gamemahi. There is also one precative form: 3. sing. videşta (AV.) 'may she find'. a- Aorist Imperative. 512. This mood is also of rare occurrence and is restricted to the active, excepting two middle plural forms. Active. Sing. 2. karas (RV¹.), bhuja (TS. Iv. 5. 14), muca, ruha (AV.), sada, sána, sára. - 3. sadatu. ádata Du. 2. aratam, karatami (RV¹.), khyatam, ruhátam, vidatam, sádatam. 3. aratām, karatām8, sadatām. Pl. 2. khyáta, sadata; sadatana. Middle. Pl. 2. mucadhvam. A - a- Aorist Participle. a. There are hardly more than a dozen certain examples of the parti- ciple of this aorist. 3. sadantu. 3. sadantām (AV.). Active. trpánt-, dhṛṣánt-, rísant- or rísant-9, vṛdhánt-, śiṣánt- (śās- ‘order'), sucánt-, sádant- 10, sánant-10; and as first member of compounds: kṛtánt-, guhánt-, vidánt-¹¹ — - 373 3. rdhet Middle. guhámāna-, dhṛṣámāṇa-, nṛtámāna-, śucámana-; possibly also dásamāna-¹2. Probably three participles in -āna are to be regarded as belonging to this aorist: dhṛṣāṇá- (AV.), vṛdhāná-, sridhāná-. 2. Reduplicated Aorist. DELBRÜCK, Verbum 143 f. AVERY, Verb-Inflection 266-268. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 856-873; Roots 224; Atharvaveda, Index Verborum 380. v. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte 68 f.

Emendation in AV. XIX. 4² for vide yám; |

see WHITNEY's note. 2 A probable conjecture for yame in AV. XVIII. 2³. From sā- 'gain', as if sa- (sa-it). Cp. v. NEGELEIN 34. 4 With loss of the radical nasal, from Vsrams. 5 A transfer from the root aorist (other- wise krdhi). AVERY 243 adds gama(?). 6 With accent on the root instead of the second syllable; always sánā: cp. RPr. VII. 14, 19, 33. - 513. This type of aorist is formed from nearly 90 verbs in the Samhitās. Though it has come to be associated with the secondary conjugation in -áya (causative), it is not in form (with a few slight exceptions) connected with that stem, being made directly from the root. It is, however, in sense connected with the causative, inasmuch as it has a causative meaning when the corresponding verb in -aya has that meaning. As an augmented reduplicated form, it has affinities with the imperfect of the reduplicating present class and with the pluperfect. It may, however, be distinguished from the imperfect by the long reduplicative vowel, by the thematic -a- which nearly always appears in the stem, and often by the meaning; and from the 7 A transfer form from the root aorist (otherwise krtám). 8 A transfer form from the root aorist. 9 Once with the short, six times with the long vowel in the Samhitā text (Pp. always ž): see APr. 583, 584, 588. 10 With accent on the root as also risant- and rişant-. 11 In krtád-vasu- 'disclosing wealth', guhád- avadya- 'concealing faults', vidád-yasu- "win- ning wealth'. 12 As occurring beside the a- aorist in- junctive form dasat (510). I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. pluperfect by difference of reduplication when the root contains a orr, and often by meaning. a. The characteristic feature of this aorist is the almost invariable quantitative sequence of a long reduplicative and a short radical vowel (-). The vowels ă, Ť, !¹, as well as ž, are reduplicated with i2, which (unless it becomes long by position) is lengthened if the radical vowel is (or is made) prosodically short; e. g. á-jijan-a-t from jan- 'beget'; á-vīvydh-a-t from vṛdh- 'grow', but ciksip-a-s from ksip- 'throw'. 374 In order to bring about this trochaic rhythm, the radical vowel has to be shortened or the nasal dropped in the roots vas 'bellow', sadh- 'succeed', hīd be hostile', krand- ‘cry ouť', jambh- ‘crush', randh- 'subject', syand- ‘flow', srams- ‘fall’'; e. g. avīvasat, acikradat. In jihvaratam (TS.) the reduplicative vowel, being already long by position, is unnecessarily lengthened. I. In a few forms the reduplicative vowel is, contrary to the prevailing rhythmic rule, left short: jigrtám and jigrtá (beside ájīgar); didhṛtam and ririşas (beside rīrişas). On the other hand, in the isolated injunctive form didipas 3, the radical vowel remains long, and in ámimet both the reduplicative and the radical syllable are long (beside mimayat with the regular rhythm). 2. The p of the causative stems jñā-paya-, sthā-paya-, hā-paya, ar-paya- (r- ‘go¹), is retained in the aorist, the radical vowel being at the same time reduced to i in the first three: ajijnipat (TS.), átişthipat, jihipas; thes of the causative stem bhīṣaya- is also retained: bībhiş-as (TS.). 3. The root dyut- 'shine', reduplicates with i: adidyutat. In the aorist formed from the causative stem arpaya-, the reduplicative i appears after, instead of before, the radical vowel, doubtless owing to the difficulty caused by the initial a and the augment: arp-i-p-am (AV.). The initial a also led to the anomaly of reduplicating the whole of the root am 'injure', and then prefixing the augment: ām-am-at. 4. There are three anomalous aorists formed from naś- 'be lost', pat- 'fall', and vac- 'speak', in which besides an irregular reduplicative vowel, the radical à is syncopated (a-pap-t-at, á-ne-s-an) or contracted (á-voc-at). As beside the former two the regular redupli- cated aorists apipatat and anīnaśat occur, and as all three have the regular reduplicative vowel a of the perfect 5, they appear to have been originally pluperfects which before being shortened had the form of *a-papat-até, *á-nanas-at, *á-vavac-at. But they all came to be regarded as aorists. This is undoubted in the case of avocat owing to its numerous mood forms; ápaptat, moreover, has an imperative form beside it; and ánešan (TS VS.) has a distinctly aoristic meaning. b. The reduplicated aorist in the great majority of forms makes its stems with a thematic -a-. Before this, a final y regularly, and 7 and u in two or three forms, take Guna; e. g. adīdhar-a-t ( √ dhṛ-), bībhay-a-t ( √ bhī-), cucyav-a-t (Vcyu-), dudráv-a-t (dru-). The inflexion of this aorist stem is like that of an imperfect of the a- conjugation. c. About a dozen roots, however, have occasional forms from stems made without thematic -a-, the inflexion then being like that of an imper- fect of the reduplicating class. These roots are ma- 'bellow'; śri- 'resort'; tu- 'be strong', dru- 'run', dhu- ‘shake', nu- ‘praise', pū- 'cleanse', yu- 'separate', I In Vklp, the only root in which it occurs. 2 In the reduplicating present class is almost invariably, and a predominantly, re- duplicated with i (457). 3 In form this might be a pluperfect. A similar reversal of the ordinary rhythm appears in the three forms átatamsatam (1. 1207), adadhāvat (IX. 877), vaváksať (SV. 1. 1, 2, 2, 3 var. lect. for vaváksa of RV. x. 115¹) each occurring once, but owing to the reduplica- tive vowel they should rather be accounted pluperfects. Cp. p. 364, note ¹5. 4 See 514, note ¹. 5 That is, nes- for nanas-, on the analogy of sed- for *sazd- in the perfect: this form of contraction would be unique in an original aorist. € Like a-sasvaj-at; becoming a-papt-at like a-cakr-at beside cakar-am. 7 The cause of the anomalous contraction may be due to the awkwardness of com- bining the augment with the reduced redupli- cative syllable u- of the perfect (*a-uvac-at). The accentuation of the augment would also favour the second syllable taking Sampra- sāraṇa: á-va-uc-at. VII. VERB. AORIST SYSTEM. 375 sū- 'generate', sru- 'flow'; gr- ‘waken', dhy 'hold'; svap- 'sleep'; e. g. aśiśre-t (TS.), ádudro-t, ájīgar, sísvap. Beside forms made thus, occur others made from several of these roots with the thematic -a-; and those made from the roots ending in ž (the majority), cannot be distinguished in form from plu- perfects. The number of forms of this type which can with certainty be classed as aorists is therefore very small. d. Besides the indicative all the moods are represented in this aorist, but no participial form has been found. Reduplicated Aorist Indicative. 514. The forms actually occurring would, if made from jan- 'beget' with thematic -a-, be the following: · Active. Sing. 1. ájijanam. 2. ájījanas. 3. ájījanat. - Du. 2. ajījanatam. - Pl. 1. ájijanama. 2. ájījanata. 3. ájījanan. Middle. Sing. 3. djijanata. Pl. 2. ájijanadhvam. 3. ájījananta. The forms actually occurring (including those made without thematic-a-) are: Active. Sing. 1. acīkṛṣam, ajīgamam (TS. VS. AV.), ajījabham (AV.), atisthipam (AV.), adūduşam (AV.), anīnaśam, apīparam (pr- ‘pass', AV.), ámīmadam (AV.), avocam, áśīśamam (śam- '‘be quiet', AV.); arpipam (AV.), 2. acikradas, ájījanas, átisthipas, átītaras (AV.), atītṛpas (AV.), anīnašas (‘be losť, AV.), apīparas (AV.), abūbhuvas (AV.), ámīmadas (AV.), arūrupas (AV.), ávívydhas (AV.), áśīšamas (AV.); jihvaras (AV.), didyutas¹, rūrupas (AV.), susucas (TS. IV. I. 43), sisvapas. Without thematic -a-: tūtos², susros; ajīgar ³ (gr- ‘swallow'), ájīgar (gr- ‘waken'); dīdhar, síșvap. 3. acikradat, acīkļpat (AV.), acīcarat (AV.), ácukrudhat, acucyavat⋆ (K.), ajijnipat (TS. II. I. I 1³), ájījanat, ájīhiḍat (AV.), átisthipat, ádidyutat, adīdharat, adūduşat, ánīnasat, ápaptat and ápīpatat, abūbudhat, amūmuhat (AV.), árīramat, árūrucat, avīvasat ('has bellowed', vas-), avīvipat, avivrtat, ávirdhat, ávocat, aśiśriyats (AV.), áśiśvitat, áśiśamat (AV.), asisyadat (Vsyand-); amamat (Vam-); jijanat, didyutat (VS.XXXVIII. 22), dīdharat, dudrávat, néśať, bibhayat, vavrtat, vócat, śiśnáthat. Without thematic -a-: ádudrot, úninot, ápupot, ámīmet? (mā- ‘bellow'), áśiśret³, asuṣot (√sū-, MS.), ásusrot (VS. xvIII. 58; TS. v. 7. 7¹); tūtot, dūdhot (dhū- ‘shake'); ájīgar (gr- ‘waken'), asiśnat ( √ śnath-); didhar. Du. 2. árūrujatam (Kh. I. 5¹0). Pl. 1. átītypāma (VS. VII. 29), atītṛṣāma, apaptāma (Kh. III. 19), apīpadāma (AV.), ávīvṛtāma (AV.), ávocāma. 2. ájījapata ⁹ (VS. Ix. 12), arūrucata (VS. xxXVII. 15). 3. ácikradan, ájījanan, atitrasan (AV.), adīdharan (AV.), anīnašan (AV.), áneśan (VS. XVI. 10; TS. IV. 5. 14),), apaptan, apiparan (pr- 'cross'), ámīmṛṇan (AV.), ávīvatan, avīvaran (AV.), avīvašan (vāš- ‘bellow'), avīvipan, ávīvydhan, ávocan, áśíśaman (AV.), áśūšubhan, asisrasan (√ srams-, AV.), asīşadan (√sad-, VS. XII. 54; TS. IV. 2. 44); jījanan, paptan. ¹ Reduplicated with i owing to the vocalic | (= SV.) and for śiśriye in TS. I. 5. 3¹. See pronunciation of the y (diut-) as in the per- WHITNEY's note on AV. VI. 31³. fect: see 482 a I. 6 This form occurs once in the RV. (VI. 1¹7) as a past tense (along with three other un- augmented forms: rócata, arta, tişthat) and twice as an injunctive. BARTHOLOMAE, KZ. 27, 360, note ¹, regards it as a pluperfect. 7 WHITNEY 868 a; v. NEGELEIN 69¹. 8 Occurs TS. 1. 8. 10² with other aorists. 9 From the causative stem jāpaya of 2 Classed by WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 868 a, as an aorist, but Roots 63, as plu- perfect; similarly tūtot below. 3 Occurring only in RV. 1. 163² XXIX. 18 TS. IV. 6. 7³. VS. = 4 WHITNEY 866 (Mantra?). 5 This form occurs only once (AV. VI. 31³), as variant for dhiyate in RV. x. 1893 ji 'conquer'. = I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Middle. Sing. 3. ávīvarata (vr- 'cover', AV.; TS. v. 6. 1³). ending - for -ta: atītape. 376 Pl. 2. ávivydhadhvam. 3. átitrpanta (VS. xIx. 36), ábībhayanta, ámīmadanta, ávīvasanta (Vvas), ávīvydhanta, ávocanta, ásisyadanta (Vsyand-), ásūşudanta (TS. 1. 8. 10²); jījananta. - Reduplicated Aorist Subjunctive. 515. This mood is of rare occurrence, only about a dozen forms having been noted. The active is represented in all the persons of the sing. and the 1. pl. only; the middle by a single dual form. Active. Sing. I. raradha, voca. 2. tītapāsi (AV.), vocāsi (VS.XXIII. 51). 3. cīklpāti, pispṛśati¹, vócati², vocāti, sīṣadhāti ³ ( √ sādh-). Pl. I. cukrudhama, rīramāma, vocama, siṣadhama (√sādh-). Middle. Du. I. vocāvahai. Reduplicated Aorist Injunctive. 516. Forms of this mood are of common occurrence in the active, in which voice more than fifty have been found; but in the middle only five have been noted. - Active. Sing. 1. cukrudham, jijanam, dīdharam, vocam. 2. cikradas, cikṣipas, jihvaras, jihipas (caus. ha-paya-), tītṛṣas (TS. III. 2. 5³), didīpas, didyutas, didharas, nīnamas, nínaśas, paptas, pisprśas, pīparas (pr- 'cross'), bībhisas (TS. III. 2. 5²), mīmṛṣas, rīradhas, rīrișas, vīvijas, vocas, śiśnathas, śiśráthas, suśucas (AV.), siṣadhas (Vsādh-). — With 3. cucyavat, tişthipat, dīdharat, dudravat, dudușat, neśat, paptat (AV.), piparat (pr- 'cross', RV) and pipárat (pr- 'cross', RV¹ = TS. 1. 6. 12³), pīparat (pr- ‘fill'), mīmayat, rīradhat (√randh-), rīrișat, vocat, śiśrathat, sisvadat (V svad-). Without thematic-a-: nunot (nu- 'praise'), yuyot (yu- 'separate'), susrot. Du. 2. jihvaratam 5 (VS.v. 17) and jihvaratam5 (TS.1.2.13²), rīradhatam ³. Pl. 2. rīradhatas, rīrisata 5 (1. 89⁹ = VS. XXV. 22). 3. ciksipan (AV.), paptan, rīraman, vocan, susucan (VS. xxxv. 8). Middle. Sing. I. více. 2. bībhiṣathasº. Pl. 3. jījananta, vócanta, sīșapanta (sap- ‘serve'). - Reduplicated Aorist Optative. 517. The forms of this mood are rare, numbering altogether (including a precative) not more than a dozen. The majority of these come from vac- 'speak', and the rest from two other roots, cyu- 'stir' and ris- 'hurt'. Active. Sing. I. vocéyam. -2. ririşes, vocés. 3. vocet (AV.). Du. 2. vocetam. Pl. 1. vocéma7. - 3. vocéyur. Middle. Sing. I. voceya. Pl. 1. cucyuvīmáhi³, vocemahi. -3. cucyavīrata³, There is also the precative sing. 3. rīris-i-s-ta⁹ (VI. 517) or ririş-i-s-ta (VIII. 18¹3). - 1 As if from an indicative 3. sing. *apisprk. 2 Like an indicative present in form. 3 These forms refute the statement of HIRT, IF. 12, 214 f., that the reduplicated, as well as the root and a- aorist, has no sub- junctive, but only injunctive forms. Cp.502,509. 4 This form seems to have an injunctive sense in RV. X. 2722, its only occurrence. 5 Reckoned here an injunctive form (not imperative) because accompanied by má: cp. DELBRÜCK, Altindische Syntax p. 361¹. 6 Formed from the causative stem bhīsáya- of bhi 'fear'. 7 This form occurs six times in the RV., three times unaccented and three times accented vocéma. AVERY 268 wrongly states vocema to occur five times and vócema (sic) once. 8 Withont thematic -a-. 9 In the Pada text ririsista. VII. VERB. AORIST SYSTEM. Reduplicated Aorist Imperative. 518. Forms of this mood are rare, numbering hardly more than a dozen. They occur in the active only. Active. Sing. 2. vocatāt. 3. vocatu. Du. 2. jigytám (gr- 'waken'), didhrtam, vocatam. Pl. 2. jigytá, didhrtá, paptata (1. 88¹), vocata, suṣūdáta (AV. I. 264) ². I 3. pūpurantu (pr- ‘fill'), śiśrathantu. - - — 3. Sigmatic Aorist. 519. The general tense sign of this aorist is an s added to the root. This s in the vast majority of verbs (more than 200) comes immediately before the endings. When such is the case, the stem may be formed in three different ways: the s being added 1. direct to the root, e. g. a-jai-ș-am (ji- 'conquer'); 2. with a connecting -i-, e. g. a-kram-i-s-am (kram- 'stride'); 3. with an additional s- prefixed to the connecting -i-, e. g. a-yā-s-i-s-am (yā- 'go'). The inflexion of these three varieties (A) follows that of the graded conjugation. In a small number of verbs the stem is formed by adding -s extended with a thematic a; e. g. á-ruk-șa-t (ruh- 'mount'). The inflexion of this fourth form (B) of the sigmatic aorist is like that of an imperfect of the a- conjugation. Of the four varieties of the sigmatic aorist, the first two, the s- aorist and the iş aorist, are very common, each being formed by nearly 100 roots. The other two are rare, the siș- aorist being made from only six, and the sa aorist from only nine roots. - A. I. The s- aorist. DELBRÜCK, Verbum 177-179. AVERY. Verb-Inflection 257-259. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 878-897; Roots 225-226; Atharvaveda, Index Verborum 380. v. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte 83-84. 520. In this form of the sigmatic aorist, the radical vowel as a rule takes Vṛddhi (a being lengthened) in the active. In the middle, on the other hand, excepting final i and z (which take Guna), the radical vowel remains unchanged. Thus in the active there occur the forms 1. sing. a-jai-şam (√ji-), a-bhār-ṣam (√bhṛ-), 3. sing. á-raik (√ric-), 3. pl. á-cchant-sur (V chand-); while in the middle we find 1. sing. a-vit-si (√vid-), á-bhut-si (V budh-), a-srk-şi (V srj-), a-nu-şi (nu- 'praise'), beside forms with Guna from roots ending in or z such as 3. pl. a-he-s-ata (√hi-), a-ne-s-ata (√nī-), 1. sing. a-sto-și (√ stu-). X 377 - 2 Pada text susūdáta. It is perhaps better to class this form here (cp. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 871) than as a transfer form of the perfect imperative from Vsüd- (Roots a. There are, however, some irregularities. I. In a few active injunctive forms Guna appears instead of Vṛddhi, e. g. sing. 2. je-s (Vji-), pl. 1. j'é-şma. 2. In two or three middle forms of sah- 'overcome', the a is lengthened, t. g. sing. I. sāk-ṣi ³. 3. The root is shortened in a few middle forms; thus the ā of dā- ‘cut', is reduced to i in sing. I. opt. di-ş-iya, and the nasal of gam- ‘go' and man- 'think' is dropped in the forms a-ga-smahi and ma-siya. 4. After a consonant other than n m r, the tense sign s is dropped before t, th, and dh; thus á-bhak-ta beside á-bhak-ş-i (Vbhaj-); pat-thas (AV.) beside fat-s-i (Vpad-, AV.); á-sto-ḍhvam (Vstu-), where the s on becoming cerebralized the following dental before disappearing (*á-sto-z-dhvam). In addition to the indicative, all the moods of this form of the aorist occur. There is also a participle, but it is rare. - — 1 An imperative form like this justifies | 188), though the reduplicative vowel is the classification of ápaptat etc. as an actual short. Cp. p. 362, note 9. aorist, apart from its possible origin as a pluperfect. 3 Also in the active subjunctive form sákṣāma, where the a would normally remain short, as the radical vowel in this mood takes Guna only. 4 The only example in this aorist of the ending -dhvam. I 378 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Indicative. 521. The only point in which the inflexion differs from that of the imper- fect of the graded conjugation is that the 3. pl. active invariably ends in -ur. a. The following peculiarities and irregularities are moreover to be noted. 1. In the active: in the RV. the endings -s and -f of the 2. 3. sing. disappear, and the tense sign also, unless the root ends in a vowel; e. g. a-här (AV.), 3. sing. from Vhr-, *a-har-s-t, but a-hā-s, 3. sing. from hū- ‘leave' *a-ha-s-t. The AV. and TS., however, less often than not, insert a connecting -- before these endings, thus preserving both the latter and the s of the tense stem; e. g. a-naik-s-i-t (√nij-, AV.), a-tām-s-i-t (Vtan-, TS.). In four forms in which the -- is not inserted, the -s and -t, as distinctive of the 2. and 3. persons, abnormally take the place of the -s of the stem or the final consonant of the root: a-śrai-t (AV.) for *a-śrai-s-t (√śri-); á-hai-t (AV.) for *á-hai-s-t (√hi-); a-vā-t (AV. VIII. 1²¹) for *a-vas-t² (vas- 'shine'); 2. sing. srā-s (AV.) for *sraj-s-s³ (Vsrj-). The RV. also has a-ya-s for *a-yaj-s-s (yaj- 'sacrifice') beside the phonetically regular form in the 3. sing. a-yāṭ for *a-yaj-s-t. -2. In the middle nine first and one or two third persons singular appear in which the stem is made with the addition of -s, but which have both the ending and the meaning of the present; and the -s is added to a present stem and not to the aorist form of the root. Thus formed are from a present stem of 1. the a- class: arca-s-e 'I praise', yaja-se I worship' (VIII. 25¹); 2. the á- class, nasalized: ṛnja-s-e4 I strive after'; 3. the ya- class: gay-i-se 'I sing'; 4. the nã- class: grni-ş-é6 I praise'; puni-sé I purify'; 5. the root class: kr-s-e I make', his-e 'I impel, stu-s-é7

I praise'; 6. the intensive: cárkr-ş-e which (like stuşė 9 in I. 1227) is a 3. sing. with a

passive sense: 'is praised'. 5 522. The forms of the indicative actually occurring would, if made from bhr- 'bear' in the active and stu- 'praise' in the middle, be as follows: Active. Sing. 1. ábharşam. 2. ábhar, abharşis (AV.). 3. ábhār; abhārṣīt (AV.TS.). - Du. 2. ábharṣṭam. 3. abharṣṭām. Pl. 1. ábharṣma. 2. ábharṣṭa. 3. ábhārşur. Du. 3. ástoṣātām. Middle. Sing. 1. ástoși. 2. ástosthas. 3. ástosta. Pl. 1. ástosmahi. 2. ástodhvam. 3. ástosata. IO The forms which actually occur are the following: Active. Sing.I. akāṛṣam (AV.), ajaișam ( √ ji-), áprākṣam (√V prach-, AV.), ‘abhārṣam, áyāmsam (√yam-), ayāsam, áspārṣam (spr- 'win'), áhārsşam (√ hr-). 2. akrān (√krand-), aghās ¹0 (√ghas-, AV. XX. 129¹), áhās (hā- ‘leave', ÀV. II. 107). With irregular -s: ayas (Vyaj), sräs (V srj-, AV.). With connecting --: arātsīs (rādh- 'succeed', AV.), avātsīs** (vas- ‘dwell', AV.); bhaiṣīs (AV.). 3. With loss of the ending -t: ajais¹² (√ji), aprās (V prā-), ahās (hā- "leave'). With loss of both tense sign and ending: ákrān¹³ (√krand-), ákṣār (√kṣar-), acait (√cit-), acchan (√ chand-), atān (√ tan-), atsār (√ tsar-), ádyaut (√dyut-), adhāk (√ dah-), aprāk (prc- 'mix', AV.), aprāṭ (V prach-), abhār, ayāṭ (√yaj-), áyān (√yam-), araut ¹4 (√rudh-, AV.), ávāț (√vah-), avat ¹5 (vas- 'shine', AV.), aśvait (√śvit-), asyan (√syand-), ásrāk (√ sṛj-), ásvar (Vsvar), ahar (Vhr-, AV.); áraik (√ric-); dyaut, vat (√vah-). and the Kathaka, WHITNEY 888. 2 In avāt the t may, however, represent the finals of the root, the form possibly standing for *a-vat-s-t; see above 44 a 2, and WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 167. 3 The phonetically regular form would be

srāk. Cp. p. 61 (middle).

4 Also the participle rñjas-aná-. 5 From gaya-, with i- for -a-. 6 From the weak stem. 7 These three forms seem to represent the transition of aorist stems to employment as present stems. 8 The form stușé is frequent as a I. sing.; - = —— in one passage (1. 1227), however, it appears to be a 3. sing. with a passive sense: 'is praised'. 9 On stusé in general, see OLDENBERG, ZDMG. 59, 355 ff., NEISSER, BB. 30,315-325. 10 Cp. above 499, ághas sing. 2. 3. II Cp. v. NEGELEIN 83, note 5; above 44, a I. 12 For *ajais-t. 13 For *ákrānd-s-t. 14 For *araudh-s-t. 15 Cp. avat-s-i-s (AV.) from vas- 'dwell'. Cp. note 2 and p. 36 (top). VI. VERB. AORIST SYSTEM. With irregular-t: aśrait (√śri-, AV.), áhait (√hi-, AV.).-With connecting -ī-: atāmsīt (V tan-, TS. IV. 7. 135; VS. xv. 53), anaikṣīt (√ nij-, AV.); rautsit (√rudh-, Kh. Iv. 75). 379 Du. 2. ásraṣṭam³ (V sṛj-, AV.).— 3. abhārṣṭām (VS.XXVIII. 17), asvārṣṭām (√V svar-). Pl.1. ájaisma, ábhaisma. - 2. ácchanta² (V chand-), anaista (TS.v.7.24).- 3. ácchantsur, ábhaișur, amatsur (√mad-), ayāsur, ávākṣur (√vah-, AV.) ³. Middle. Sing. 1. ádikṣi (√ diś-), ádiṣi4 (dā- ‘give', AV.), anūṣi (√nū-), ábhakṣi (Vbhaj-), ábhutsi (V budh-), ámāsi (mā- ‘measure', AV.), ámuksi (Vmuc-, AV.), avitsi (vid- ‘find'), asākṣi5 (Vsah-), asṛksi, astosi; mamsi (√man-), vṛkşiº (√vṛj-, AV.), sākṣi5. 2. ájñāsthas (AV.), átapthas' (AV.Ix. 56), aprkthās (V prc-, AV.), ámukthāṣ (V muc-, AV.). 3. aprkta (Vprc-), ábhakta (Vbhaj-), ámamsta (VS. v. 40), amatta (Vmad), ayamsta (Vyam-), ayaşta (Vyaj), áramsta (Vram-), árabdha (Vrabh-), asakta (√ saj-), ásṛṣṭa (√ srj-), astoṣṭa. Du. 3. anūṣātām, amaṁsātām (VS. xxxvIII. 13), áyukṣātām (√yuj-). Pl. I. agasmahi³ (√gam-), aprkṣmahi (√ pṛc-, AV.), abhutsmahi (√ budh-), áviksmahi (V viš-), asṛkṣmahi (V srj-, TS. 1. 4. 45³; VS. xx. 22). 2. ástoḍhvam (for *á-stoș-dhvam from stu- 'praise'). 3. akramsata (AV.), ádykṣata (V dṛś-), ádhukṣata (√duh-), ádhūrṣata⁹ (dhur- 'injure'), adhusata, ánuşata, aneşata (√ni-), ábhutsata (V budh-), amamsata (Vman-), amatsata (Vmad-), ayamsata (Vyam-), ayukṣata (Vyuj-), aramsata (AV.), árāsata, alipsata, ávikṣata (Vvis-), avrtsata (Vvrt), avrsata (ur- 'choose', AV. III. 35), asakṣata (sac- 'accompany'), ásrkṣata (√srj-), ástoșata, ahāsata, ahūṣata (hū- ‘call'), ahṛṣata (√hr-), aheṣata ( √ hi-). s- Aorist Subjunctive. 523. This mood is quite common in the RV., but decidedly less so in the other Samhitās. Its forms are, however, frequent only in the active, in which all persons are represented except the 1. du. The middle is much less common, about 20 forms occurring altogether; only one of these is found in the dual, and two in the plural. The root regularly takes Guna throughout before the tense sign ¹o, in the middle as well as the active. The primary endings are frequent, being used almost exclusively in the du. and the 2. pl. II In the middle 3. sing. and pl. the exceptional ending -tai occurs in two forms in later Samhitās (AV. TS.). Active. Sing. I. stoșani. 2. darşasi (dr- 'split'); jésas (√ji-), vákşas (Vvah-). 3. nesati (Vni-, parṣati (pr- 'take across'), pasati ('protect'), matsati (√mad-), yoşati (yu- 'separate'), vakṣati (√vah-), sak- sati (Vsah-, (√sah-, AV.); ákṣat (as- 'attain', X. 117), kşeşat (ksi- 'dwell'), chantsat (V chand-), jésat (√ji-), dárşat (dr- ‘split'), dāsat (dā- ‘give'), drāsat 1 Emendation for ásrästram of the Mss., AV. IV. 284; see WHITNEY's note. 2 For *acchānt-s-ta. 4 Cp. v. NEGELEIN 834. 5 With anomalous long vowel. 6 See WHITNEY's note on AV. VI. 30². 7 For *á-tap-s-thäās. 8 With loss of the radical nasal (a taking 3 AVERY 257 adds the form aveşan, which occurs twice in the RV., regarding it doubt- less as an - aorist of Vvi-. It would as such the place of the sonant nasal). have the double anomaly of absence of 9 With interchange of the radical vowel Vyddhi and the ending -an. It is probably and semivowel: see 50, b. 3. pl. impf. of V/vis- in both passages (1.170²; X. 114). GRASSMANN in X. 1141 regards it as aorist of V/vi-. 10 The a of sah is lengthened in the forms saksama and sākṣate. ¹¹ Excepting only the 3. du. act. yakṣatām. 380 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. (drā- ‘run'), nakṣat (naś- ‘reach'), néșat (√nī-), pákṣat (√ pac-), párṣat ('take across'), présat (Vprī-), bhaksat (Vbhaj-), bharşat (Vbhr-), mátsat (Vmad-), yámsat (Vyam-), yákṣat (√yaj-), yäsat, yósat (yu- 'separate'), rásat, vámsat (√van-), váksat (Vvah-), valsat (Kh. v. 156), véşat¹ (√vi-)², saksat (sac- 'accompany'3 and sah- 'overcome'4), satsat (Vsad-), sarsat (Vsr-, AV.), stoșat, srakṣat (√ sṛj-, VS. xxI. 46). Du. 2. dásathas, dhasathas, párşathas (pr- 'take across'), vákṣathas (Vvah-, AV.), varsathas (vr- 'cover'). 3. pāsatas ('protect'), yamsatas (Vyam-), yakşatas (Vyaj-), yoşatas (yu- 'separate', AV.), vakṣatas (√vah-). With -tām: yakṣatām (Vyaj-). Pl. 1. jėṣāma (√ji-), vámsāma (√van-), sákṣāma³ (√sah-), stoṣāma. 2. dhāsatha, nesatha, párşatha ('take across'), mátsatha. across'), yamsan (√yam-), rásan, vákṣan, šésan (śī- ‘lie'). 3. parsan ('take Middle. Sing. 1. namsai, mámsai (√man-). 2. dŕkṣase, prksase6 (Vprc-), mamsase (√man-). - 3. kramsate, trasate, darşate (dr- 'split'), mámsate (√ man-), yamsate ( √ yam-), yakṣate (Vyaj-), rāsate, vamsate (√van-), sākṣates (Vsah-)7. With ending -tai: másātai (AV.). Du. 2. trasathe (for *trásaithe). Pl. 3. námsante (Vnam-), mámsante (Vman-). With ending -tai: mamsatai 8 (TS. VII. 4. 15¹). — - s- Aorist Injunctive. 524. Injunctive forms are of fairly common occurrence, especially after má. Judged by the extremely few accented forms occurring, the accent was on the radical syllable. All the forms occurring in the 1. sing. act. are irregular in one way or another: nearly all of them take Guna instead of Vṛddhi, while yüşam (AV.) only lengthens the radical vowel (yu- 'separate'). Three first persons from roots in -ã substitute e for that vowel, as jesam from yā- 'go'; the same substitution takes place in the 1. pl. gesma (AV.), desma (VS.), and 3. pl. sthesur (AV.). 10 Active. Sing. I. jeşam ¹0 (Vji-, VS. ix. 13 etc.), yüşam (yu- 'separate', AV.), stoșamo; from roots ending in -a: gesam (ga- 'go', VS. v. 5), yesam (yā- ‘go'), stheṣam 9 (sthā- ‘stand', VS. II. 8). 2. jes ¹0; bhāk (√ bhaj-), yāṭ (Vyaj-), yaus (yu- ‘separate'), hvār (√hvar-, VS. I. 2). With connecting -ī-: hāsīs (Kh. iv. 85; AA. II. 7). 3. dhak (√ dah-), bhāk ( √ bhaj-), bhār ( √ bhṛ-), mauk (√ muc-, VS. 1. 25), hās¹¹ (hā- ‘leave'). With connecting -ī-: tāpsīt (VS. xIII. 30), vākṣīt (√vah-, AV.), hāsīt (TS. vII. 3. 13¹; AV.), hvārṣīt (√ hvar-, VS. 1. 2). Du. 2. taptam (Vtap-, VS. v. 33), yaustam (yu- 'separate'), srastam (V sṛj-, AV). ¹ As appearing in immediate juxtaposition with preşat (1. 1806), this form appears to be an aorist subjunctive of vi-, not a present injunctive of V/viș- (véșati). 2 AVERY 258 gives šișat, among these forms, as occurring once. He doubtless means ni-sişat (IV. 27) which occurs beside the subjunctives bhárat and udírat. But it cannot be an s-aorist (which would be śikṣat). WHITNEY, Roots, takes it as an a- aorist of is 'leave', GRASSMANN, Wörter- buch 1392, as an aorist of śās-. Cp. above 510. 3 In 1. 12910 ('accompany'). 4 In v. 306 ('conquer'). 5 With lengthened radical vowel. 6 Weak radical vowel instead of Guna. 7 AVERY 258 adds hasate, also WHITNEY, Grammar 893 a; but this form is doubtless a 3. sing. mid. pres. of hās- 'hasten', a secon- dary form of hã- 'leave' according to the a- class; also hasante (AV. IV. 365). Čp. p. 321, note 7. 8 See WEBER's ed. of the TS., p. 310, 15, note 12. 9 Made perhaps from an i form of roots ending in -ā. Cp. WHITNEY, Grammar 894 c. 10 Formed perhaps under the influence of the subjunctives jésat and stoșat. 1¹ Unnecessarily regarded by DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 60 (80) as from hr- 'take'. VII. VERB. AORIST SYSTEM. 381 I Pl. I. yauşma (yu- 'separate', VS. IV. 22). With Guna only: gesma ¹ (gā- ‘go', AV.), jéşma (√ji-), deṣma¹ (dā- ‘give', VS. II. 32). 2. naista (Vni), yausta (Vyu- 'separate', AV.), sapta² (TS. III. 3. 9¹). 3. jaisur (√ji-, AV.), dhāsur, yauṣur (yu- 'separate'), stheṣur¹ (AV. xvI. 47), häsur. Middle. Sing. 1. gāsi (gā- ‘sing'), nikṣi (√nij-, AV.), patsi ( √ pad-, AV.), bhakṣi (√bhaj-, VII. 41²), meşi (mī- ‘diminish', AV.), yamsi (√yam-), yakṣi (Vyaj-), vámsi (Vvan-), vrkṣi (Vvrj-). 2. cyoṣṭhās (√cyu-), chitthās (√ chid-, AV.), patthās (√ pad-, AV.), bhitthās (TS. IV. I. 9²), mamsthās (Vman-, AV.; VS. XIII. 41), meṣṭhās (Vmi-, AV.), ramsthās (√ram-, AV.), hāsthās (hā- ‘go forth', AV.). 3. kṣesta (ksi-‘destroy', AV.), nesṭa (√nī-, AV.), pāsta (pā- ‘drink', AV.), mamsta (Vman-, AV.), māmsta 6 (√man-, AV. XI. 2³), meșța (mī- ‘fail', AV.), hasta (ha- 'be left', AV.). - Du. 2. srkṣāthām (√ sṛj-, VS..XIX. 7). Pl. I. yutsmahi³ (√yudh-, AV.), hāsmahi (hã- 'be deprived of'). 3. dhukṣata (V duh-), nusata, matsata (Vmad-), mukṣata (Vmuc-), sakṣata (V sac- 'accompany'). s- Aorist Optative. 525. This mood occurs in the middle only in this form of the sigmatic aorist. The 2. 3. sing. always appears with the precatives excepting the one form bhakṣīta in the SV. (1. I. 2. 4²). Sing. 1. disiya (da- 'cut'), bhakṣīyá (√bhaj-), masiya s (y man-), mukṣīya, rāsīya, sākṣīya (√sah-, AV.), stṛṣīya (√ str-, AV.) 2. mamsiṣṭhás (√man-). 3. darşista (dr- 'tear'), bhakṣīta (SV.), mamsīṣṭa (man-), mṛkṣīṣṭa (mṛc- 'injure'). Du. 2. trásīthām (for *trās-īyāṭhām). Pl. 1. dhukṣīmáhi (√duh-, TS. 1. 6. 4³), bhakṣīmáhi (√bhaj-), mamsīmáhi (Vman-), vamsīmáhi and vasīmahis (√van-, IX. 728), sakṣīmáhi (V sac-). 3. mamsirata. s- Aorist Imperative. 526. No certain regular forms of the imperative occur in the active. Two or three, such as yauṣṭam, naista, might have been classed here, but as they occur with má only, they have been placed among the injunctives. There are, however, the two transfer forms in the 2. sing. neșa (√nī-, AV.) and parsa (pr- 'take across')7. The only forms of the imperative occurring in the middle are three made from ra- 'give' and one from sah- 'conquer'. Middle. Sing. 2. sáksva. 3. rāsatām. Du. 2. rasäthäm. - Pl. 3. rāsantām. s- Aorist Participle. 527. Only two or three forms of the active participle are found. These are dákṣant- and dháksant- from dah- 'burn', and sákṣant-from sah- 'prevail'. In the middle there are no regular forms. There is one doubtful example in which the stem is extended with -a- and accordingly adds the suffix -māna, as in the a- conjugation: dhi-s-a-māṇa- (dhī- 'think'). There are, besides, a dozen stems irregularly formed by adding s to the root with an intermediate -a-, and taking the regular ending -āna. These forms 1 See p. 380, note 9. For sāp-s-ta. 3 A somewhat doubtful reading: WHITNEY's note on AV. VII. 52². 4 With the radical à weakened to i. see | 5 Root weakened by loss of nasal (a taking the place of the sonant nasal). 6 With irregular lengthening of the radical vowel. 7 See WHITNEY, AV. Index Verborum 382. 382 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. may be accounted as belonging to the s- aorist. All but two of them occur in the RV. They are: arśasāná- ‘injuring', óhasāna- (√ūh-) ‘lying in wait', jrayasāná- (√jri-) 'far-extending', dhiyasaná- (Vdhi) 'attending', namasāná- (√nam-) 'rendering homage' (AV.), bhiyásāna- (√ bhī-) ‘fearing' (AV.), mandasāná- (Vmand-) 'rejoicing', yamasāná- (Vyam-) 'being driven' (with passive sense), rabhasāná- (√rabh-) ‘agile', vrdhasāná- (√vṛdh-) 'growing', śavasāná- (√ šū-) ‘strong”, sahasāná- (√sah-) ‘mighty'. A. 2. The is- Aorist. DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 179-180. WHITNEY, AVERY, Verb-Inflection 259-261. Sanskrit Grammar 898-910; Roots 226-227; AV. Index Verborum 380. v. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte 85-86. - 528. About 80 roots take this form of the sigmatic aorist in the RV. and about a dozen others in the AV. - The s is here added to the root with the connecting vowel --. The radical vowel as a general rule takes Guna throughout; but in the active a final vowel takes Vṛddhi and a medial -a is sometimes lengthened. No roots with final -ã and few with final - take this aorist. The terminations are the same as those of the s-aorist, excepting that the 2. and 3. sing. act. end in -īs ( is-s) and -īt (— iş-t). Active and middle forms, though frequent, are rarely both made from the same root, occurring thus in about fifteen verbs only. This is the only aorist from which a few forms are made in the secondary conjugation ¹. = Besides the indicative, all the moods are represented in this aorist, but no participial forms have been met with. Indicative. 529. In the active all persons are represented except du. 1. 2. and pl. 2.; but in the middle only sing. 2. and 3. occur besides a single form of sing. I (Kh.), du. 3. and pl. 3. (VS.). a. A few irregularities occur in the formation of this tense². I. The forms atārima (beside the normal átāriṣma) and avādiran ³ (AV.), are probably to be regarded as irregular forms with abnormal loss of the aoristic -s. 2. The root grabh- 'seize' takes the connecting vowel 73 (as it does in other verbal forms) instead of -i-, as agrabhīşma. 3. In the sing. 1. act., the ending -īm appears instead of -isam in the three forms ákramím, vádhīm, and agrabhīm (TS.), doubtless owing to the analogy of the 2. and 3. sing. -is and it4. 4. The abnormal ending -ait appears in the 3. sing. in ásaraits (AV.) beside aśarīt (AV.) 6. The normal forms occurring, if made from kram- 'stride', would be as follows: - - Active. Sing. 1. ákramişam. 2. ákramis. 3. ákramit. Du. 3. ákra- mistām. - Pl. 1. ákramisma. 3. ákramisur. Middle. Sing. 1. ákramişi (Kh.). 2. ákramiṣṭhās. 3. ákramiṣṭa. - Du. 3. ákramişātām. Pl. 3. ákramisata (VS.). The forms which actually occur are the following: I From causatives dhvanayīt, ailayit (Vil, 4 Cp. DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 188. AV.), from a desiderative īrtsīs (Vṛdh-, AV.). 2 The weak form of the root appears in the injunctive nudiṣṭhās (AV.) and the opta- tive ruciṣīya (AV.) and gmiṣīya (VS.), which syncopates the radical vowel as in the root | larity of taking Guņa instead of Vøddhi. aor. and the perfect of this verb. 3 Cp. WHITNEY 904 d. 5 This abnormal ending also occurs in the secondary conjugation in the denomi- native aor. ásaparyait (AV.): see below 570. 6 Both these forms also show the irreguVII. VERB. AORIST SYSTEM. 383 Active. Sing. 1. akanisam, akārişsam, akramişam, acayiṣam (AV.), acărişam, abhāriṣam (√bhṛ-, AV.), avadhișam (AV.), avādiṣam (AV.), áśam- sisam, asānisam; ásisam (as 'eat', AV.); rāvisam. With ending -īm: akramīm, agrabhīm (TS.); vádhīm. 2. akramīs, adṛmhis (VS. vI. 2), ávadhīs, avarṣīs', astarīs (√str-, AV.); āšīs² (aś- ‘eat, AV.), áukṣīs (uks- 'grow'); kramīs, vádhís. 3. ákārīt, ákramīt, ágrabhīt, ágrahīt (AV.), átārīt, adṛmhīt (MS. Iv. 13³), anayīt² (√ni-, AV.), ámandīt, ayāsīt, áyodhīt, arāvīt, ávadhit, ávarsīt (√vrs-, AV.), ášamsīt, aśarīts (AV.), asavit, astānīt (AV.), ásvanit; avit, asit (as- ‘eať, AV.); júrvīt (jūrv- 'consume'), tārīt, vádhīt. With ending -ait:: aśarait4 (AV.). Du. 3. ámanthiṣṭām; jániṣṭām. Pl. 1. agrabhīşma, átārişma and atarimas, ávadhisma (VS. ix. 38). 3. atakṣiṣur, átārisur, adhanvișur, ánartișur, ánindiṣur, apāvisur., áman- dişur, amādiṣur, arājiṣur, arāṇiṣur (ran- ‘rejoice'), árāvișur, avādiṣur, asāviṣur; aksisur (1. 16310), anisur (Van, AV., TS.), ávisur (Vav-). With -ran:- avadiran (AV.). — - Middle. Sing. 1. aikṣisi (Kh. 1. 1¹: √īkṣ-). aśamiṣṭhās (sam- 'labour'), asayiṣṭhās, áśramiṣṭhās; jániṣṭhās. 3- akrapista (V krp-), ájanista, adhavista, anavista, aprathista, arocista (VS. XXXVII. 15), avasiṣṭa (vas- 'wear'), áśamista, ásahista; áuhista (uh- 'con- sider'); krámista, jánista, práthista, mándista, yamista. Du. 3. ámandiṣātām. Pl. 3. ágrbhisata (VS. xxi. 60). ¹ AVERY 259 adds ávarhis as occurring once. 2 See WHITNEY's note on AV. XI. 326. 3 With Guna instead of Vṛddhi of final vowel; cp. BARTHOLOMAE, Studien 2, 165. —— 4 See WHITNEY's note on AV. VI. 66², where the reading afarit is better supported; cp. his note on AV. VI. 65¹. 5 With loss of the aoristic -s. is- Aorist Subjunctive. 530. Active forms of this mood are fairly common, but are almost exclusively limited to the 2. and 3. sing. Middle forms are very rare, occurring only in the pl., where not more than four examples have been noted. Active. Sing. 1. daviṣāṇi7. 2. avisas, kánişas, tāriṣas, rakṣiṣas, vádhisas, vádişșas (AV.), véșișas, šamsisas. 3- káriṣat, jambhisat, jósisat, tarişat, nindişat (AV.), párişat ('take across'), bódhișat, márdhisat, yācisat, yodhiṣat, rakṣiṣat, vanișat (AV.), vyathişat (VS. vi. 18), samsisat (TS. v. 6. 86), sanisat, sávisat (sū- 'vivify'). Pl. 3. sanişan9 (AV. v. 35). Middle. Pl. I. yāciṣāmahe, saniṣāmahe. sánişanta. — 6 From akş- ‘attain' (WHITNEY, Roots 1) a secondary form of Vat-; otherwise a sis- aorist from af- 'attain'. - 2. ájanisthas (AV.),. iş- Aorist Injunctive. 531. Forms of the injunctive are commoner than those of the subjunctive. In the active they are found almost exclusively in the 2. 3. sing., 2. du. and 2. 3. pl.; in the middle nearly a dozen forms occur, all but one in the sing. The forms of this mood have the accent on the root (as in the un-. augmented indicative). Active. Sing. 1. śámsiṣam, himsisam (VS. 1. 25). 3. vanişanta 10 (TS. Iv. 7. 14¹),. 7 Cp. v. SCHROEDER, WZKM. 13, 119-122. 8 This form occurs also in two passages of the AV.; in a third (AV. L 18²) sāviṣak appears instead of it. Cp. WHITNEY's note. on this passage, and his Grammar 151 a. 9 The corresponding passage of the RV. (x. 128³) has vanusanta, and of the TS (IV. 7. 14¹) vanişanta. 10 See preceding note. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 2. avīs, kramīs (AV.), jīvīs (AV.), tarīs, barhīs, máthis, mardhīs, moșīs, yávis, yodhīs, rakṣīs (AV.), randhīs, lekhīs (VS.v.43), vádhīs, šocīs (VS.xl. 45), sávīs, spharīs, himsīs (VS. AV.). - With -ais: śarais (√śr-, AV.). 3. aśīt (as- 'eat'), gārīt (gṛ- 'swallow'), cârît, jīvīt (AV.), tārīt, dāsīt (das- 'waste'), barhīt, máthit, vadhit (TS. IV. 2. 9¹; VS. XIII. 16), vesit, svanīt, himsīt. Du. 2. táriṣṭam, mardhiṣṭam, hinsistam (AV. VS.). 384 Pl. I. śramisma. - 2. grabhista, vadhista, himsista (AV. TS.); mathistana (AV.), ránistana (Vran-), vadhistana. 3. jāriṣur (jr- ‘waste away'), jīvisur (AV.), tāriṣúr¹ (AV.), vadhișur (AV.), vādiṣur (AV.), himsișur (AV.). 2 Middle. Sing. 1. rādhiṣi (AV.). 2. kṣanisthās ² (AV.), nudisthās 3 (AV.), marşisthas (Vmrs-), vadhisthas (Kh. II. 11³), vyathisthās (AV.). 3. panista, pavista, bādhista. Pl. I. vyathismahi (AV.). is- Aorist Optative. 532. This mood is rare, occurring in the middle only and being formed from hardly a dozen roots. Though the ending is accented, the root appears in a weak form in gmişīya4 (VS.) and rucișiya (AV.). The 2. and 3. sing. take the precative -s-. Middle. Sing. 1. edhiṣīyá (AV.), gmiṣīya³ (VS. III. 19), janiṣīya (AV.)5, rucişīya3 (AV.). - 2. modisīsthas (AV.). 3. janisīsta, vanisista. Du. I. sahisivahi (AV.). Pl. 1. edhişimáhi (AV.), tāriṣīmahi, mandişi- mahi (VS. IV. 14; TS. 1. 2. 3¹ etc.), vandiṣīmáhi, vardhiṣīmáhi (VS. II. 1 4, XXXVIII. 2 1), sahişimahi (AV.), sāhiṣīmáhi (Pada text sahişīmáhi). — DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 179. Grammar 911-916; Roots 227. sista. — is- Aorist Imperative. 533. Forms of this mood are rare, occurring in the active only and being made from six or seven roots at the most. Among these forms, two only are distinctively imperative, aviddhi and avistu; a few others can be distinguished by having the accent on the ending; the rest, being unaccented and used without má, cannot be distinguished from injunctives. Sing. 2. aviddhi. 3- avistu. Du. 1. avistám, kramiştam, gamistam, 3. canistám, cayiṣṭam (ci-‘gather'), yodhiṣṭam (√yudh-), vadhiṣṭam, śnathistam. 3- avistām. Pl. 2. avitá; avistána, śnathiṣṭana. — A. 3. The sis- Aorist. AVERY, Verb-Inflection 261. WHITNEY, Sanskrit v. NEGELEIN, Znr Sprachgeschichte 86. 534. This aorist, which is inflected exactly like the is aorist, is formed by only six or seven roots in the Samhitas. Middle forms occur in the optative only. — - - - Indicative. Sing. I. ayāsiṣam. Du. 3. ayāsiṣṭām (VS. XXVIII. 14). 3. agāsiṣur (gā- ‘sing'), ayāsiṣur7. - Subjunctive. Sing. 3. gāsisat (gā- ‘sing'), yāsiṣat. ¹ With accent on the ending instead of the root. 2 Cp. BRUGMANN, KZ. 24, 363 f. 3 With weak form of root. Cp. ZIMMER, KZ. 30, 222. 5 The Kathaka has the forms janişeyam and janişeya made from a secondary -a- stem (WHITNEY 907). --- - Pl. 2. áyā- 6 This may be regarded as a form irregu- larly lackings = avistá. 7 ákşişur is formed from as- 'attain', accord- ing to DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 179; according to WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 913, and Roots 1, from the secondary root akş-; see above p. 383, note 6. Optative. Middle. Sing. 1. vamsiṣīya¹ (van- ‘win', AV.). Pl. 1. pyāsiṣīmahi³ (AV.; VS. II. 14; MS. IV. 9¹0⁰ [p. 181, 9]). VII. VERB. AORIST SYSTEM. Du. 2. yāsiṣṭám. - Injunctive. Sing. I. ramsisam4 (SV.1.4. 1. 25). - Du. 2. hasiṣṭam (AV.). — 3. hāṣiṣṭām (AV.). - Pl. 2. hasiṣṭa (AV.). 3. häsiṣur (AV.). - - Imperative. Pl. 2. yäsista 5 (1. 165¹5). B. The sa- Aorist. DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 179. AVERY, Verb-Inflection 262. Grammar 916-920; Roots 227. - v. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte 86. - — Imperative. Active. Du. 2. mrkṣatam (√mrj-). Middle. Sing. 2. dhuksásva (V duh-). 2. pāsiṣiṣṭhās². In the Mss. vamsisiya; see WHITNEY'S note on AV. IX. I¹4. 2 With precative s. 3 In the Mss. pyāśiṣīmahi; see WHITNEY'S note on AV. VII. 815. 535. In the Samhitas this form of the sigmatic aorist is taken by only nine roots, which end inj s or h and contain the medial vowels i u or r. The thematic a doubtless came to be employed in these few verbs to avoid a difficult agglomeration of consonants when the endings were added. The inflexion is like that of an imperfect of the á- class of the first conjugation, the -sá- being accented in unaugmented forms. Besides the indicative, only forms of the injunctive and imperative occur, altogether fewer than a dozen. No subjunctive, optative, or participial forms have been noted. Indicative. 536. Neither forms of any person of the dual nor of the 2. pl. occur in the indicative of this type of the s- aorist. The active forms greatly pre- dominate, the middle being represented in the 3. sing. and pl. by only three or four forms altogether. 4 Variant for rāsīya of the RV. 5 With 7 for i. AVEEY 261 gives the form as yāsiṣṭá. Indo-arische Philologie. L. 4. Active. Sing. 1. avrksam (Vvrh-). 2. adhukṣas (V duh-, VS. 1. 3), arukṣas (√ruh-, AV.); rukṣas (√ruh-, AV.).— 3. ákrukṣat (√kruś), aghukṣat (√guh-), adukṣat and ádhukṣat (√duh-), ámrkṣat (√mrś, AV.) árukṣat (Vruh-), ásprksat (V sprś, AV.; VS. xxvIII. 18). - Pl. 1. amrkṣāma (√mrj- 'wipe'), arukşāma (Vruh-, AV.). 3. ádhuksan (√duh-); duksan and dhukṣán (√duh-). Middle. Sing. 3. ádhukṣata; dukṣata8 and dhukṣata. — Pl. 3. amṛkṣanta (√mrj-). Injunctive. Active. Sing. 2. dukṣas, mṛkṣas (√ mṛś-). — 3. dvikṣat (√ dviṣ-, AV.). – Pl. 2. mrksata (√mrs-). Middle. Sing. 3. dukṣata and dhúkṣata (√duh-), dvikṣata (√dvis-, AV.). Pl. 3. dhukṣánta (√duh-). — - 385 WHITNEY, Sanskrit 3. yakṣatām (√yaj-). 6 Three forms occur accented thus; the root is, however, accented in dhúkṣata. 7 See above 32 b. 8 See above 32 b. 9 In IX. 1108 the form ádhukṣata seems to be a 3. pl. 25 386 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. IV. The Future System. WHITNEY, DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 183-184. AVERY, Verb-Inflection 262. Sanskrit Grammar 931-941; Roots 228 f.; AV. Index Verborum 380. V. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte 86-87. 537. The stem is formed by adding -syá¹ or (rather less frequently with connecting -i-) -isyá' to the root, which gunates a final or a prosodi- cally short medial vowel. As the subjunctive frequently has a future sense, and even the present indicative may have it, the occasion for the use of actual future forms seldom arises in the RV., which forms a future stem from only fifteen roots, while the AV. does so from more than thirty (about eight of these occurring in the RV. also) ². There is only one subjunctive and one conditional form, but some twenty participles occur. - a. In the following stems the suffix -sya is added direct: ksi- 'abide' : kse-syá-3; ji- 'conquer' : je-syá-; dah- 'burn': dhak-syá-; yaj- 'sacrifice': yak- syá-; vac- 'speak': vak-syá-; sū- 'bring forth : sú-sya-4. In the AV. also occur: i- 'go': e-sya-; kṛt- 'cut' : kart-sya-; kram- ‘stride': kram-syá-; gup- 'protect' : gop-sya-; dā- 'give': dã-syá-; ni- 'lead': ne-sya-; mih- 'mingere' : mek-syá-5; yā- 'go' :ya-syá-; yuj- 'join' : yok-sya-6; rādh- 'succeed': rat-sya-; vah- 'carry'

vak-syá-; vrt- ‘turn' : -vart-sya-7; sad- 'fall' : sat-sya-; sah- 'prevail' : sāk-sya-³;

hā- 'leave': hã-sya-; hu- 'sacrifice': ho-syá-. In the VS. bandh- ‘bind' : bhant-syá-. b. In the following stems the suffix is added with connecting --: av- 'favour' : av-isyá-9; as- 'shoot': as-iṣyá-; kṛ- ‘do' : kar-isyá-; jan- 'beget' : jan-isya-; bhū- 'be': bhav-işyá-; man- 'think': man-iṣyá-; vā- ‘weave': vay-iṣyá-¹⁰; san- 'acquire': san-isyá-; sṛ- 'hasten': sar-isya-; stu- 'praise': stav-iṣyá-. From causative stems: dhr-'support': dhāray-iṣyá-; vas- 'clothe oneself' : vāsay-iṣyá-. The AV. has the following additional stems: gam- ‘go' : gam-isya-; dhy- 'maintain': dhar-iṣyá-; naś- ‘disappear': nas-isya-; pat- 'fly': pat-isyá-; mr- 'die'

mar-isya-; vad- ‘speak' : vad-isya-; vṛt- ‘turn': vart-isya-"; svap- 'sleep' : svap-

isyá-¹2; han- 'slay' : han-isya-. From causative stems: dus- ‘spoil' : dūṣay- isya-; vr- 'cover' : vāray-isya- ‘shield'. 538. a. Subjunctive. The only subjunctive form occurring is kar-iṣyá(-s) in IV. 30²3,13 b. Conditional. The only example occurring is formed from bhṛ- 'bear'

á-bhar-isya-t ‘he was going to bear off' (11. 30²).

The following c. Participles. A good many participial forms occur. stems are met with: Active. av-isyánt-¹4, as-isyánt-, e-syánt-(AV.) ¹5, kar-iṣyánt-, kṣe-syánt-, khan- isyant- (TS.), je-syánt-16 (AV.), dā-syánt- (AV.), dhak-syánt, pat-isyánt- (AV.), 1 On the origin of this suffix see BRUG- MANN, Grundriss 2, 747 (p. 1092), who con- nects the işya form with the iş- aorist; and v. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte 86. See WHITNEY's note on AV. xv. 67. 8 An emendation: see note on sāksye. 9 CP. DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 184. 1º Õp. cit. p. 183. 11 In the form ánvartişye for ánu-vartisye; see p. 11, 18. 2 According to WHITNEY 937 the future is formed from over 60 roots in the TS. but I am uncertain how many of these occur in independent Mantra passages. 12 See WHITNEY's note on AV. xix. 479. 13 The form karişyá (1. 1659) is probably to 3 This is the only stem in which -syá is be explained as the same subjunctive to be read -sia: kşeşiántas. (= karişyás): cp. BR. sv. karişya. 4 This stem has the double irregularity of accenting the root and not taking Guna: cp. the perfect sasūva. 5 The Mss. read mekşámi in AV. VII. 102¹: cp. WHITNEY's note. 6 Doubtful reading see note ³ p.387 on yoksye. 14 Cp. DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 183. 15 In praisyán (AV. v. 2214), Pp. pra-esyán, hut WHITNEY tra-isyan. 16 In AV. XV. 201 nearly all the Mss. read jyeşyán (as if from Vjyā-) for jesyán. VII. VERB. FUTURE SYSTEM. 387 bhar-işyánt- (TS.), bhav-iṣyánt- (AV.VS.), yä-syánt- (AV.), vac- 'speak': vak-syant-, vay-işyánt-, san-isyánt-, sar-isyánt-, sú-syant-, han-isyant-. Middle. kramsyá-māṇa- (AV.), janiṣyá-māṇa- (VS. xvIII. 5), yakṣyá-māṇa-, stavisyá-mana- (AV.). Future Indicative. 539. The future is inflected, in both active and middle, like the present of the a- conjugation. The forms actually met with in the Samhitãs would, if made from kr- 'do', be the following: Active. Sing. 1. karişyámi. 2. karişyási. 3. karişyáti. - Du. 2. karisyathas (TS.). 3. karişyatas (AV.). PL. 1. karişyámas and karişyámasi (AV.). 2. kar- isyátha. 3. karişyanti (AV.). Middle. Sing. 1. karisyé. 2. karişyase. 3. karisyate. The forms actually occurring are the following: Active. Sing.I. eṣyāmi (AV.), kariṣyāmi (AV.), kartsyāmi (AV.), cariṣyāmi (VS. I. 5), jeşyámi, bhantsyámi (Vbandh-, VS. XXII. 4)', meksyámi ² (AV.), vakṣyámi (√vac-), stavişyámi. 2. karişyási, jeṣyasi (VS. XXIII. 17), bhavisyasi (AV.), mariṣyasi (AV.), rāts- yasi (√rādh-, AV.), vakṣyasi (√vac-, TS. 11.6.125), sanişyasi, haniṣyasi (AV.). 3. karisyati, gamisyati (AV.), nasisyati (AV.), nesyati (AV.), patisyati (AV.), bhavisyáti, marisyati (AV.), vadisyati (AV.), sanisyati, sthāsyati (VS. VI. 2), hanisyati (AV.). 3. marişyatas (AV.), vaksyatas Du. 2. karisyathas (TS. IV. I. 9²). (Vvah-, AV.). - - Pl. I. bharisyamas (VS. XI. 16), vakṣyámas (√vac), svapisyámasi (AV.). 2. kariṣyátha, bhavisyatha, sarisyatha (AV.). 3. gopsyanti (√gup-, AV.), śatsyanti (√śad-, AV.), häsyanti (√hã-, AV.). Middle. Sing. 1. dharisyé (AV.), manisye, yoksye³ (AV.), vartişyet (AV.), sākṣyes (√sah-, AV.). - 2. stavişyase. 3. janisyate, stavisyate (AV.). Periphrastic Future. 540. Of this formation, common in the later language, there seems to be an incipient example in VS. XVIII. 59 = TS. V.7.7¹: anvāgantá yajñápatir vo átra 'the sacrificer is following after you here', a modification of AV.VI.123¹²: anvāgantá yájamānaḥ svasti, which WHITNEY translates the sacrificer follows after well- being¹6 V. Secondary Conjugation. 541. As opposed to the primary conjugation, there are four derivative formations in which the present stem is used throughout the inflexion of the verb and is everywhere accompanied by the specific sense connected with that stem. The forms which occur outside the present system are, how- ever, rare. The four derivative formations are the desiderative, the intensive, the causative, and the denominative. I. The Desiderative. DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 184-186. — AVERY, Verb-Inflection 230, 268—270.—WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 1026-1040; Roots 233f. -v. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte 88-90. 542. Though the least frequent of the secondary conjugations, the desi- derative is perhaps best dealt with first, as being akin in derivation and In AV. III. 95 ROTH and WHITNEY'S | 3 All the Mss. in AV. XIX. 131 read yokşe edition reads bhartsyắmi; but WHITNEY, note (but Paipp. yoksye). on that passage, would emend this to bhantsyami (Vbandh-), and SHANKAR PANDIT reads bhatsyami. 4 In ánvartisye (AV. XIV. 156) given under the root art- by WHITNEY, AV. Index Ver- borum; see p. 386, note ¹¹. 5 The Mss. in AV. II. 275 read sākṣe. 2 WHITNEY's emendation for mekşámi of the Mss.; see his note on AV. VII. 102¹. 6 Cp. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 946. 25* 388 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. meaning to the future, the last of the primary verbal formations treated above (537-540). The desiderative is formed from the root with an accented reduplicative syllable and the suffix -sa, which expresses the desire for the action or condition denoted by the root; e. g. pā- 'drink': pi-pa-sa- 'desire to drink'. Desiderative stems from fewer than sixty roots are met with in the Samhitās. The characteristic reduplicative vowel is i, which appears in all stems except those formed from roots containing ž (which reduplicate with z); and the root generally remains unchanged. Thus jñā- 'know' : ji-jñā-sa- (AV.); jya- 'overpower' : jí-jyā-sa-; dā- ‘give': di-dā-sa-; pā- ‘drink' : pi-pā-sa-; tij- 'be sharp' ti-tik-sa-; nid 'blame': ní-nit-sa-; bhid- 'split': bi-bhit-sa-; mis- 'mix' : mi-mik-sa-; riş- 'hurt': ri-rik-sa-; ni 'lead': ni-nī-șa-; pri- 'love': pi-pri-șa-; guh- 'hide' : ju-guk-sa-²; duh- ‘milk': dú-duk-şa-²; muc- 'release' : mú-muk-șa-; yudh 'fight': yú-yut-sa-; ruh- 'ascend': rú-ruk-şa-; bhu- 'be': bú-bhu-sa-; trd- 'pierce': ti-trt-sa-; trp- 'delight': ti-trp-sa-; drs- 'see' : di-drk-sa-; vrt- 'turn' : vi-vrt-sa-; srp- 'creep': si-srp-sa-. a. A few desideratives reduplicate with a long vowel: tur- (= tỹ-) 'cross': tú-tūr-şa-; badh- 'oppress': bī-bhat-sa-; man- ‘think’ : mī-māṇ-sa- (AV.) 'investigate'. On the other hand, two desideratives abbreviate the reduplica- tive syllable by dropping its consonant; thus yaj- 'sacrifice': i-yak-sa- for

yi-yak-şa-3; naš- 'attain' : í-nak-sa-, for *ni-nak-sa-, perhaps through the influence

of iyak-sa-; and the RV. has one desiderative form from ap- 'obtain' in which the reduplication is dropped altogether: ap-santa. b. The radical vowel is lengthened when i, u, or r is final (the latter becoming īr); thus ci- ‘see' : ci-kī-șa-; ji- 'conquer' : ji-gi-sa-; yu- 'unite'

yu-yu-şa-; śru- 'hear': sú-śru-sa-; kr- 'make': ci-kīr-şa- (AV.); hr- 'take':

ji-hīr-sa- (AV.); dhur- 'injure': dú-dhur-sa- with a because vowel and semi- vowel have interchanged. a. A few roots with medial a followed by n or m lengthen the vowel; thus man- 'think': mi-mam-sa- (AV.); han- 'smite' : ji-gham-sa-; gam- 'go' : ji-gam-sa- (AV.); two others do so after dropping the nasal, viz. van- 'win' : ví-vā-sa-; and san- 'gain' : sí-ṣã-sa-5. c. In nearly a dozen roots, on the other hand, the radical vowel is weakened. 1. In a few roots final ä is reduced to ī and, in one instance, even i6; thus gā- ‘go': ji-gi-șa- (SV¹.); pā- ‘drink': pi-pī-șa- (RV.) beside pi-pā-sa-; ha- go forth': ji-hī-ṣa-7 (AV.); dhā- ‘puť : di-dhi-șa- (RV.) beside dhít-sa-. 2. Half a dozen roots containing ā or a shorten the root by syncopation resulting in contraction with the reduplicative syllable; da- 'give': dit-sa-, for di-d[al-sa-, beside di-da-sa-; dha- 'put': dhi-t-sa-, for di-dh-[a]-sa-, beside di- dhi-sa-; dabh- 'harm': di-p-sa-, for di-d[a]bh-sa-; labh- 'take' : li-p-sa- (AV.), for li-l[a]bh-sa-; sak- ‘be able' : si-k-sa-, for si-s[a]k-sa-; sah- 'prevail': sí-k-sa-, for si-s[a]k-sa-; similarly initial ä in ap- 'obtain' : ip-sa-8 (AV.); and in rdh- 'thrive': írt-sa- (AV.) the initial is treated as if it were ar-⁹. a. In a few roots the consonants undergo exceptional changes; thus palatals revert to the original guttural in ci- 'note': ci-ki-sa-; cit- 'perceive': ci-kit-sa-; ji- 'conquer' :ji-gi-sa-; ¹ Cp. v. NEGELEIN 86. 2 See above 32 b. 3 Cp. v. NEGELEIN 68, note 2. The i being the reduplicative vowel, cannot be explained in the same way as that of the perfect i-yáj- for *ya-yáj-, where i- has the nature of Samprasāraṇa. 4 Cp. Vdiv-: dyi-tá- etc., below 573 a. 5 As in the past participle 574, 2 a. 6 As in the past participle 574, 3. 7 In AV. xx. 1272 the Mss. read jihisate probably for jihidate. 8 Cp. BRUGMANN 2, 854, 1027. 9 V. NEGELEIN (89, note 2) thinks īrtsá- can only be explained from žirdh-sa-. VII. VERB. FUTURE SYSTEM. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 389 han- 'slay' : jí-gham-sa-. In ghas- 'eat' the final s becomes before the s of the suffix: ji-ghat-sa-¹ (AV.). ß. The desiderative suffix -sa is never added in the RV. with the connecting vowel --; but there is one example of this formation in the AV., viz. pat- 'fly' : pi-pat-i-sa-2. Inflexion. 543. The desiderative is inflected regularly like verbs of the a- conjuga- tion in both voices, having the moods and participles of the present tense, as well as an imperfect. No forms outside the present system occur in the RV. with the exception of the perfect from mis-, mi-miks-ur³ etc. (in which, how- ever, the desiderative stem is treated as a root) besides two aorist forms and one passive participle in the AV.4. The forms of the present indicative, active and middle, which actually occur, would if made from ví-vā-sa- ‘desire to win', be as follows: Active. Sing. I. vivāsāmi. 2. vivāsasi. 3. vivāsati. - Du. 2. vívāsathas. 3. vivasatas. Pl. 1. vivāsāmas. 3. vivasanti. Middle. Sing. 1. vivase. 2. vivāsase. 3. vivāsate. Pl. 1. vivasāmahe. vivāsante. 544. Forms occurring elsewhere in the present system are the following: a. Subjunctive. Active. Sing. 3. jighamsat (TS.), títrpsat, dipsāt (TS. AV.), nínitsat, vivasat. Pl. 3. iyakṣän, titrtsān, viväsän. vívāsāt. b. Injunctive. Active. Sing. 3. inaksat, cikitsat, vivāsat. Middle. Pl. 3. apsanta, didhisanta, siksanta. c. Optative. Active. Sing. 1. ditseyam, vivaseyam. Pl. 1. didhisema, vivāsema. Middle. Sing. 1. didhiseya. 3. viväset. d. Imperative. Active. Sing. 2. cikitsa, dípsa (AV.), mimiksa, vivasa. -3. cikitsatu (AV.). - Du. 2. mimiksatam, sisasatam. 3. mimikṣatām. — Pl. 2. cikitsata (TS.), viväsata. 3. didhisantu. e. Participles. Active. inaksant-, iyakṣant-, ipsant- (AV.), irtsant- (AV.), cíkitsant-, jighāmsant-, ditsant-, dipsant-, důdukṣant-, pipīṣant-, búbhūṣant-, yuyutsant-, yuyuşant-, ririkṣant- (Vriş-), rúruksant- (√ruh-), vivasant-, sisāsant-, sisypsant-, siksant-. Middle. iyakşamāṇa-, īrtsamāna- (AV.), jigīṣamāṇa-, múmukṣamana-, lipsamāna- (AV.), śikṣamāṇa- (TS.), śúśrūṣamāna-; and with -ana: didhiṣāna-. f. Imperfect. Active. Sing. 2. ásiṣāsas. 3. ajighamsat, asiṣāsat. Pl. 3. áyuyutsan, ásişasan; duduksan, bibhitsan. — — — - g. Aorist. Sing. 2. acikitsis (AV.), irtsis (AV.). h. Passive. No finite form of the passive seems to occur in the Sam- hitas; of participles, no certain form of the present occurs, mīmāmsyámāna- (AV. Ix. 6²4) 5 being a conjecture; and of the past only one form has been noted: mīmāmsitá- (AV. 1x. 6²4) 6. i. Gerundive. Two regular forms occur: didrks-énya- 'worthy to be seen' and susrūṣ-énya- (TS.) 'worthy to be heard'. There are also one or two irregular formations: didyks-bya- 'worthy to be seen' and paprks-énya- ‘to be asked' (unless from aorist stem) 7. k. Verbal adjective. A considerable number (more than a dozen in the RV.) of verbal adjectives are formed from the desiderative stem with the I See above 44 a, I. 2 The desiderative of jiv- live', jijiv-i-sa-, occurs in VS. XL. (Ïśā Up.). 3 According to GRASSMANN, perf. des. of mih 'mingere'; cp. WHITNEY, Roots, s. v. miks.sitvā from K. 4 In all these forms the stems have lost 7 See below, Gerundive 580. their distinct desiderative meaning: cp. WHITNEY 1033. 5 Cp. WHITNEY's note in his translation; in his grammar 1039 he quotes rurutsyamāna (Vrudh-) from K. 37, 12 (apa-). 6WHITNEY 1037 quotes the gerund mīmām39⁰ I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. suffix -u. They have the value of a present participle governing a case; thus įyakṣ-i- 'wishing to sacrifice'; jigūṣ-- 'wishing to conquer'; didhis-ú- 'desiring to win'; dips-i- 'wishing to injure'; vivakṣ-ú- (AV.) from vac- 'speak'; siṣās-i- 'eager to win' ¹. 2. Intensives. DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 130-134. AVERY, Verb-Inflection 230, 270-272. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 1000-1025; Roots 232 f. v. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprach- geschichte 78-80. LINDNER, Altindische Nominalbildung 10 (p. 48) and 21 c (parti- ciples). BURCHARDI, Die Intensiva des Sanskrit und Avesta. Teil I. Halle 1892; Teil II. BB. 19, 169-225. - - - 545. The intensive or, as it is also often called, the frequentative implies intensification or repetition of the sense expressed by the root2. It is a common formation, being made from over 90 roots in the Samhitas. The stem is derived from the root by means of a reduplicative syllable, the characteristic feature of which is that it always has a strong form. The reduplicative syllable may be formed in three different ways: I. radical i ž are always reduplicated with a Guņa vowel, and å and y (ar) often with ā; 2. roots containing r or a followed by r ln m more usually reduplicate with a and liquid or nasal; 3. a considerable number of intensives interpose the vowel between the reduplicative syllable and the root. I. a. Roots containing or u reduplicate with e or o; thus cit- 'per- ceive': cékit-; tij- 'be sharp': té-tij-; dis 'point': dé-dis-; nij- 'wash': né-nij-; ni- 'lead' : ne-ni-; piś- 'adorn' : pé-pis-; mì- 'damage' : mé-mi-; rih- ‘lick': re- rih; vij- 'tremble': ve-vij-; vid- 'find': vé-vid-; vis- 'be active': r'e-vis-; vī- 'enjoy' : ve-vī-; sidh- ‘repeľ' : se-șidh-; gu- 'sound' : jo-gu-; dhu- ‘shake' : do-dhu-; nu- 'praise': no-nu-; pruth- 'snort': po-pruth-; bhu- 'be': bo-bhu-; yu- join': yó-yu-; yu-'separate': yo-yu-; ru- ‘cry' : ro-ru-; ru- ‘break': ro-ru-; šuc- ‘gleam'

só-suc-; sū- 'generate': so-su-; sku- 'tear': co-ski-; hu- 'call': jo-hu-.

b. More than a dozen roots with medial ă (ending in mutes or sibilants, and one in m), as well as three with final, reduplicate with ā: kāś 'appear': ca-kas-; gam- ‘go' : ja-gam-; nad- ‘sound': ná-nad-; pat- 'fall' : pā- pat-; badh- 'oppress': ba-badh-; raj- 'colour' : rá-raj-; randh- 'make subject : rärandh-; rap- 'chatter": ra-rap-; lap- 'prate' : lá-lap-; vac- 'speak': va-vac-; vad- 'speak': vā-vad-; vas be eager': va-vas-; vas- 'bellow': vá-vas-; śvas- 'blow': sã-svas-; gr- 'wake': ja-gr-; dr- split' : da-dr-; dhr- 'hold' : dā-dhr-; also cal 'stir' : cā-cal- (AV.). 2. All other roots containing y (and dr- and dhr- alternatively) and several with medial a followed by r 1, or a nasal, reduplicate with -ar, -al or -an, -am. Thus: a. kr 'commemorate': car-kr- and car-kir-; krs- 'drag': car-krs-; gr- 'swallow' : jár-gur- and jal-gul-; tr- 'cross' : tar-ty- (RV.); dr- 'split': dár-dr- and dar-dir; dhr- 'hold': dár-dhr-; brh- 'make strong': bár-brh-; bhr- 'bear'

jar-bhr-³; mṛj- 'wipe' : mar-mrj-; mrs 'touch' : már- mṛś-; vrt- 'turn': var-

vrt; sy- 'flow': sar-sr-; hrs- be excited': jar-hṛṣ-. b. car- 'move' : car-car- (AV.); cal- ‘stir': -cal-cal- (MS.) beside -ca-cal- (AV.); phar- ‘scatter' (?) : par-phar-; kram- ‘stride' : cañ-kram-; gam- 'go' : jan- gam-; jambh- 'chew up': jan-jabh-; tams- 'shake': tan-tas-; dams 'bite' : dan- das; nam- 'bend' : nan-nam-; yam- 'reach' : yam-yam-; stan- 'thunder': tam- stan- (AV.). ¹ GRASSMANN, p. 1727, gives a list of the 2 The specific meaning of the formation desiderative adjectives in su occurring in is wanting in the intensives of gr- 'wake', the RV. (about 15); four occur in the AV.: cit- perceive', nij- 'wash', vis- 'work'. cikitsu-, jighatsu-, dipsú-, bībhatsú-; cp. WHIT- NEY 1038. 3 The palatal y in the reduplication is like that of bhr-in the perfect formja-bhāra (482 d). VII. VERB. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 39I a. A few intensives show irregularities in the reduplicative syllable; thus - 'go': al-ar- (dissimilation); gāh- 'plunge' : jan-gah- (from a root which otherwise has no nasal in inflected forms); badh- oppress': bad-badh- (only example of a final mute being redu- plicated); gur- 'greet' and bhur. 'quiver' reduplicate with a: jar-gur- and jar-bhur-². f. In a few roots containing or the radical syllable varies; thus gr- 'swallow' : jar-gur- and jal-gul-; car-'move': car-cur- beside car-car-; tr- 'cross': tar-tur- beside tar-tar-. 3. Over twenty roots with final or penultimate nasal, , or ž, inter- pose an ī (or i if the vowel would be long by position) between the redu- plicative syllable and the root: a. krand- 'cry out': kan-i-krand- and kan-i-krad-; gam- ‘go' : gan-i-gam- (but gan-i-gm-at); pan- 'admire' : pán-i-pan-; phan- 'spring': pán-i-phan-; ścand- 'shine' : can-i-scad-; san- 'gain' : san-i-șan-; skand- 'leap' : kan-i-şkand- and can- i-şkad-; syand- 'flow' : sán-i-syad-; svan- 'sound': san-i-svan-; han- 'slay': ghan- i-ghan-. b. kr 'make': kar-i-kr- and car-i-kr- (AV.) 3; tr- 'cross' tar-i-tr-; bhr- 'bear': bhar-i-bhr-; vr- 'cover' : var-i-vr-; vrj- 'twist': vár-í-vrj-; vṛt- 'turn' : var-i-vrt-. c. tu- 'be strong': táv-i-tu-; dhū- 'shake': dáv-i-dhu-; nu- 'praise': náv- i-nu-; dyut- 'shine' : dáv-i-dyut-. a. Primary Form. Present Indicative. 546. With the exception of eight or nine verbs, which take a secondary form (inflected in the middle only and identical in appearance with a passive), the intensive is inflected like the third conjugational class. The only difference is that may be inserted between the root and terminations beginning with consonants; it is common in the 1. and 3. sing. ind. act., and is also some- times found to occur in the 2. 3. du. ind. and the 2. 3. sing. imperative and imperfect active 4. The forms actually found, if made from the intensive of nij- 'wash', would be the following in the indicative: Active. Sing. 1. nénej-mi and nénej-ī-mi. 2. nének-şi. 3. nének-ti and nénej-i-ti. - Du. 2. nenej-i-thas 5. 3. nenik-tás. - Pl. 1. nenij-mas and nenij- masi (AV.). 3. nénij-ati. Middle. Sing. 1. nenij-é. 3. nenik-té. — Du. 3. nenij-āte. Pl. 3. nénij-ate. The forms actually met with are: Active. Sing. I. carkarmi, vevesmi (AV.); cakaśīmi, jóhavimi, dardar- īmi. — 2. alarși, jāgarṣi (Kh. II. 3), dárdarşi, dárdharsi. 3. álarti, káni- kranti, ganīganti, janghanti, varīvarti and várvarti6; -calcalīti (MS. II. 1 3¹); carcarīti (AV.), cákaśīti, jarbhurīti, jalgulīti (TS.), jóhavīti, tartarīti, dardarīti, dodhavīti, nánnamīti, nónavīti, pāpatīti, bobhavīti, yamyamīti, rārajīti (AV.), rārapīti, róravīti, lālapīti (AV.), vāvadīti, sosavīti. Du. 2. tartarithas 8. - 3. jarbhrtás. Pl. I. nonumas and nonumasi (AV.). nanadati, bharibhrati, várvṛtati. Middle. Sing. 1. joguve. 3- 3. jágrati (AV.), dávidyutati, 3. tétikte, dédiste, nánnate, nenikté, 6 For várvart-ti, varīvart-ti; cp. GRASSMANN, Though it has in nominal derivatives; see WHITNEY, Roots, s. v. gāh; cp. BUR- | S. V. vrt. CHARDI, BB. 19, 179; v. NEGELEIN 79. 2 Cp. p. 390, note 3. 7 See note 9. 8 Cp. note 5. - 9 With loss of nasal (a sonant nasal) for

nánnan-te(1. 1406). AUFRECHT, RV2., and MAX

3 In the participle kárikr-at and -çárikr-at (AV.). 4 This never occurs if the reduplication | MÜLLER, RV².,write námna-te (also Padapāṭha); contains 7: thus no-nav-i-ti and nav-i-no-t, but the participle nánnamat (VIII. 438), AUF- but never *navi-nav-i-ti. Cp. DELBRÜCK,| RECHT nánn-, MAX MÜLLER námn-; the 3. sing. nánnamīti (v. 835) AUFRECHT2, námnamīti MAX Verbum p. 131; v. NEGELEIN 79. 5 For *nenik-thás; the only 2. du. which MÜLLER 2; similarly nánnamāne (x. 82¹) AUF- occurs is tartar-i-thas for *tarty-thás. RECHT, námnamāne MAX MÜLLER (also Pp.). I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. sarsyte; with -e for -te: cékite, jáńgahe, joguve, badbadhé and bābadhe, yoyuve, sarsré. Du. 3. sarsrāte. Pl. 3. dédišate. 547. a. Subjunctive. Active. Sing. 1. janghánāni. 2. jāgarāsi² (AV.); janghanas, jalgulas. 3. canişkadat, cárkṛṣat, cékitat, janghanat, jāgarat (AV.), dardirat, davidyutat, parpharat, bárbṛhat, mármrjat, marmṛśat, sanisvanat. - Du. 1. janghanava. Pl. 1. carkirama, vevidāma.- 3. carkiran, ('commemorate'), cákaśān² (AV.), pāpatan, sóśucan. Middle. Du. 3. tantasaite.- Pl. 3. jánghananta, jarhrsanta, nonuvanta, marmrjanta, śośucanta. b. Optative. No certain form occurs in the RV. 3, and only two or three in other Samhitas: Sing. 3. vevisyāt (AV.). Pl. 1. jagryāma (VS. TS. MS.), jāgriyāma (TS. 1. 7. 10¹). c. Imperative. Examples of forms of all the 2. and 3. persons are found excepting the 3. pl., but no middle form has been met with. Active. Sing. 2. carkrdhi (AV.) 'remember', jāgrhí, dardrhí, dadrhi, nenigdhi (AV.), barbrhi; janghanthi (AV.), cakaśīhi (VS. TS.), tamstanihi (AV.). With -tat: carkṛtát, jāgṛtāts. 3. dardartu, marmartu, vevestu (AV.); vavadītu (AV.), johavītu (AV.). Du. 2. jāgrtam. - 3. jāgṛtām (AV.). Pl. 2. jagrta (AV.), cankramata6 548. Participle. Active. kánikradat-, kárikrat-, ghánighnat-, -cárikrat- (AV.), cákaśat-, cékitat-, jánghanat-, járbhurat-, jágrat-, dáridrat- (TS. IV. 5. 10¹), dárdrat, dávidyutat, nánnamat-, nánadat, pánipnat, pánīphaṇat-, pépisat-, bóbhuvat- (AV.), mármrjat, yóyuvat- (yu- 'ward off'), rérihat, róruvat-, vávasat- (vāś- 'roar'), vévisat-, šóśucat-, sésidhat-. Middle¹. cékitana-, jáñjabhāna- (AV.), járbhurāṇa-, járhṛṣāṇa-, dándas- ana-, nánnamāna-, pépisana- (AV. TS.), bábadhana-, mémyāna-, yóyuvana- (yu- 'join'), rórucana-, śóśucana-, sársrāṇa-. 392 - Du. 2. adardrtam. 3. avāvašītām. (AV.), ájohavur, adardirur, anonavur. ¹ With irregular accent. 2 With double modal sign. a. The participles badbadhaná- and marmrjāná- (beside mármrjāna-), though irregularly accented, unmistakably belong to the intensive. kánikrat once (1x. 6320) appears as an abbreviated form of kánikrad-at. The participle jánghan-at- syncopates the radical vowel in the gen. sing.: jánghn-at-as; an- other form of the intensive participle from the same root syncopates the radical vowel throughout: ghánighn-at-; also pánipn-at-. The obscure form cākán (x. 29¹) may be the nom. of an intensive participle with anomalous accent for cắkan-at8. 549. Imperfect. Altogether (including unaugmented forms, some of which are used injunctively) about thirty forms of the imperfect occur, among them only four examples of the middle. In the active all persons are re- presented except the 1. du. and the 2. pl.; but in the middle only the 3. sing. and pl. are met with. Active. Sing. 1. acākaśam; dedišam. 2. ajāgar, adardar; dardar. 3. adardar, adardhar, avarīvar; kánişkan, dardar, dávidyot, návīnot; ájohavīt, áyoyavīt, ároravīt, ávāvacīt. Pl. 1. marmṛjmá. 3. acarkṛṣur — 3 Cp. WHITNEY 1009 a. 4 For barbyh-hi, the final h being dropped after being cerebralized before -dhi : *barbrz- dhi (58, 1 b, a; 62, 4 e). 5 This form occurs once in the AV. as a I. person: cp. WHITNEY 1011 a. 6 With anomalous connecting -a- for

cankran-ta.

- - - 7 The participles rārah-āṇá-, rārakṣ-āṇá-, and jahrs-aná- (beside járhṛṣ-ana-) are pro- bably perfect participles, altbough no other perfect forms with à in the reduplicative syllable occur from these roots (rah-, rakṣ-, hrs-); cp. WHITNEY 1013. = 8 I regard it as 3. sing. perf. inj.

cākán-t(488). Cp. BARTHOLOMAE, IF. 7, 111,

GRASSMANN, under the root kā-; WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 1013 b; Roots 17. VII, VERB. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. Middle. Sing. 3. ádedista, ánannata¹. Pl. 3. marmrjata ¹. 550. a. Perfect. A few perfect forms with intensive reduplication and present sense are met with: 3. jagára, davidhava (dhū- 'shake'), Active. Sing. 1. jāgara. nonāva ³ (nu- 'praise'). The only perfect participle occurring is jagrváms-. b. Aorist. The only trace of an aorist being formed from the intensive is cárkr-s-e 'thinks of', 3. sing. mid., formed like hi-s-e and stu-s-e. It occurs three times in the RV., always with a present sense. c. Causative. A causative formed from the intensive is once found in the participle varīvarj-áyant-ī- (AV.) ‘twisting about' (Vvrj-). b. Secondary Form. 551. The rare secondary form of the intensive is identical in meaning with the primary. In form it is indistinguishable from a passive, the suffix -yá being added to the primary stem and the inflexion being the same as that of the passive. Altogether about a dozen forms have been met with from nine roots. The only persons represented are the 2. and 3. sing. and 3. pl. indicative; and there is also a present participle. The forms actually occurring are the following: Present indicative. Sing. 2. coşkuyáse. 3. nenīyáte (VS.), marmrjyáte, rerihyáte, vevijyáte, vevīyate. (√tr-), marmṛjyánte. Participle. carcūryåmāna- (Vcar-), nenzyåmãna-, marmrjyámāng. 3. The Causative. DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 209-216. Sanskrit Grammar p. 379-386; Roots 235 f. - AVERY, Verb-Inflection 262-268. v. NEGELEIN 44-48. 393 dedišyáte (AV. VS.), Pl. 3. tartüryante - 4 Cp. WHITNEY 1042 b. 5 Cp. v. NEGELEIN 44. 6 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 698. WHITNEY, 552. The causative verb expresses that its object is caused to perform the action or to undergo the state denoted by the root; e. g. párām evá paravátam sapátnīm gamayāmasi (x. 1454) 'we cause our rival to go to the far distance. It is by far the commonest of the secondary conjugations, being formed from over 200 roots in the Samhitas; but of about 150 causative stems appearing in the RV. at least one-third lack the causative meaning. The stem is formed by adding the suffix -áya to the root, which as a rule is strengthened. Those verbs in which the root, though capable of being strengthened, remains unchanged, have not a causative4, but an iterative sense, being akin in formation to denominatives 5 (which sometimes even have the causative accent). The whole group may originally have had this meaning, from which the causative sense was developed till it became the prevalent one. This may perhaps account for an iterative formation, the reduplicated aorist, having specially attached itself to the causative. Both the iterative and the causative form are occasionally made from the same root; e. g. pataya-ti 'flies about' and patáya-ti 'causes to fly' beside the simple verb páta-ti 'flies'. I See p. 391, note 9. MS. (1. 86); the latter form is irregular in 2 ávavasanta (Vva) is probably a plu- accent. Cp. BÖHTLINGK's Lexicon, perfect (p. 365, top). 3. lī. 3 WHITNEY 1018 quotes also dodrāva (dru- 'run') from the TS., and yoyava (yu- 'sepa- rate'), and lelaya (li- 'be unsteady) from the D. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 553. The root is strengthened in different ways according to the nature and position of its vowel. 394 Initial or medial i u r! (if not long by position) take Guna; thus a. cit- 'perceive': cet-áya- 'teach'; mih- 'mingere': meh-áya- 'cause to rain'; ris- be hurt': res-áya- 'injure'; vid- 'know': ved-áya-'cause to know'; vip- 'tremble'

vep-áya- ‘shake'; vis- 'enter': veš-áya- 'cause to enter'; vist- 'wrap' : vest-áya-

(AV.) 'involve'; snih 'be moist' : sneh-áya- 'destroy'; b. kup- 'be agitated': kop-áya- 'shake'; krudh- 'be angry': krodh-áya- 'en- rage'; kṣud- ‘be agitated': ksod-aya- ‘shake'; ghuș- 'sound' : ghos-áya- 'proclaim'; cud- 'impel' : cod-áya-, id.; jus- ‘enjoy' : jos-áya- 'caress'; jyut- ‘shine' : jyot-áya- (AV.) 'enlighten'; tus 'drip': tos-aya- 'bestow abundantly'; dyut 'shine' : dyot- aya- 'illumine'; pus- 'thrive': pos-aya- 'nourish'; budh 'be awake': bodh-áya- 'waken'; muh- 'be dazed': moh-áya- 'bewilder'; yudh- 'fight' : yodh-dya- 'cause to fight'; yup- 'efface': yop-áya-, id.; ruc- 'shine': roc-áya- 'illumine'; rud- 'weep' : rod-aya- 'cause to wail'; ruh- 'rise': roh-aya- 'raise'; lubh- 'desire eagerly': lobh-áya- 'allure'; suc- 'flame': soc-áya- 'set on fire'; subh- 'shine': Sobh-aya- (AV.) 'adorn'; sus- 'grow dry': sos-aya- (AV.) ‘make dry'; c. rd-'dissolve' (intr.): ard-áya- 'destroy'; krs- 'be lean': kars-áya- ‘emaciate'; trp- 'be pleased': tarp-áya- 'delight'; drs 'see' : darś-áya- (AV.) 'show'; nyt- 'dance' : nart-áya- 'cause to dance'; brh- or vyh- 'tear' : barh-áya- 'thrust'; myc- 'injure': marc-áya-, id.; mrj- 'wipe': mari-áya-, id.; vrj- 'turn': varj-aya- (AV.) 'cause to turn'; vrt- 'roll': vart-aya- 'cause to revolve'; vydh- 'grow': vardh-áya- 'augment'; vrs- 'rain': vars-áya- 'cause to rain'; srdh- ‘be bold': sardh-áya- 'cause to be bold'; hrs- be excited': hars-áya- 'excite; d. kip- 'be adapted': kalp-áya- 'arrange'. 554. The following verbs, mostly lacking the causative meaning, leave the root unchanged: il 'be quiet' : il-áya- (AV.) 'cease'; cit- 'observe': cit- áya- 'stimulate' (also cet-áya-); riş- 'be injured' : riş-aya- id. (beside reş-áya-); vip- 'quiver': vip-áya- 'agitate' (also vep-aya-); tuj- 'be eager': tuj-áya- id.; tur- 'overwhelm': tur-áya- id.; tuș- ‘be content'

tus-áya- id.; dyut 'shine': dyut-aya- id. (beside dyot-aya- 'illumine'); ruc-

'shine': ruc-aya- id. (beside roc-áya- 'illumine'); suc- 'shine' suc-áya- id. (beside soc-áya- 'illumine'); subh- ‘shine': śubh-áya- id. (also sobh-aya- ‘adorn’ AV.). The vowel is lengthened in dus- 'spoil': duṣ-dya- id. krp- lament': krp-áya- id.; mṛḍ- 'be gracious': mṛl-áya-¹ id.; sprh- 'be eager': sprh-aya- id. In the case of grabh- 'grasp', the root is even weakened: grbh-áya- id. I a. Vowels long by nature or position remain unchanged, but the stem, in this case, usually has the causative sense: ing- 'move': ing-áya- ‘set in motion'; īks- ‘see' : īkṣ-áya- 'cause to see'; inkh- 'swing' : īnkh-áya- ‘shake'; īr- ‘set in motion' : īr-áya- id.; jīv- 'live' : jīv-áya- ‘animate'; dīp- ‘shine' : dip- áya- 'kindle'; pid- 'press' : pīd-aya- (AV.) ‘distress'; vid 'be strong' (in vīl-- 'strong'): vīl-áya- 'make strong'²; uks- 'grow up' : ukş-aya- 'strengthen'; kūd- (does not occur in the simple form) : kūl-aya- 'scorch'; sundh- 'purify': sundh-aya- id.; sūd- ‘make pleasant': sūd-áya- id.; sphūrj- 'rumble': sphūrj-áya- id.; drmh 'make firm': drmh-aya- (AV.) 'hold fast'; a. Two roots with medial i take Guna: srīv- 'fail': srev-áya- beside sriv-aya-3 (AV.) 'lead astray'; hid- be hostile': helaya in the participle á-helayant- 'not angry'; while ¹ Cp. v. NEGELEIN 46, note 1. 2 DELBRÜCK 189, 4 regards vīļáya as a śrīv-. denominative. a | iro 3 In AV. VI. 73² all the Mss. but one have VII. VERB. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 395 two others already have it in the root: rej- 'tremble': rej-áya- 'shake'; med- ‘be fat' : med-áya- 'fatten'. 555. An initial or a medial a (if not long by position) is lengthened in some thirty roots: am- 'be injurious': am-áya- be injured'; kam- 'desire': kam-áya- 'love'; cat- 'hide oneself' : cat-áya- 'drive away'; chad- 'cover'¹ : chad- áya- id.; tan- 'stretch': tan-aya- (AV.) ‘make taut'; tap- 'burn': tāp-áya- (AV.) 'cause to burn'; tras- ‘be terrified': tras-aya- (AV.) 'terrify'; nas 'be lost' : nas-áya- 'destroy'; pad- 'go', 'fall' : pād-áya- 'cause to fall'; phan- ‘bound' : phāṇ- aya- 'cause to bound'; bhaj- 'divide': bhaj-aya- 'cause to share'; bhras 'fall'

bhrās-áya-'cause to fall'; man- 'think': man-ava-2 (AV.) 'esteem'; yat- 'stretch':

yat-aya- 'unite'; yam- ‘guide': yām-aya- (Pp.yằm-) ‘present'; lap- ‘prate': lāp-aya- (AV.) 'cause to cry'; vat 'apprehend': vat-áya- 'inspire'; van- 'win': van-aya- (AV.) 'conciliate' (Pp. văn-); vas- 'dwell,: vas-áya- 'cause to stay'; vas- 'wear'

vās-áya- ‘clothe'; vas- 'shine': väs-aya- 'illumine'; sat-3 'cut in pieces': sat-áya-

(AV.) id. 4 ; svas- 'snort': śvās-aya- (AV.) 'cause to resound'; spaš- ‘see' : spāš-áya- 'show'; svap- 'sleep': svāp-aya- send to sleep'. a. Five or six other causatives optionally retain the a: gam- 'go': gam-aya- and gām-aya- (RV¹.) ‘bring'; das- 'waste away': das-aya- and dās-aya- (AV.) 'exhaust'; dhvan- 'disappear': dhvan-aya- (RV.) and dhvan-aya- (RV.) 'cause to disappear'; pat- 'fall' : pat-áya- 'fly about' (in RV. only once, I. 1697, 'cause to fall') and pat-áya- 'cause to fall'; mad- 'be exhilarated' :mad-áya- (AV.) and mad-áya- 'rejoice'; ram- 'rest': ram-áya- and ram-áya- 'cause to rest'. 556. Some twenty-five roots with initial or medial a (short by position) remain unchanged, as the causative meaning is mostly absent: an- 'breathe'

-an-aya- (AV.) 'cause to breathe'; chad- 'seem': chad-áya- id.; jan- 'beget'

jan-aya- id.; tvar- 'make haste' : tvar-áya- (AV.) ‘quicken'; dam- 'control'

dam-áya- id.; dhan- 'set in motion' : dhan-áya- id.; dhvas- 'disperse' (intr.) :

dhvas-áya- 'scatter' (tr.); nad- 'roar' : nad-áya- 'cause to resound'; nam- 'bend' (tr. and intr.) nam-aya- ‘cause to bend', 'strike down'; pan- 'admire' : pan-áya- id.; prath- 'spread out' : prath-aya- id.; mah- ‘be great' : mah-aya- ‘magnify'; raj- 'colour': raj-aya- (AV.) id.; ran- 'rejoice': ran-aya- id. and 'gladden'; vyath- 'waver': vyath-áya- 'cause to fall'; sam- 'be quiet' : śam-áya- (AV.) 'appease'; śnath- 'pierce': śnath-aya- id.; śrath- 'loosen': śrath-áya- id.; stan- 'thunder': stan-áya- id.; svad- 'enjoy', 'sweeten' : svad-áya- id.; svan- 'sound' : svan-aya- id.; svar- 'sound': svar-áya- (AV.) id. 5 a. If long by nature or position medial à remains unchanged, the causative sense being more often lacking than present: thus arc- 'shine' : arc- aya- 'cause to shine'; kaś 'appear' : kāś-áya- (AV.) 'cause to be viewed'; krand- 'roar': krand-áya- 'cause to roar'; cakṣ- 'see' : cakṣ-aya- ‘cause to appear'; chand- 'seem': chand-aya- id.; jambh- 'chew up', 'crush' : jambh-áya- id.; tams- 'set in motion' : tams-áya-id.; dambh- 'destroy' : dambh-áya- id.; bādh- ‘oppress'

badh-aya- (AV.) 'force'; bhaks- 'partake of' : bhaks-áya- id.; mamh- 'bestow':

mamh-áya id.; mand- 'gladden': mand-áya- 'satisfy'; yāc-'ask' yac-áya- (AV.) 'cause to be asked for'; ramh- 'hasten': ramh-áya- (AV.) id.; randh- 'make subject': randh-áya- id.; rāj- 'rule': räj-aya- (AV. TS.) 'be king'; radh- 'succeed'

radh-aya- (AV.) 'make successful'; vaks- 'grow': vakş-aya- 'cause to grow';

I Finite forms of the simple root chad- do not occur; the part. channa- is found in B. 2 In AV. XV. 10² the reading should be mānayet; see WHITNEY's note. 3 In AV. IV. 184 śäpaya, which would be the causative of sap, is probably a wrong reading; cp. WHITNEY's note, 4 No form or derivative of the simple root sal- occurs in V.; see WHITNEY, Roots, s. v. sat. 5 Occurring only in the participle svaráyant- am (AV. XIII. 2²), which WHITNEY translates 'shining'. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. sams-'proclaim': sams-áya- 'cause to proclaim'; svañc-'spread': svañc-áya- 'cause to spread out'; syand- 'flow: syand-aya- id.; srams- 'fall': srams-aya- (AV.) 'cause to fall'. 396 557. Final i, u, r take Guņa or Vṛddhi, the latter being commoner. a. The only example of a causative stem from a root ending in an i- vowel is that of ksi- 'possess', which takes Guņa: kṣay-áya- 'cause to dwell securely'. b. Final takes Guna or Vrddhi: cyu- 'waver': cyāv-áya- 'shake'; dru- 'run': drav-aya- 'flow' and drāv-áya 'cause to flow'; bhu- 'become' : bhav-áya- (AV.) 'cause to become'; yu- 'separate': yav-aya- and yāv-áya- id.; śru- 'hear'

śrav-áya- and śrāv-áya 'cause to hear'; śru-¹ 'dissolve': śrav-áya- and śrāv-

aya- (Pp. śrav-) 'cause to move'; sru- 'flow': srāvaya- (AV.) 'cause to flow'. c. Final? usually takes Vrddhi; thus ghr- 'drip' : ghār-aya- (AV.) 'cause to drip'; dhr- 'hold' : dhar-áya- id.; pr- ‘pass' : pār-áya- id.; pr- ‘fill' : pūr-áya- (AV.) ‘fulfil'; mr- ‘die' : mār-áya- (AV.) ‘kill'; vr- 'confine': vār-áya- id. Two causatives have the Guna as well as the Vrddhi form: jr- 'waste away' : jar- áya- and jār-áya- (Pp.jar-) 'wear out', 'cause to grow old'; sṛ- 'flow' : sar-áya- id. and sār-aya- 'cause to flow'. One root in - takes Guņa only: dr- 'pierce'

dar-áya- 'shatter'.

558. Roots ending in -à form their causative stem by adding -paya; thus kṣā- ‘burn' : kṣā-paya- (AV.) id.; glā- ‘be weary': glä-paya- (Pp. glắp-) 'exhaust'; da- 'give': da-paya- (AV.) 'cause to give'; dha 'put': dha-paya- 'cause to put'; dha- 'suck': dha-páya- 'suckle'; mla- 'relax' (intr.): mla-páya- (AV.) ‘relax' (tr.); vā- ‘blow': vã-páya- ‘fan'; sthā- 'stand': sthā-paya- ‘set up'; sna- 'wash' (intr.) : snā-páya- ‘bathe' (tr.) ². In three roots the ã is shortened: jñā- 'know' : jña-paya- (AV.) 'cause to know'; śra- 'boil': śra-páya- (AV. TS.) 'cook'; snä- ‘wash' : sna-páya- (AV.) beside snã-páya- ‘bathe' (tr.). a. A few roots ending in other vowels take paya. Two stems are formed by adding the suffix to the gunated root: ksi- 'possess': kṣe-paya- 'cause to dwell' beside kşay-aya-; r- ‘go' : arpaya- 'cause to go'. In the VS. two roots in i substitute à for that vowel before -paya: ji- 'conquer' : jã-paya- 'cause to win'; śri- 'resort': (ud-)śrā-paya- (VS¹.) 'raise'. a. Two roots with initial p and ending in -à do not form their causative stem with -paya, but add the ordinary suffix -aya with interposed y: pā ‘drink' : pāy-áya-, 'cause to drink'; pyā- 'overflow' : (à-\pyāy-áya- (AV.) ‘fill up'. This seeming irregularity is doubtless due to the original form of the root ³. Inflexion. 559. The causative is inflected regularly like the verbs of the a- con- jugation in both voices. It is to be noted, however, that in the 1. pl. pres. the termination -masi occurs in the RV. and AV. ten times as often as -mas; that in the 2. pl. no forms in -thana are met with; and that in the 3. sing. mid. e never appears for -ate. a. The forms of the present indicative active and middle, which actually occur, would if made from kalpáya- be the following: Active. Sing. 1. kalpayāmi. 2. kalpáyasi. .3. kalpáyati. — Du. 2. kalp- ayathas. 3. kalpayatas. Pl. I. kalpayāmasi and kalpáyāmas. 2. kalpáyathă. 3. kalpayanti. Du. 2. kalpá- Middle. Sing. 1. kalpáye. 2. kalpáyase. 3. kalpáyate. yethe. 3. kalpáyete. Pl. I. kalpayāmahe. 3. kalpáyante. Forms that occur elsewhere in the present system are the following: - This root, of which only three forms occur in the RV., seems to be only a varied spelling for sru- 'flow'. 2 The causative stem ha-paya-, from ha- 'forsake' is presupposed by the aorist jihipas. 3 See above 27 a 1 and 4. VII. VERB. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. b. Subjunctive. Active. Sing.I. cetáyäni (TS. III. 2. 10²; MS. IV. 58), randha- yāni. 2. codáyāsi, mṛláyäsi, randháyāsi (AV.), vartayāsi (TS. VII. 4. 20¹); janáyās (AV.), yāvayās(AV.), yodháyās. 3. ardayāti (AV.), kalpáyāti, tarpayāti(AV.), pādayāti (AV.), pārayāti, pūrayāti (AV.), māráyāti (AV.), mṛļáyāti, rājayāti (TS. II. 4. 14²), sūdayāti; kalpayāt (AV.), codáyāt, pāráyāt, marcáyāt, sādayāt, sāyáyît (TS. 1. 8. 62). Du. I. iráyava. - 2. dhapayathas (AV.), padayathas (AV.), vāsayāthas (AV.), südayāthas (AV.).-3. kulayātas. - Pl. 1. irayāma, dhārayāma. 2. chadáyātha, vardhayātha (AV.). 3. śrapayan (TS.Iv. 1.5¹). Middle. Sing. 2. kāmáyāse, codáyāse, joṣáyāse, mādáyāse, yātayāse, mādayāṭhās (AV. IV. 25°). -3. codayate, chandayāte, dhärayāte, mādáyāte, vartayāte; inkháyātai (AV.), cetáyātai (TS. 1. 1. 13²), dhārayātai (AV.), rājayātai (AV.), vārayātai (AV.). Du. I. inkhayāvahai, kalpayāvahai, janayāvahai (AV.). yaite. Pl. 2. kämáyādhve, madayadhve; mädayādhvai. 3. mādá- c. Optative. This mood is very rare, only four forms occurring in the RV. and two in the AV. Sing. 2. janayes (Kh.11.104), dhārayes. - 3. mānayet (AV.), vādayet (AA. III. 2.5), vesayet (AV.), sprhayet.- Pl.1. citáyema, marjayema. d. Imperative. Forms of this mood are common, nearly 120 occurring in the RV.; of these, however, quite one half are in the 2. sing. act. No forms of the 3. sing. and du. mid. are met with in the RV. No impv. in -tāt is found in the RV. and only one in the AV.: 2. sing. dharayatat. The forms actually occurring, if made from kalpáya-, would be the following: Active. Sing. 2. kalpáyă and kalpayatāt (AV.). 3. kalpayatu. Du. 2. kalpáyatam. 3. kalpayatām. Pl. 2. kalpáyată. 3. kalpáyantu. Middle. Sing. 2. kalpáyasva. Du. 2. kalpáyethām. - Pl. 2. kalpáya- dhvam. 3. kalpayantäm. - - — —— M - - — e. Participles. The active participle in -ant, with fem. in -ī, is common; e. g. jan-áyant-, f. jan-áyant-i- 'producing'. The middle participle, which is always formed with mana, is rare. In the RV. are found only maháya- mana- 'glorifying', yatáya-mana- 'reaching', vardháya-mana- 'increasing', and in the AV. only kāmáya-māna- 'desiring'; in the TS. (iv. 2. 6²) cātáya-māna-. f. Imperfect. Forms of this tense, both augmented and unaugmented, are frequent. In the RV. some 130 occur in the active, about two-thirds of which are in the 2. and 3. sing. Middle forms are rare except in the 3. pl. In the active the 1. and 3. du., and 1. and 2. pl. are wanting; in the middle all the 1. persons and the 3. du. are unrepresented. Some 50 unaugmented forms are used as injunctives in the RV. 2. The forms actually occurring, if made from janaya-, would be the following: Active. Sing. 1. ajanayam; janayam. 2. ájanayas; janáyas. 3. ájanayat; janáyat. Du. 2. ájanayatam. Pl. 3. ájanayan; janayan. Middle. Sing. 2. ajanayathās; janáyathās. 3. ájanayata; janayata. Pl. 2. ajanayadhvam. 3. ájanayanta; janáyanta. Du. 2. ájanayethām. 560. Outside the present system very few causative forms occur. These are found in the following formations. ————

In K. the forms yamayatāt and cyāvayatāt z See AVERY 264.

occur; and in pl. 2. the unexampled ending -dhvāt in vārayadhvāt: WHITNEY 1043 d. 397 a. Future. Only four forms occur in the RV. and AV. Active. Sing. 1. düşayisyámi (AV.). 3. dharayişyáti. Middle. Sing. 2. vasayişyáse 'wilt adorn thyself'. 3. värayiṣyate (AV.) 'will shield'. b. Perfect. The only example of a periphrastic perfect occurring in the Samhitās is made from a causative stem: gamayāṇ cakāra (AV.). c. Aorist. The reduplicated aorist has attached itself to the causa- tive, probably because the intensive character of the reduplicated form became 398 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. associated with the originally iterative meaning of the causative. But in form it is unconnected with the causative stem, being derived directly from the root; and more than one-third of the verbs which form it in the RV., and about one-fifth in the AV., have no causative stem in -aya. There are, how- ever, eight forms which are actually made from the causative stem: Sing. 1. arp-ip-am (AV.) from ar-paya-; 2. jihip-as from hã-paya-¹ 'cause to depart'; atişthip-as and 3. átişthip-at from sthā-paya- 'fasten'; ajijñip-at (TS.) from jñā- paya- 'cause to know'; Pl. 2. ájījap-ata (VS.) from japaya- 'cause to conquer' (Vji-); Sing. 2. act. bībhis-as (TS.) and mid. bībhis-athas from bhi-saya: 'frighten', anomalous causative of bhi 'fear'. a. There are besides three iş-aorists formed from the causative stem: vyathay-īs (AV.) from vyathaya- 'disturb'; ailay-it (AV.) from ilaya- ‘has quieted down'; dhvanay-it from dhvanaya- 'envelope'. 561. Nominal derivatives. a. The only present passive participle appears in the form bhaj-yá-mana- (AV. xII. 5²8). There are also a few past participles: ghar-i-ta- (AV.) 'smeared'; cod-i-tá- 'impelled'; -ves-i-ta- (AV.) 'caused to enter'. b. A few gerundives in -ayya are formed from causative stems: trayay- áyya- 'to be guarded'; panay-áyya- 'admirable'; sprhay-áyya- 'desirable’ ³. c. Ten infinitives formed with -dhyai from the causative stem are met with in the RV.: işáyadhyai, īráyadhyai, tamsayádhyai, nāśayádhyai, manda- yádhyai, mādayádhyai, risayádhyai, vartayádhyai, vājayádhyai, syandayádhyai 4. d. Four gerunds formed with tua from causative stems are met with in the AV.: arpay-i-tvá, kalpay-i-tvá, sāday-i-tvá, sramsay-i-tvá. e. Finally several ordinary nouns are derived from the causative stem with various suffixes; a few verbal nouns in -ana: árp-ana- (AV.) 'thrusting'; -bhi-s-ana- frightening'; one or two agent nouns in -tr, f. -tr-í: coday-i-tr-i- 'stimulator'; bodhay-i-tr- 'awakener'; a few adjectives in -á as second members of compounds: ati-pārayá- ‘putting across'; ni-dharayá- 'putting down'; vācam- inkhayá- 'voice-impelling'; visvam-ejaya- 'all-stimulating'; an adjective in -ālu: patay-āli- (AV.) 'flying'; five adjectives in -isnú: tapay-isni tormenting'; namay-işnu- 'bending'; patay-isnú- 'flying'; paray-isnú- 'rescuing'; maday-iṣnú- 'intoxicating'; seven adjectives in -itnú: -amay-itni- 'making ill; tanay-itnú- 'thundering'; drāvay-itni- 'speeding'; posay-itnú- 'nourishing'; mäday-itnú- 'intoxi- cating'; süday-itni- 'streaming sweetness'; stanay-itnú- m. 'thunder'; and three adjectives in -u: dharay-i- 'streaming'5; bhavay-i- 'animating'; manday-ú- 'rejoicing'. 4. The Denominative. DELBRÜCK, Verbum p. 201-209, 216-218. AVERY, Verb-Inflection 272-274.- WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 1053-1068. v. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte 40-44. Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 693-696. - 562. The denominative is nearly always formed from a nominal stem with the suffix -ya. The latter is normally accented; but a certain number of unmistakable denominatives, such as mantrá-ya-te 'takes counsel', have the causative accent and thus form a connecting link between the regular denomi- natives and the causatives The formation is a frequent one, more than a hundred denominative stems occurring in the RV., and in the AV. about 1 The stem hū-paya- does not itself other- | BR. and GRASSMANN to be analyzed as wise occur in V.; cp. p. 396 note ². dhāra-yú-. 2 The TS. 1v. 6. 92 has instead dhvanayit. 3 See below 579. 4 Cp. DELBRÜCK, Verbum 211; and below 585, 7. 5 WHITNEY, Roots, s. v. dhy; according to 6 There can be little doubt that the de- nominative suffix -ya is identical with that of the causative as well as that of the verbs of the fourth class; cp. WHITNEY 1055 a; v. NEGELEIN 44; BRUGMANN, KG. 690, 694. VII. VERB. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. thirty (or about fifty if those which form present participles or derivative nouns only are included). The general meaning of the denominative is that the subject expressed by the inflexion stands in some relation to the noun from which the stem is formed. It may usually be rendered by 'be or act like'; 'regard or treat as'; 'turn into or use as'; 'wish for'. Denominatives formed with -ya are best classified according to the final of the nominal stem to which the suffix is added. 563. Stems in -a, which usually remains unchanged; thus amitra-ya- 'act like an enemy', 'be hostile'; indra-ya- 'behave like Indra'; kşema-yá- 'take a rest'; jära-ya- 'treat like a lover', 'caress'; deva-ya- 'serve the gods'; yuşma-ya- 'seek you'; vasna-yá- 'deal with the price', 'bargain'. With the causative accent: (pary-)ankhá-ya-¹ 'clasp (round)'; arthá-ya- 'have as a desire'; rtá-ya- 'act according to sacred order'; kulayá-ya- 'build a nest'; mīlá-ya- 'bring together'; pālá-ya- (AV.) 'act as guardian', 'protect'; mantrá-ya- 'take counsel'; mrgá-ya- 'treat as a wild animal', 'hunt'; vavrá-ya; 'put in hiding', 'shrink from'; vājá-ya- ‘act like a steed', 'race' (beside vāja-yá-)- virá-ya- 'play the man'; sa-bhagá-ya- (AV.) 'apportion'². a. One or two denominatives are from nominal stems extended with -a: iş-á-ya- have strength' (ís-)³; úrjá-ya- ‘have strength' (úrj-)4. 399 a. The -a is, however, often lengthened: agha-yá- plan mischief'; ajira-ya- 'be swift'; amitra-ya- (AV.) 'be hostile' (Pp. -ayá-); aśva-ya- 'desire horses'; rta-yá- 'observe sacred order' (beside rtá-ya-); tilvila-yá- 'be fertile'; tudā-yá- (AV.) ‘thrust'; dhūpā-yá-5 (MS. AV.) 'be like smoke', 'fume'; priya-yá- 'become friends'; matha-yá- (AV.) 'shake'; muṣā-ya-6 (AV.) 'steal'; yajñā-yá- 'sacrifice'; rathirã-yá- be conveyed in a car'; randhana-ya-7 'make subject'; vrsa-ya- 'act like a bull'8; sama-yá- 'be active' (śáma-); subha-yá- be beauti- ful'; śratha-ya- 'make loose' (Pp. -aya-) ¹º; satvanā-yá- (AV.) ‘act like a warrior'; sumnä-yá- 'show benevolence'; skabhä-yá- 'make firm'. In most of these examples the Pada text has a short a. IO a. The denominative ojā-yá- 'employ force' is formed from oja-, shortened for ójas- 'strength'. b. The-a of the nominal stem is sometimes changed to -7: adhvar-yá- perform the sacrifice' (adhvará-); caraṇī-yá- 'follow a course' (cárana-), 'pursue'; tavisi-yá- 'be strong' (tavisá-); putri-yá- 'desire a son' (putrá-); rathi-ya- 'drive in a car' (rátha-); śapathì-yá- (AV.) ‘utter a curse³ (śapátha-). In nearly every instance here the Pada text has . Even in the Samhitā text the AV. has putri-yá- 'desire a son', and the RV. the denominative participle (with shifted accent) ánni-yant- 'desiring food (ánna-). a. For the -a of the nominal stem e is substituted in vare-yá- 'play the wooer' (vára-), 'woo'. c. The final -a of the nominal stem is sometimes dropped": "adhvar-yá- 'perform sacrifice' (beside adhvarī-yá-); krpan-yá- 'be eager'; tavis-yá- 'be 1 Regarded as a causative by GRASSMANN, S. v. ankh. 2 DELBRÜCK 189, 1 regards the form hástayatas as a denominative; but the accent would be unique: its explanation by BR. and GRASSMANN as a compound, hásta-yatas "wielded by the hand', is doubtless the correct one. 3 Cp. DELBRÜCK 189, 2. 4 GRASSMANN regards this verb as causati ve: see Wörterbuch, s. v. ürjáy. 5 See WHITNEY's note on AV. IV. 196. a 6 See WHITNEY on AV. IV. 21². 7 Based on randhana, an assumed deri- vative of the root randh-. 8 Beside vrşan-yá-, from vrsa-, the form which výsan- assumes before terminations or before second members of compounds beginning with consonants. 9 From subha-, an assumed derivative of subh 'shine'. 10 There is also a causative form śratháya-, from frath- 'loosen'. 1¹ Cp. v. NEGELEIN 40. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. mighty' (beside tavişi-yá-); turan-yá- 'be speedy'; daman-ya-¹ 'overpower'; bhuran-yá- 'be active'; vithur-yá- 'stagger'; saran-yá- 'hasten'. There are several other denominatives which presuppose nouns in -ana: thus dhisan-yá- ‘pay attention'; rişan-yá- 'commit faults'; ruvan-ya- 'roar'; huvan-ya- 'call'. The derivation of işan-yá- beside işana-ya- 'impel' is perhaps similar; but the nominal stem on which this denominative is based may be işáni- 'impulse' ² 400 564. Stems in -a, which usually remains unchanged: gopā-yá- 'act as herdsman', 'protect'; jmā-yá- 'speed to earth'; ducchuna-yá- 'desire mischief' 3; prtana-yá- 'fight'; bhandana-yá- 'strive for glory'; mana-yá- 'feel attachment'; raśanā-yá- (AV.) 'put on a girdle'. Similar stems are to be assumed in rgha-yá- 'tremble', and hṛnä-yá- 'be wrathful'; and dhiya-yá- 'pay attention' is based on dhiya-5 dhi- 'thought'. a. The-a of the nominal stem is once shortened, if krpa-yá- (RV¹.) ‘mourn’6 is a denominative and different from the causative krpáya- (554). The à is dropped in prlan-yá 'fight' beside prtană-ya-. a. There are more than a dozen denominatives with a preceding -ya-, without any corresponding noun in ă; thus asa-yá- 'attain'7; tuda-yá- (AV.) 'thrust'; dama-yá- 'tame'7; naśā-ya-8 (x. 40°) 'reach'; pana-ya- 'boast of'; vasā-yá- 'invest oneself with'; vṛṣã-ya- 'cause to rain'9. Seven such denomi- natives, however, appear beside present bases according to the ninth class in -nă: grbha-yá- 'seize' (grbh-ná-); matha-yá- 'shake' (math-na-); pruşa-yá- 'drip' (prus-nánt-, VS.); muşa-yá- 'steal' (mus-na-); śratha-ya- 'loosen' (śrath-ná-); skabha-ya- 'fasten' (skabh-ná-); stabha-ya- 'supporť (stabh-nā-). 565. Stems in -i, which is nearly always lengthened (though usually short in the Pada text): arati-yá- (RV. VS.) 'be malevolent', but arati-ya- (AV. and RV. Pp.); kavi-yá- 'be wise'; jani-yá- 'seek a wife', but jani-ya- (AV.); dur-grbhi-ya- 'be hard to grasp'; mahi-yá- ‘be delighted'; rayi-yá- 'desire wealth'; sakhí-yá-¹ 'seek friendship'. a. In a few instances the i is either treated as a or takes Guna of which the final element is dropped (-a-ya-ay-ya): thus işana-ya- 'set in motion' (isáni- 'impulse'); kírtá-ya- (AV.) ‘make mention of' (kirti-); ahuna-ya- 'resound' (dhúni- 'sounding'); susva-yá- and susvá-ya- flow' (súsv-i-11 'pressing'). Perhaps formed in the same way are śrudhi-ya- 'obey' and hrṇī-yá- 'be angry' 12. B. pátya- be a lord', 'rule', probably in origin a denominative of páti- 'lord', is treated like a verh of the fourth class as if from a root pat-. 566. Stems in -u, which (except gâtu-yá- twice) is always long (though always short in Pp.): asu-yá-‘grumble'; rju-yá- 'be straight'; kratū-yá- 'exert the intellect'; gatu-yá- and gatu-yá- 'set in motion'; pitu-ya- 'desire nourishment'; valgu-yá- 'treat kindly'; vasu-ya- 'desire wealth'; satrūu-ya- 'play the enemy', 'be hostile'; sukratu-ya- 'show oneself wise'. Moreover, ișu-ya- 'strive', may be derived from isu- 'arrow'; and nouns in -u are presupposed by ankū-yá- 'move tortuously', and stabhu-yá- 'stand firm'. a. In go-, the only stem in -o, the diphthong becomes -av before the denominative suffix: gav-yá- 'desire cows'. I From an assumed adjective derivative damana-. 2 Cp. DELBRÜCK 189, 4. 3 The Pada text wrongly ducchunayá-. 4 Cp. WHITNEY's note on AV. XIV. 274, 5 Which perhaps hecame an independent noun through the influence of the instru- mental form in such compounds as dhiya-júr- "growing old in devotion'. 6 Cp. GRASSMANN, s. v. krpay. 7 Cp. DELBRÜCK 199 (p. 217, middle). 8 DELBRÜCK, 1. c., regards naśāya- (X. 406) as a denominative, BR. as causative of nas-. 9 To be distinguished from vṛṣāyá- 'act like a bull'. 10 Cp. v. NEGELEIN 41 (middle). 11 From the reduplicated root s'press'. 1² According to Delbrück 205, p. 57, also duhiya- in the forms duhiyát and duhiyán (optatives GRASSMANN, Wörterbuch, and WHITNEY, Roots, s. V. duh). Cp. 450, a 5. VII. VERB. SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 567. Consonant stems usually remain unchanged before the suffix. a. The only stem ending in -j is bhisáj- 'physician': bhișaj-yá- ‘play the physician', 'heal'. b. There is one denominative, isudh-yá- 'implore', which seems to pre- suppose a stem in -dh, viz. işudh-, but is probably a denominative from işu-dhi- (like pátya- 'from páti-) 'put in the arrow', 'aim'². • 2 c. Denominatives formed from stems in -n are ukṣaṇ-yá- 'act like a bull'; udan-yá- ‘irrigate'; brahman-yá- 'be devout' ('act like a brahmán³); vṛṣan-yá-³ 'act like a bull', 'be lustful'. d. A denominative formed from a stem in -ar is vadhar-yá- 'hurl a bolt' (vádhar-). Stems in -ar are further presupposed in rathar-yá- 'ride in a car'; śrathar-yá- 'become loose'; sapar-yá- 'worship'. e. The consonant stems most frequently used to form denominatives are those in -as: apas-yá- 'be active'; avas-yá- 'seek help'; canas-yá- 'be satisfied'; duvas-yá- 'adore'; namas-yá- ‘pay homage'; nr-manas-yá- 'be kindly disposed to men'; manas-yá- bear in mind'; vacas-yá- 'be audible'; varivas-yá- ‘grant space'; śravas-yá-4 'hasten'; sa-canas-yá- ‘cherish'; su-manas-yá- 'be gracious'; sv-apas-yá- 'act well'. Stems in -as are further presupposed by iras-yá- 'be angry'; daśas-yá- ‘render service to'; panas-yá- 'excite admiration'; sacas-yá- 'receive care'. A few denominatives have further been formed from stems in -a following the analogy of those in -as; thus makhas-yá- 'be cheerful' (makhá-) and su-makhas-yá- (TS.) be merry'; mānavas-yá- 'act like men' (mānavá-). The stem aviş-yá-, appearing in the participle avisyant- 'helping willingly', apparently a denominative (beside avişyá- 'desire', avisyú- 'desirous'), seems to be formed from *av-is- = áv-as- 'favour'5. f. A few denominatives are formed from stems in -us: taruş-yá- 'engage in fighť (tár-us-); vanuş-yá- ‘plot against' (van-ús- 'eager'); vapus-ya- 'wonder' (váp-us- 'marvellous'). This analogy is followed by uru-ş-yá- 'seek wide space' from a stem in -u (urú- 'wide'). 401 568. There are a few denominative forms made without a suffix direct from nominal stems, but they nearly always have beside them denominative stems in -ya; thus bhisák-ti (vIII. 79²) 'heals' 3. sing. from bhișáj- 'act as phy- sician' (also m. 'physician'); a-bhiṣṇak (x. 1315), 3. sing. impf. of bhiṣṇaj- ‘heal'. Similarly there appear the forms sing. 2. işana-s, 3. iṣaṇa-t, pl. 3. įṣaṇa-nta beside işan-yá-; pl. 3. krpána-nta beside krpan-yá-; pl. 1. taruse-ma, 3. táruşa-nte, taruşa-nta beside taruş-yá-; pl. 3 vanuşa-nta beside vanuş-yá-. Possibly the form vánanvati is a denominative meaning 'is at hand', from a noun *van-anu-, beside the simple verb van- 'win¹6. Inflexion. 569. The denominative is regularly inflected throughout the present system according to the a- conjugation in both voices. The commonest form is the 3. sing. active and middle. The forms of the present indicative active and middle that actually occur would, if made from manas-yá- 'bear in mind', be the following: Active. Sing. 1. manasyāmi (AV.). 2. manasyási. 3. manasyáti. Du. 2. manasyáthas. 3. manasyátas. Pl. 1. manasyāmasi and manasyámas. 2. manasyatha. 3. manasyanti. Middle. Sing. 1. manasyé. 2. manasyethe. 3. manasyete (AV.). - - manasyáse. 3. manasyáte. Pl. 1. manasyámahe. 3. manasyante. ¹ Cp. DELBRÜCK 194. 2 Cp. GRASSMANN, s. v. isudhy. 3 Beside vṛṣāyá-; cp. p. 399, note 8. 4 According to BR. derived from śravas- Indo-arische Philologie. L 4. Du. 2. 26 from śru- = sru- 'flow', but GRASSMANN from fru- 'hear'. 5 Cp. GRASSMANN, s. v. avisy. P. 6 Cp. DELBRÜCK 218. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Forms that actually occur elsewhere in the present system are the following: a. Subjunctive. Active. Sing. I. namasyā. 2. uruşyas, kirtáyās (AV.), śravasyás. 3. apasyắt, arātīyát (TS. IV. 1. 10³; VS. XI. 80), arātiyat (AV.), urusyát, caraṇyāt (AV.), durasyát (AV.), duvasyát, prtanyát, vanusyắt, vareyát, vasuyat, ravasyát, saparyát. Du. 3. varivasyatas. prtanyān (AV.), saparyán, saranyán. Middle. Sing. 2. artháyāse, nīláyāse. 3. ankháyāte. Pl. 3. Pl. 3- b. Injunctive. Active. Sing. 2. irasyas, risanyas, ruvanyas. — turanyan, duvasyan, namasyan, saparyan. Middle. Sing. 3. panāyata. - Pl. 3. rghāyánta, rtayanta, krpánanta, taruşanta, dhunayanta, rucayanta, vanusanta, susváyanta. c. Optative. Active. Sing. 2. daśasyes. 3. urusyet, caranyet (TS. I. 8. 22¹), daśasyet, duvasyét. Pl. 1. işayema, tarusema, saparyéma. Middle. Sing. 3. manasyéta (AV.). 402 - — - — — d. Imperative. Active. Sing. 2. isanya, uruşyá, gātuyá, gūrdhaya, gopayá (AV. TS.), grbhaya, daśasyá, duvasya, namasyá, varivasyá, vajaya (TS. I. 7. 8¹), śrathāya, saparya. 3. urusyatu, gopāyatu“ (AV.), bhișajyatu (TS. v. 2. 12²). Du. 2. uruşyátam, gopayátam, canasyátam, daśasyátam. 3. uruṣyátām. - Pl. 2. işanyata, uruşyata, grbhāyáta (AV.), gopāyata (AV.), daśasyata, duvasyáta, namasyata, risanyata, saparyata. 3. urusyantu, gopāyantu (AV.), varivasyantu. Middle. Sing. 2. arthayasva, vīráyasva (AV. TS.), vṛṣāyasva (AV.). Pl. 2. tilviläyádhvam, vīráyadhvam. 3. dhunayantām. — e. Participle. The present participle active in -ant (with fem. -ant-i) is very common, while the middle form in -māna, occurs fairly often. a. Examples of the active are aghãyánt, ankuyánt, adhvariyánt-, amitra- yánt-, arātīyánt-, aśvāyánt, isanyánt-, işáyant- and isayánt-, işuyánt-, udan- yánt, urjáyant, rghayánt, rtáyant-, rtayánt-, gavyánt, gopayánt- (AV.), tavişiyánt-, daśasyánt-, duvasyánt, devayánt, namasyánt, paláyant- (AV.), putriyánt-, prtanäyánt-, prtanyánt-, bhandanaãyánt-, bhuraṇyánt-, mathāyánt-, muṣāyánt-, yajñāyánt-, yuṣmayánt-, rathirayánt-, rathīyánt-, vasūyánt-, vasna- yánt-, vājáyant- and vājayánt-, vṛṣanyánt-, śatrūyánt-, šīkāyánt- (VS.) 'dripping', sakhiyánt-, satvanāyánt- (AV.), saparyánt, sumnāyánt-, suṣváyant-, hṛṇäyánt- 'angry'. 6. Examples of the middle are rghāyámāṇa-, rjūyámāna-, ojāyámāna-, kaṇḍūyámāna- (TS.), kavīyámāna-, caraṇīyámāna-, taviṣyámāṇa-, priyāyámāṇa- (AV.), (á-prati-)manyūyamāna- (AV.), raśanāyámāna-, vṛṣṣāyámāṇa-, samanayá- māna-, sumakhasyámāna- (TS.), sumanasyámāna-, stabhūyámāna-, svapasyá- māna-, hṛṇīyámāna- ‘angry'. 3. aprtanyat, f. Du. 3. Imperfect. Active. Sing. 2. arandhanayas. áskabhāyat (AV.); urusyat, damanyat, dhūpáyat (AV.); abhiṣṇak. uruṣyátām. Pl. 3. anamasyan, asaparyan; turanyan, vapusyan, saparyan (TS. II. 2. 124). Middle. Sing. 3. ápriyayata. Du. 2. avirayethām. Pl. 3. işanayanta. 570. Outside the present system no denominative form occurs in the RV. except ūnayīs (+AV.), 2. sing. iş- aorist (used injunctively with mắ) to pw. = I The form bhurájanta (IV.435) is according | declension (go-pá-) occur in the RV. To bhrajanta for bhrajjanta (bhrajj- 'be the denominative must be due the secon- roasted'). Cp. note in OLDENBERG'S Rgveda. dary root gup- 'protect' (jugupur once, gupitá- 2 This denominative is derived from the twice in the RV.). Cp. p. 358, note 13. How very frequent go-pa- 'cowherd', of which gup- should be a denominative of go- 'cow' two transition forms according to the a-(v. NEGELEIN 43, note 5) is not clear. VII. VERB. NOMINAL VERB FORMS. PAST PASSIVE PARTICIPLES. 4°3 from unaya- 'leave unfulfilled' (uná-). A few other forms occur in the later Samhitas. Thus the AV. has the peculiar form ásaparyait (AV. XIV. 22⁰), probably 3. sing. aorist, with -ait for it. The VS. (11.31) has the 3. pl. aorist a a-vrsay-is-ata 'they have accepted'. The TS. has the 2. pl. aor. papay-is-ta lead into evil' (used injunctively with má). The TS. (III. 2. 83) has also the future participles kandūyisyánt- ‘about to scratch', meghãyişyánt- 'about to be cloudy', sīkayişyánt- ‘about to drip', with the corresponding perfect participles passive kanḍūyitá-, meghitá-, šīkitá-. B. Nominal Verb Forms. 571 A large number of nominal formations partake of the verbal character inasmuch as they express time (present, past, or future); or the relations between subject and object, implying transitive or intransitive action, and active, middle, or passive sense. Such formations are participles (in- cluding verbal adjectives), infinitives, and gerunds. The participles formed from tense-stems having already been treated³, only those that are formed directly from the root remain to be dealt with. These are the verbal adjectives which have the value either of past passive participles or of future passive participles (otherwise called gerundives). a. Past Passive Participles. 572. The past passive participle is formed by adding, in the great majority of instances, the suffix -tá¹ (with or without connecting -i-), or far less commonly the suffix -ná (directly) to the root. When formed from a transitive verb, it has a passive as well as a past sense; e. g. as 'throw': as-tá- 'thrown'; dã- '‘give': dat-tá- 'given'. But when formed from an intransi- tive verb, it has a neuter past sense; e. g. gam- ‘go': ga-tá- ‘gone'; pat- ‘fall'

pat-i-tá- (AV.) ‘fallen'.

573 When -tá is added direct, the root tends to appear in its weak form. Very frequently, however, the form in which the root is generally stated, if ending im vowels, remains unchanged, while those ending in con- sonants are usually modified only in so far as is required by the rules of internal Sandhi; thus √mlā- : mlã-tá- ‘softened'; √yā : yā-tá- ‘gone'; √rā-

rã-tá- 'given'; Vji-ji-tá- 'conquered'; Véri-: śri-tá- leaning on'; Vprī:

pri-tá- rejoiced; √ bhí- : bhí-tá- 'frightened'; √yu- 1. 'yoke' and 2. 'ward off'

-yu-ta-; √ śru- : śru-tá- 'heard'; √ stu-: stu-tá- 'praised'; Vbhū- : bhū-tá- ‘be-

come'; Vhu-: hū-tá- 'called'; √ kr- : kṛ-tá- 'made'; √bhr- : -bhr-ta- 'borne'; Vvr- : vr-tá- 'covered' and 'chosen'; Vmrc- : mṛk-tá-5 (RV.) ‘mjureď'; √sic- : sik-tá- 'poured out'; Vtij tik-tá- 'sharp'; Vyuj: yuk-tá- 'yoked'; Vmrj-

mrs-tá- 'rubbed'; V sri- : srs-tá- 'discharged'; Vcit : cit-tá- 'perceived'; Vurt-:

vrt-tá- 'turned'; Vmad- 'be exhilarated': mat-tá- (AV.); Vidh-: id-dhá- 'kind- led'; V krudh-: krud-dhá- ‘angry'; Vtap-: tap-tá- 'hot'; Vrip-: rip-tá- (RV.) 'besmeared'; V dis- : dis-tá- 'shown'; Vnas : nas-tá- 'lost'; Vjus- : jus-tá- (RV¹.) 'gladdened' and jus-ta- 'welcome'; Vpis- : pis-tá- 'crushed'; √kas- : ví-kas-ta- 'split'; Vguh- : gü-ḍhá-6 ‘hidden'; Vtrh- : tr-dhá- 'crushed'; V dah-: dag-dhá-7 'burnt'; Vdih-: dig-dhá- (AV.) 'besmeared'; V duh- : dug-dhá- ‘milked'; V drh- ¹ Cp. v. NEGELEIN 41; BÖHTLINGK, ZDMG. 52, 510 ff. 2 As in the AB. form agrabhaisam beside agrabhit; cp. v. NEGELEIN 41, note 2. 3 See under declension 311-313, and in the account of the various tenses (present, perfect, aorist, future). 4 Cp. REICHELT, BB. 27, 95—97. 5 Only in the compounds á-mrkta- and myktá-vāhas-. 6 In roots in - which cerebralize the suffix, the vowel is lengthened as compen- sation for the loss of the cerebral z: cp. p. 51, note 2. 7 In the RV. only in agni-dagdhá- burnt with fire'. 26* I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR.

dr-dhá- 'firm'; V druh-: drug-dhá- 'hurtful'; Vnah-: nad-dhá- 'bound'; Vmuh-:

mug-dhá- and mū-ḍhá- (AV.) ‘bewildered'; √rih- : rī-ḍhá- (RV.) ‘lickeď; √ruh-

rū-dhá- (AV.) 'ascended'; Vsah- : sa-dhá- 'overcome'.

4°4 a. Occasional irregularities in the form of the root are not dne to the ordinary rules of internal Sandhi. Thus some roots show an interchange of vowel and semi-vowel: div- 'play': dyi-tá- (AV.); sīv- ‘sew' : syu-tá-; mi- 'push': -mūta- (VS. AV.) instead of

myu-ta-1; hvy- 'make crooked' has hru-tá- 'crooked', beside the regular -huy-ta- (RV.);

sometimes a long vowel appears in the root: svad- 'sweeten' : svät-tá-; gur- 'greet': gur-tá-; śr- 'mix': -sir-ta-, beside śri-tá- from - 'mix', the usual form of the root; dā- give', beside the regular form -dā-ta- in tvá-dāta- (RV.) ‘given by thee', otherwise always has dat-tá-, formed from dad-, the weak form of the present base. 574 Roots which contain the syllables ya, ra, va (initial or medial) are generally weakened by Samprasarana; those which contain a nasal (medial or final), by dropping it; those which end in ā or yā, by shortening the former to 7 or i, the latter to 7. Thus: I. yaj- 'sacrifice': iş-tá-; vyadh- 'pierce': vid-dhá-; prach- 'ask': prs-țá-; bhras fall' bhrs-tá- beside bhraş-tá- (AV.); vac- 'speak': uk-tá-; vap- 'strew'

up-tá-; vas- ‘shine': us-tá-; vah- 'carry': u-ḍhá-; svap- 'sleep': sup-tá-

(AV. VS.). u. A shortening akin to Samprasāraṇa appears in av- ‘favour' : -u-ta-; vā- 'weave': u-tá-; śra- boil': śr-tá- beside śra-tá-. 2. A medial nasal is dropped in añj- 'anoint' : ak-tá-; umbh- 'confine'

ub-dhá-; dams 'bite': das-tá- (AV.); bamh- 'make firm': -ba-dha-; sundh-

'purify': sud-dhá-. Final n and m are dropped (the radical a representing the sonant nasal) in kşan- 'wound' : -kṣa-ta-; tan- 'stretch' :ta-tá-; man- 'think': ma-tá-; han- 'smite': ha-tá-; gam- 'go':ga-tá-; nam- 'bend' : na-tá-; yam- 'reach' :ya-tá-. a. A few roots in -an have à instead of -an²: khan- ‘dig' : khā-tá-; jan- 'be born' : jā-tá-; van- 'win' : -vã-ta-; san- 'gain': să-tá-; while some roots in -am and one in -an, retaining the nasal, have àn: dhvan- 'sound': dhvāntá- (VS. XXXIX. 7); kram- ‘stride' : krān-tá- (AV.); sam- be quiet'; san-tá- (AV.); śram- 'be weary': śrān-tá-; dham- blow' has the irregular dhmä-tá- and dham-i-tá-. 3. Final à is shortened to 7 in gã- 'sing': gĩ-tá-; dhā- ‘suck': dhi-tá-; pā- 'drink' pi-tá-3; to i in da 'bind' : -di-ta-; dha- 'put': -dhi-ta- and hi-tá-; mā- 'measure' : mi-tá-; śā- 'sharpen': si-tá-; sā- 'bind': si-tá-; sthā- 'stand' : sthi-tá-. Final yā is shortened to ī in jyā- 'overpower' : jí-tá- (AV.); vyā- 'envelope': vī-tá-; śyā- ‘coagulate': šī-tá-. a. Internal shortening of a to i appears in śās- 'order': siş-tá-; and medial a entirely disappears in ghas- 'eat' : -gdha- (TS.) and in the compounded form of dattá- 'given', which becomes -t-ta- . deva-ttá- 'given by the gods'; vy-a-tta- (AV. VS.), n. ‘the opened mouth'; pári-tta- (VS. IX. 9) 'deposited'; prati-tta- (AV.) 'given back'. The same syncopated form appears in the compound participle of da- 'divide': áva-tta- (VS.) 'cut off'. 575. When tá is added, as it is in many verbs, with connecting -i-, the root is not weakened (excepting four instances of Samprasāraṇa). It is thus added to a number of roots ending in consonants and to all second- ary verbs. a. The roots to which it is thus regularly added are those that end: I. in two consonants: thus uks 'sprinkle': uks-i-tá-; ubj- 'force' : ubj-i-tá- (AV.); nind- 'revile': nind-i-tá-; raks- 'protect': rakṣ-i-tá-; śumbh- 'beautify': -sumbh-i-ta- (AV.); hims- 'injure': hims-i-tá- (AV.); but taks- 'fashion' has tas-tá-; See above 50 b. 2 Representing the long sonant nasal. 3 The more correct way of stating these roots would be gai-, dhai-, pai-; cp. 27 a. 4 In grbh-i-tá- from grabh- 'seize' and grh- i-ta-(AV.) from grah- id.; ukṣ-i-tá- from vaks- increase'; ud-i-tá- from vad- 'speak'; syth- i-tá from śrath- 'slacken'. VII. VERB. PAST PASSIVE PARTICIPLES. 405 2. in voiceless aspirates: likh- 'scratch' : likh-i-tá- (AV.); grath- 'tie': grath-i-tá-; nāth- 'seek aid' : nāth-i-tá-; math- 'stir' : math-i-tá-; 3. in cerebral d: id- 'praise': il-i-tá-; hid- 'be hostile': hil-i-tá-; 4. in semivowels: car- 'move' : car-i-tá-¹; jīv- 'live' : jīv-i-tá-. b. The suffix is also added with -i- to a number of roots ending in simple consonants, especially sibilants, about which no rule can be stated. Such are the following participles arranged according to the final of the root: yāc- 'ask' yac-i-tá- (AV.); pat- 'fall': pat-i-tá- (AV.); rad- 'dig': rad-i-tá- (AV.); vad- 'speak': ud-i-tá-; vid- 'know': vid-i-tá- (AV.) 2; dudh 'stir up': didh-i-ta- (RV.); nādh- 'seek aid': nadh-i-tá-; bādh- 'oppress': bādh-i-tá-; pan- ‘admire': pan-i-tá-; kup- 'be agitated': -kup-i-ta-; gup-3 protect' : gup-i-tá- beside gup-tá- (AV.); yup- 'obstruct': yup-i-tá- (AV.); rup- 'break': -rup-i-ta-; drp- 'rave': -drp-i-ta- and -drp-ta-; lap-'prate' : lap-i-tá- (AV.); grabh- ‘seize' : grbh-ï-tá- and grah- 'seize': gṛh-ì-tá- (AV.); skabh- 'prop': skabh-i-tá-; stabh- 'prop': stabh-i-tá-; dham- 'blow': dham-i-tá- (beside dhmã-tá-); as- 'eat' : aś-i-tá-; piš- 'adorn' : piš-i-tá- (AV.) beside pis-țá-; is- 'send': iş-i-tá-; īs- 'move' : -īṣ-i-ta-; tvis- ‘be stirred': tvis-i-tá-; dhrs- ‘dare' : dhṛṣ-i-tá- beside dhrs-tá-; prus- 'sprinkle' : prus-i-tá-; mus- 'steal': muş-i-tá-; hrs- 'be ex- cited': hrs-i-tá-; gras- ‘devour' : gras-i-tá-. a. The verb ha- 'leave' forms its past participle anomalously (like dã- 'give') from the reduplicated present base: jah-i-tá- (cp. the pres. part. jáh-at-). ß. In the AV. is once (1x. 638) found a past passive participle extended with the possessive suffix -vant, which gives it the sense of a perfect participle active: aś-i-ta- vant- (Pp. asitá-vant-) 'having eaten'. c. Secondary verbs, almost exclusively causatives4, add -ita after dropping -aya-; thus arp-aya- 'cause to go': arp-itá- and árp-ita-; íñkh-áya- 'cause to quake': inkh-itá-; cod-áya- 'set in motion': cod-itá-; vil-áya- 'make strong': vīl-ita-; snath-aya- 'pierce': śnath-itá-; svan-aya- 'resound' : -svan-ita-. The only past passive participle formed from a denominative is bhām-itá- 'enraged', from bháma- 'wrath'. 576. The suffix -ná is always attached directly to the root, which as a rule remains unweakened. Among roots ending in consonants, it is taken by those in d, besides two or three in the palatals c and j; among roots in vowels, it is taken by those ending in the long vowels ā, ī, 7, besides one in ž. a. The final of roots in -d is assimilated to the n of the suffix; thus chid- 'cut off' : chin-ná-; tud- 'push': tun-ná-; trd-pierce':-trn-na- (VS.xxxVI. 2); nud- 'push': -nun-na- (SV.) beside mut-tá-; pad- ‘go' : pan-ná- (AV.); bhid- ‘split' : bhin-ná-; vid- 'find': vin-ná- (AV.) beside vit-tá-; sad- 'sit': san-ná- (VS. AV.) beside sat-tá-; skand-¹leap' : skan-ná-; syand-'move on' : syan-ná-; svid- 'sweat'

svin-ná-. The original participle of ad- 'eat' survives only (with change of

accent) in the neuter noun án-na- 'food'. b. The roots in palatals which take -na are: prc- ‘mix' : -prg-na- (RV¹.) beside prk-tá-; vraśc- 'cut up': vrk-ná-; ruj- ‘break': rug-ná-. c. Roots in -ã remain unchanged or weaken the final to ž: drā- ‘sleep'

-drā-ṇa- (AV.); dā- ‘divide' : di-ná-; hā- ‘leave': hi-ná-; final -ya is shortened

to -ī: śyā- 'coagulate': sĩ-ná- (VS.) beside śī-tá-. d. Roots in -ī and -ū remain unchanged: kṣī- ‘destroy' : -kṣī-ṇa- (AV.); ¹ Also ār-i-ta- if derived from a somewhat doubtful root ār- 'praise'; cp. WHITNEY, Roots, s. v. ār. 2 mad-i-tá- is probably from the causative of mad- 'be exhilarated'. 3 See p. 402, note 2. 4 No examples of past participles from desideratives (except mīmāmsitá-, AV.) and intensives seem to occur in the Samhitās. 406 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. pi- 'swell': pi-ná- (AV.); bli- 'crush': -bli-na- (AV.); l- 'cling' : -lī-na- (AV.); du- 'burn': du-ná- (AV.). e. Roots in - change that vowel to ir or (generally when a labial precedes) -ūr before -na: gr- 'swallow' : gir-ná-; jr- ‘waste away' : jīr-ná- (AV.) and jūr-ná-; tr- 'pass': tir-ná-; pr- 'fill' : pūr-ná- beside pur-tá-; my 'crush': mūr-ná- (AV.); - 'crush': sir-ná- (AV.) beside sur-tá- (RV. I. 174°) ¹; str- 'strew': stir-ná- beside -str-ta-. b. Future Passive Participles (Gerundives). 577. Verbal adjectives formed with certain suffixes have acquired the value of future participles passive, expressing that the action of the verb is or ought to be suffered. There are four forms of such gerundives in use in the RV.: that derived with the primary suffix -ya, which is common, and those derived with the secondary suffixes -áy-ya, -én-ya, and tv-a, about a dozen examples of each of which are met with. In the AV. are also found two instances each of gerundives in -tavyà and -aniya. 578. By far the most frequent form of gerundive is that in -ya, about 40 examples occurring in the RV. and about 60 in the AV. This suffix is nearly always to be read as -ia, which accounts for the treatment of final radical vowels before it. The root, being accented, appears in a strong form, excepting a few instances in which there is the short radical vowel i u or y. I. In the following examples a final short vowel remains unchanged, a-t-² being interposed: -í-t-ya- 'to be gone'; apa-mi-t-ya- (AV. VI. 117¹) 'to be thrown away' (? mi- 'fix) ³; śri-t-ya- 'to be heard'; -kr-t-ya- 'to be made'; car-ky-t-ya- 'to be praised' (kr- 'commemorate'). L 2. Otherwise final , , r regularly take Guņa or Vṛddhi, the final element of which always appears as y, v, r as before a vowel; thus from lī- 'cling': a-láy-ya-, an epithet of Indra; nu- 'praise': náv-ya- 'to be praised'; bhū- 'be' : bháv-ya- and bhāv-yá- 'future'; hū- ‘call' : háv-ya- 'to be invoked'; ur- 'choose': vár-ya- 'to be chosen'. 3. Final -ã coalesces with the initial of -ia to e, between which and -a a phonetic y is interposed; thus da- 'give': dé-ya- (= dá-i-y-a-) 'to be given'; khyā- 'see' : -khye-ya- (AV.); mã- ‘measure' : mé-ya- (AV.). In the RV., how- ever, the form jñā-ya- once occurs in the compound bala-vi-jñā-yá- (x. 1035) 'to be recognized by his might'. 4. A medial vowel either remains unchanged or, if short, may take Guņa, and a is sometimes lengthened; thus id-ya- 'to be praised'; gúh-ya- 'to be hidden'; -dhṛṣ-ya- 'to be assailed'; dués-ya- (AV.) ‘to be hated' (√dvis-); yódh-ya- 'to be fought' (√yudh-); árdh-ya- ‘to be completed' (√rdh-); márj-ya- to be purified' (Vmri); cáks-ya- 'to be seen'; dábh-ya- 'to be deceived'; rámh-ya- 'to be hastened'; rádh-ya- 'to be won'; vánd-ya- 'praiseworthy'; śáms-ya- 'to be lauded'; -sád-ya- from sad- 'sit'; -mád-ya- from mad- 'be ex- hilarated'; vắc-ya- 'to be said' (√vac-). 579. Hardly a dozen gerundives, almost restricted to the RV., are formed with -ay-yas (which with one exception is always to be read -ấyia): daks-áyya- 'to be conciliated'; pan-áyya- 'to be admired'; vid-áyya- 'to be 1 The form -sir-ta- is also found in the MS.: WHITNEY, Roots, s. v. Vy- 'crush'. 2 Cp. the -t added to roots ending in -i, -u, - to form nominal stems (308). 3 The meaning is uncertain: WHITNEY translates the word by 'borrowed'. See his notes in his Translation. 4 Cp. GRASSMANN, >. V. 5 Cp. LINDNER, Nominalbildung 22; DEL- BRÜCK, Verbum 233; WHITNEY 966 c; BAR- THOLOMAE, BB. 15, 179 n. 1; BB. 20, 85. VII. VERB. INFINITIVE. 407 found'; śrav-áyya- 'glorious'; -hnav-áyya- 'to be denied'. A few are formed from secondary verbs; from causatives: trayay-áyya- ‘to be guarded' (√trā-)'; panay-áyya- 'admirable' (pan-); sprhay-áyya- 'desirable' (V sprh-); from a desiderative: di-dhi-ş-ayya- 'to be conciliated (√dha-); from an intensive: vi-tan-tas-áyya- 'to be hastened' (V tams-). Akin to these gerundives is the anomalous form stuṣé-yya- 'to be praised', derived direct from the infinitive stuse 'to praise'2. 580. More than a dozen gerundives are formed with -en-ya (generally to be read -enia): īks-énya- 'worthy to be seen', il-énya- 'praiseworthy', -car- énya- 'to be acted', drs-énya- 'worthy to be seen', -dvis-enya- 'malignant', a-bhūṣ-énya- 'to be glorified', yudh-énya- 'to be combatted', vár-enya- 'desirable'. From the aorist stem is formed -yams-énya- 'to be guided' (Vyam-); and perhaps paprks-énya-3 'desirable' (Vprach-). A few are also derived from secondary verbs; from desideratives: didrks-énya- 'worthy to be seen' (√ drs-), śuśrus-énya- (TS.) 'deserving to be heard'; from intensives: mar- mrj-énya- 'to be adorned', vavrdh-énya- 'to be glorified'; from a denomina- tive: sapary-énya- 'to be adored'. 581. About a dozen gerundives, almost restricted to the RV.4, end in -tv-a (generally to be read as -tu-a), which seems to be the infinitive stem in tu turned into an adjective by means of the suffix -a: kár-tva- 'to be made', ján-i-tva- and ján-tva- 'to be born', jé-tva- 'to be won', nán-tva- 'to be bent', bháv-i-tva- 'future', vák-tva- 'to be said', sán-i-tva- 'to be won', só-tva- 'to be pressed', sná-tva- 'suitable for bathing', hán-tva- 'to be slain', hé-tva- 'to be driven on' (hi-). a. In the AV. there begins to appear a gerundive in -tav-yà. It probably started from the stem of the predicative infinitive in -tav-e, which was turned into an adjective by means of the suffix -ia. The only examples of this formation are jan-i-tav-yà- 'to be born' (AV. IV. 237) and hims-i-tav-yà- 'to be injureď (AV. V. 186). is derived from b. There are also two examples in the AV. of a new gerundive in -an-iya, which a verbal noun in -ana with the adjective suffix -iya. These are upa-jiv-aniya- 'serving for subsistence' "to be subsisted on' (AV. VIII. 10²²); ā-mantr- aniya 'fit for address' (ā-mántraṇa-) 'worthy to be addressed' (AV. VIII. 107)6. = = c. Infinitive. A. LUDWIG, Der Infinitiv im Veda, Prag 1871. — J. JOLLY, Geschichte des Infinitivs im Indogermanischen (München 1873), especially p. 111-137. - DELBRÜCK, Das alt- indische Verbum (1874), p. 221-228; Altindische Syntax p. 410-425. AVERY, Verb- Inflection in Sanskrit, JAOS. 10, 275-276 (1876). BRUNNHOFER, Über die durch ein- fache flectirung der wurzel gebildeten infinitive des Veda, KZ. 30 (1890), 504-513. BARTHOLOMAE, Zur bildung des dat. sing. der a-stämme, BB. 15. 221-247. v. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte des Veda (1898), 91. – FRITZ WOLFF, Die infinitive des Indischen und Iranischen. Erster teil: Die ablativisch-genetivischen und die accusativischen infini- tive, Gütersloh 1905. - ¹ Cp. GRASSMANN, s. v., and WHITNEY 1051 f. 2 See BRUGMANN, KG. 809. 3 See BENFEY, Vollständige Grammatik 904 and 860. 4 A few of these are also found in B., also an additional one, hó-tva- 'to be sacri- ficed', in the MS. (L. 9³). - 582. The infinitive, all the forms of which are old cases of nouns of action, is very frequently used, occurring in the RV. alone about 700 times. The case-forms which it exhibits are those of the accusative, dative, ablative- genitive, and locative. Only the first two are common, but the dative is by far the commonest, outnumbering the accusative in the proportion of 12 to I in the RV. (609 to 49), and of 3 to 1 in the AV.8 Infinitives are 5 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 809. 6 The gerundive meaning in these two verbal adjectives is probably only incipient. The second is expressly connected with the verbal noun ā-mántraṇa-. 7 AVERY 231. 8 WHITNEY 986. 408 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. formed chiefly from radical stems or stems in tu, only a few dative and locative forms being made from other stems. It is somewhat remarkable that the acc. form in -tum which is the only infinitive in the later language, hardly occurs in the RV., being found there only five times, while the dative infinitive, which is more than seven times as frequent as all the rest in the RV., has almost disappeared even in the Brahmanas. The formations which are restricted to the infinitive meaning are the datives in -tavai, -dhyai, and (the very few) in -se, besides a small number of locatives in -sáni. In other forms it is often difficult to draw a strict line of demarcation between the infinitive and ordinary case uses ³. 2 I. Dative Infinitive. 583. This infinitive ends in -e, which when added to the ā of a root or stem combines with it to ai. It has the final meaning of '(in order) to', 'for (the purpose of)'³. This dative is commonly used without an object; hence a dative often appears beside it by attraction instead of an accusa- tive; e. g. asmábhyam drśáye súryāya púnar dātām ásum (X. 14¹2) 'may they two grant us life again, for the sun, that we may see (it)', i. e. ‘that we may see the sun' ( drśáye súryam). When used with kr- 'make' or verbs of wishing, and when predicative, this infinitive acquires a passive meaning; e. g. agním sam-idhe cakártha (1.1139) 'thou hast made (= caused) the fire to be kindled'; yád im uśmási kártave (x. 74°) 'what we wish to be done'; brahmadviṣaḥ . . . hántavá u (x. 1823) 'Brahma-haters (are) to be slain' 4. ― 584. From roots are formed some 60 dative infinitives. a. About a dozen are made from roots ending in long vowels, chiefly -ā, and one in -i. All of these are found only compounded with prefixes, excepting bhū-, which appears once in the simple form. Two of them drop a before the -e5. These infinitives are: vi-khyái 'to look abroad'; parā-dái ‘to give up’; prati-mái ‘to imitate’ (I. 6o4); -yải “to go; ava-sái (III.5320) ‘to rest'; śrad-dhé (1.1022) 'to trust' (with the dat. particle kám); pra-mé (1x. 704) 'to form'; pra-hyè (x. 109³) ‘to send' (√hi-); -miy-e 'to diminish' (√mī-); bhuv-é and -bhv-é ‘to be' (Vbhu-); -tir-e 'to cross' (√tī-); -stír-e (√ stř- 'spread'). b. The rest are formed from roots ending in consonants. The un- compounded forms are: tvis-é 'to arouse', drs-é 'to see', bhuj-é 'to enjoy', mah-é 'to be glad, mih-é 'to make water', mud-é 'to rejoice', musé 'to rob', muh-é 'to be bewildered', yuj-é ‘to yoke', yudh-é ‘to fight', ruc-é 'to shine', vṛdh-é 'to thrive', subh-é 'to shine'. The compounded forms are much more frequent. They are: -áj-e 'to drive', -idhe 'to kindle', -krám-e 'to stride', grábh-e 'to seize', -cákş-e 'to see', -tir-e 'to cross', -túj-e 'to procure', -dábh-e 'to injure', -díš-e ‘to point', dys-e 'to see', -dhys-e 'to be bold' (+ AV. TS.), -nám-e 'to bend', -nás-e (+ VS.) 'to attain', -niks-e 'to pierce', -núd-e 'to thrust', -pic-e 'to fill', pŕcch-e 'to ask'; -bádh-e 'to bind' (AV.), -búdhe (TS. 1. 2. 3¹) 'to awake', -mise 'to forget', -yákş-e 'to speed', -yúj-e 'to yoke', -rábh-e 'to seize', -rúj-e 'to break', -vắc-e 'to speak' (√vac-), -vid-e 'to find', -vidh-e 'to pierce' (√vyadh-), -vis-e 'to seize', -vŕj-e 'to put round', -výt-e ‘to turn', -śás-e 'to proclaim', -sád-e 'to sit', -súd-e 'to enjoy', -skád-e 'to leap', -skábh-e 'to prop', -spise 'to touch', -syád-e 'to flow', -sváj-e 'to embrace'7. I AVERY 230. 2 WHITNEY 9701; WOLFF p. I. 3 Cp. WHITNEY 982. On the uses of the infinitive, cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 805-811. 4 Cp. WHITNEY 982, a- -d. 5 That is, śrad-dhé and pra-mé, which might, however, be explained as locatives. 6 In VIII. 4¹5 the dative, accented túj-e, occurring independently, appears to be a substantive. 7 Cp. the list in LUDWIG p. 56—58. VII. VERB. INFINITIVE. I a. One infinitive is also formed from a reduplicated root: śiśnáth-e (III. 31¹3) to attack'; but according to GRASSMANN it is the locative of a substantive meaning 'attack'. 585. The remaining dative infinitives are formed from verbal nouns derived with nine different suffixes. 409 I. Some 25 of these are datives of stems in -as ². They are the following: áyas-e (1. 57³) ‘to go', arhás-e to be worthy of', rcás-e 'to praise', rñjás-e 'to strive after', ksádas-e3 'to partake of', cáksas-e 'to see', carás-e 'to fare', javás-e4 (III. 50²) 'to speeď, jīvás-e ‘to live', tujás-e 'to hurl', dohás-e 'to milk', dháyas-e 'to cherish', dhruvás-e 'to sit firmly', pusyás-e ‘to thrive', bháras-e³ 'to bear', bhiyás-e 'to fear', bhojás-e 'to enjoy', rājás-e ‘to shine', vṛñjás-e ‘to turn aside', vydhás-e 'to further', sobhás-e 'to shine', śriyás-e 'to be resplendent', sáhyas-e5 'to conquer', spáras-e ‘to help to', spurdhás-e 'to strive after', harás-e 'to seize'. a. Three roots form an infinitive stem with -s only instead of -as: ji-ș-é 'to con- quer', upa-prak-ș-é6 (v. 476) ‘to unite', stu-s-é 'to praise'?. 2. Some half dozen are formed from stems in -i: iş-áy-e® (VI. 52¹5) to refresh', tuj-áy-e (v. 467) 'to breed', drs-áy-e 'to see', mah-áy-e 'to rejoice', yudh-áy-e 'to fight', san-áy-e 'to win'; cit-áy-e9 (VS.) 'to understand'. 3. Four or five are formed from stems in -ti: iş-táy-e 'to refresh', pi-tay-e 'to drink', vī-táy-e to enjoy', sã-táy-e 'to win'; perhaps also u-tay-e (nn) 'to help (his men)'. 4. Over 30 dative infinitives are formed from stems in -tu (added to the gunated root, in some instances with connecting vowel), from which acc. and abl. gen. infinitives are also formed: a. át-tav-e 'to eat', ás-tav-e 'to attain', ás-tav-e (VS.; TS. IV. 5. 1²) 'to shoot', é-tav-e 'to go', -tav-e 'to weave' (√va-), kár-tav-e 'to make', gán-tav-e and gå-tav-e 'to go', da-tav-e 'to give', práti-dhã-tav-e 'to place upon', dhá-tav-e 'to suck', pák-tave (AV.) 'to cook', pát-tav-e 'to fall', pá-tav-e 'to drink', bhár- tav-e 'to bear away', mán-tav-e 'to think', yán-tav-e 'to present', yás-tav-e 'to sacrifice', ya-tav-e 'to go', yo-tav-e 'to ward off', vák-tav-e 'to speak', prá-van- tav-e 'to win' (Vvan-), vár-tav-e 'to restrain', vás-tav-e 'to shine', vá-tav-e (AV.) 'to weave', vét-tav-e (AV.) ‘to find, vó-lhav-e 'to convey', pári-sak-tav-e 'to over- come', sár-tav-e 'to flow', si-tav-e 'to bring forth', sé-tav-e (AV.) ‘to bind', só- tav-e 'to press', stó-tav-e 'to praise', hán-tav-e 'to slay'. B. áv-i-tav-e 'to refresh', cár-i-tav-e 'to fare', jiv-á-tav-e (TS. Iv. 2. 65; VS. XVIII. 67) 'to live', sávi-tav-e 'to bring forth', stár-i-tav-e (AV.) 'to lay low', sráv-i-tav-e 'to flow', háv-i-tav-e 'to call'. 5. Over a dozen infinitives are formed from stems in -tavá (added like tu to the gunated root), which are doubly accented. a. é-tavái 'to go' (also áty-, ánv-, etavái), ó-tavái 'to weave', gán-tavái 'to go' (also upa-gantavái), dá-tavái 'to give', pári-dhā-tavái (AV.) 'to envelope', pá-tavái 'to drink', ápa-bhar-tavái 'to be taken away', mán-tavái 'to think', má-tavái 'to low', sár-tavái 'to flow', si-tavái (AV.) 'to bring forth'), hán- tavái 'to slay' 1⁰. I s. v. šišnátha. 2 As a rule the suffix, but in half a dozen instances the root, is accented, 3 According to GRASSMANN, 2. sing. middle. 4 According to GRASSMANN, dat, of the substantive jávas meaning 'swiftness'. 5 According to GRASSMANN, dat. of the comparative sáhyas. 6 DELBRÜCK, Verbum, and AVERY accent -prakse. Cp. OLDENBERG. Rgveda, note on V. 476. 7 See DELBRÜCK p. 181 (I, 5); cp. above, p. 378, note ¹. 8 Cp. however, DELBRÜCK 207. 9 Perhaps more probably a substantive, according to BR.: for understanding'. 10 The MS. has kártavái, cp. WHITNEY 982 d and WOLFF 7 (p. 9). I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. ß. jív-i-tavái (AV.) ‘to live' (Pp. -ta vái), yám-i-tavái 'to guide', sráv-i-tavái 'to flow'. 410 6. There seems to be only one certain example of a dative infinitive formed from a stem in -tyā: i-tyái 'to go'¹. 7. Some 35 dative infinitives almost limited to the RV." are formed from stems in -dhya added to verbal bases ending in a (generally accented), and seem to have the termination -dhyai: iyá-dhyai 'to go' (Vi-), irá-dhyai ³ 'to seek to win', işá-dhyai and isáya-dhyai 'to refresh', irayá-dhyai 'to set in motion', ksára-dhyai 'to pour out', gáma-dhyai 'to go', grná-dhyai (AA. v. 2. 1¹0) 'to praise', cará-dhyai 'to fare', jará-dhyai 'to sing”, tamsayá-dhyai 'to attract', tará-dhyai to overcome', duhá-dhyai 'to milk', dhiyá-dhyai 'to deposiť' (√ dhā-), nāśayá-dhyai ‘to cause to disappear', piba-dhyai ‘to drink', pṛṇá-dhyai 'to fill', bhára-dhyai 'to bear', mandá-dhyai 'to delight in', mandayá-dhyai 'to rejoice', madayá-dhyai 'to delight in', yája-dhyai 'to worship', risayá-dhyai 'to injure oneself', vandá-dhyai 'to praise', vartayá-dhyai 'to cause to turn', váha-dhyai 'to guide', vajayá-dhyai 'to hasten', vāvṛdhá-dhyai (from the perfect) ‘to strengthen', vyjá-dhyai 'to turn to', śayá-dhyai 'to lie', sucá-dhyai 'to shine', sacá-dhyai 'to partake', sáha-dhyai 'to overcome', stavá-dhyai 'to praise', syandayá-dhyai 'to flow', huvá-dhyai 'to call'. The TS. has also one of these infinitives ending in -e: gamá-dhye (1. 3. 6²). 8. Five dative infinitives are formed from stems in -man: trá-man-e 'to protect', dá-man-e 'to give', dhár-man-e (x. 88¹) 'to support', bhár-man-e 'to preserve', vid-mán-e5 'to know'. 9. Three dative infinitives are formed from stems in van: tur-ván-e 'to overcome' (√tr-), dā-ván-e ‘to give', dhắr-van-e 'to injure' (√ dhvr-). 2. Accusative Infinitive. 586. This infinitive is an accusative in sense as well as in form, being used only as the object of a verb. It is primarily employed as a supine with verbs of motion to express purpose. It is formed in two ways. a. More than a dozen radical stems in the RV. and several others in the AV. form an accusative infinitive with the ending -am7. The root nearly always ends in a consonant and appears in its weak form. It is not always easy to distinguish these infinitives from substantives, but the following include all the more certain forms: sam-idham 'to kindle', vi-crt-am 'to unfasten', pra-tir-am (√tr-) 'to prolong', prati-dhắm 'to place upon' (AV.), (vi-, sam-)-pŕcch-am 'to ask', pra-miy-am 'to neglect' (Vmī-), yám-am³ 'to guide', yudh-am (AV.) ‘to fight', ā-rábh-am 'to reach', a-rúh-am 'to mount', a-vis-am 'to enter', sübh-am 'to shine', a-sád-am 'to sit down'⁹. b. Five accusative infinitives from stems in -tu (of which the dative I In x. 1064 bhujyái, occurring beside | 7 The only roots in vowels taking it are pustyái, is doubtless a substantive; other | dha-, mi-, tỹ-. cases of the word are also met with : see GRASSMANN, s. v. bhuji. The MS.1.6³ has also sádhyai (from sah+ti); róhișyai, which occurs in the TS. 1. 3. 10² is doubtless substantive; see DELBRÜCK 201 and WHITNEY 977. 8 Occurs three times in the RV., always dependent on šakéma. 2 This infinitive form occurs once only in the AV. in a Rigvedic passage. 9 Perhaps also sam-óh-am (strong radical vowel) and upa-spij-am. Cp. the list in WOLFF, p. 87-90. There are several quite doubtful examples from the AV., as nih- khíd-am (conjecture), pra-tánk-am, sam-rúdh- am. See WHITNEY's notes in his Translation on AV. IV. 16²; v. 187; VII. 505. 3 An intensive formation from radh-(64,1). 4 yajádhyai TS. Iv. 6. 3³; VS, XVII, 57. 5 WHITNEY 974 also quotes dár-mane. 6 Cp. WOLFF 32, 40. VII. VERB. INFINITIVE. form is much commoner) occur in the RV. and about the same number of others in the AV.: át-tum (AV.) 'to eat', ó-tum 'to weave', kár-tum (AV.) 'to make', ni-kartum (Kh. Iv. 525) 'to overcome', khán-i-tum (VS. XI. 10) 'to dig', dă-tum 'to give', drás-tum (AV.) 'to see', prás-țum 'to ask', prá-bhar-tum 'to present', yắc-i-tum (AV.) 'to ask for', ánu prá-volhum 'to advance, spárdh-i-tum (AV.) 'to contend with'2. 3. Ablative-Genitive Infinitive. 587. This infinitive is formed in two ways, like the accusative in- finitive, either from a radical stem or from a verbal noun in -tu (from which a dative and an acc. infinitive are also formed) 3. The former, therefore, ends in -as, the latter in -tos. As these endings are both ablative and genitive in form, the cases can only be distinguished syntactically. The ablative use is by this criterion shown to preponderate considerably. a. The -as form has the ablative sense almost exclusively, as is indicated by its being employed with words governing the ablative, viz. the adnominal prepositions rté 'without', purá 'before', and the verbs pā- 'protect' tra- 'rescue', bhi 'fear'. It occurs with the same kind of attraction as appears with the dative infinitive: thus trådhvam kartád ava-pád-as (11. 296) + 'save ns from the pit, from falling down (into it)'. There are six such ablatives in the RV.: a-trd-as being pierced', ava-pád-as ‘falling down', sam-pýc-as 'coming in contact', abhi-śrís-as 'binding', abhi-śvás-as blowing', ati-şkád-as 'leaping across'. 4 a. There seems also to be at least one example (11.286) of the genitive use, viz. ni-miş-as .. ise 'I am able to wink', the construction of Vis being the same as with the genitive infinitive in -tos (ba). Another instance is perhaps a-pic-as 'to fill’' (võII. 40⁹). 411 b. Of the infinitives in -tos occurring in the RV. some six are shown by the construction to be ablatives. They are: é-tos 'going', gán-tos 'going', jáni-tos 'being born', ni-dha-tos 'putting down', sár-i-tos being shattered', só-tos 'pressing', hán-tos 'being struck'; perhaps also vás-tos (1. 174³)5. a. Three infinitives in -tos have the genitive sense, viz. kár-tos 'doing' (with madhyá) 6, dá-tos 'giving', and yó-tos 'warding off' (both with zs- 'have power'). In two passages in which ise governs the infinitive attraction of the object appears as with the dative infinitive: íše rayáḥ suvíryasya dátos (VII. 46) he has power over wealth (and) brave sons, over giving (them)', i. e. 'he has power to give wealth and brave sons'; also yásya iše..yótos (VI. 18¹¹) 'whom he can ward off'7. 4. Locative Infinitive. 588. This form of the infinitive is rare, since thirteen or fourteen examples at the most occur. Several of these are, however, indistinguishable in meaning from ordinary locatives of verbal nouns8. a. Five or six of these locatives are formed from radical stems: vy-ús-i 'at the dawning', sam-cáks-i 'on beholding', drs-i and sam-dis-i 'on seeing', budh-i 'at the waking. As these nearly always govern a genitive, they are preferably to be explained as simple locatives of verbal nouns. I See above 585, 4. 2 See the list in WOLFF p. 68--71. 3 Above 585, 4 and 586. 4 Cp. also VIII. 1¹²: purá jatrúbhya ā-týdas before the cartilages being pierced'. 5 See WOLFF II. 6 On this word see WOLFF 14, who thinks [it governs the ablative rather than the genitive. 7 See DELBRÜCK, Altindische Syntax p. 418, and cp. WOLFF 58. 8 Cp. DELBRÜCK 212 (p. 227) and WHITNEY 985. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. b. One locative infinitive is formed from a stem in -tar: dhar-tár-i 'to support' and vi-dhar-tár-i 'to bestow'. c. Eight locatives with a genuine infinitive meaning are formed from stems in -san in the RV. They are: gr-ni-şán-i 'to sing', tar-i-sán-i 'to cross', ne-sán-i to lead', par-sán-i 'to pass', abhi-bhū-sán-i ‘to aid, sū-șán-i 'to swell', sak-sdn-i 'to abide' (V sac-)², upa-str-ṇī-sán-i¹ 'to spread'. a. The form isán-i (II. 2º), seems to be derived from is 'emit' for is-sán-i³. 412 d. Gerund. 589. A considerable number (upwards of 120) of forms ending in -tví, -tvá, -tváya, -tya, -ya occur in the RV. and AV. in the sense of gerunds expressing an action which accompanies or more often precedes that of the finite verb. They are doubtless old cases (the first most probably a locative, the rest instrumentals) of verbal nouns formed with tu, -ti, -i, all of which are also employed in the formation of infinitives 5. The first three are formed from the simple root, the last two from the compounded root. 590. A. a. Of the gerunds formed from the simple root, those in -tví are the commonest in the RV., there being fifteen altogether in the RV. They hardly ever occur in any of the other Samhitās. They appear to be old locatives of stems in tu, which as a rule is added directly to the root, but in two instances with connecting -i-. They are kṛ-tví ‘having made', khā-tví (TS. IV. 1. 14) ‘having dug', ga-tví 'having gone', gü-ḍhví 'having concealed', jani-tví 'having produced, jus-tvī ‘liking', pī-tví 'having drunk', pu-tví 'having cleansed', bhu-tví 'having become', vr-tví 'enclosing', vrk-tví 'having over- thrown' (√vrj-), vis-tví ‘working' (√vis-), vṛṣ-tví 'showering', skabhi-tví 'having propped', ha-tví 'having smitten', hi-tví 'having abandoned (yha-). b. The gerund in -tvá, an old instrumental of a verbal noun in -tu, is formed by nine roots in the RV. and about thirty more in the AV. Those found in the RV. are: pitvá 'having drunk', bhit-tvá 'having shattered', bhu- tvá 'having become', mi-tvá 'having formed' (ma-), yuk-tvá 'having yoked', vr-tvá 'having covered', śru-tvá 'having heard', ha-tvá having slain', hi-tvá 'having abandoned' (√ha-). The forms occurring in the AV. include two formed from secondary verbal stems and three others formed with the connecting vowel -i-. They are: is-tvá 'having sacrificed (√yaj-), kalpay-i-tvá 'having shaped', kr-tvá 'having made', kri-tvá 'trading', ga-tvá 'having gone', grh-i-tvá 'having seized', jag-dhvá 'having devoureď (√jaks-), ci-tvá 'having gathered', cay-i-tvá 'noting', tīr-tvá 'having crossed' (tr-), tr-dhvá 'having shattered'7 (√trh-), dat-tvá ‘having given', drs-tvá ‘having seen', pak-tvá ‘having cooked', pu-tvá 'having purified', bad-dhvá 'having bound', bhak-tvá ‘sharing', mrs-tvá 'having wiped off', ru-dhvá 'having ascendeď, lab-dhvá ‘taking’, vit-tvá 'having found', vrs-tvá 'cutting off' (√vraśc-)8, sup-tvá ‘having slept', stab- dhvá 'having established', stu-tvá 'having praised', sna-tvá 'having bathed', sramsay-i-tvá 'letting fall', hims-i-tvá 'having injured'. One gerund in -tvā also occurs though compounded with a prefix: praty-arpay-i-tvá (AV.) ‘having sent I Formed from the present base. 2 From V/sac-, BR., DELBRÜCK, Verbum 213; from Vsah-, WHITNEY 978. 3 See BÖHTLINGK, pw. s. v, işáni, and cp. WHITNEY 978, OLDENBERG, note on II. 29. 4 Cp. v. NEGELEIN, Zur Sprachgeschichte 91. 5 Cp. BARTHOLOMAE, BB, 15, 227, 239; BRUGMANN, Grundriss 2, 1090. 6 BARTHOLOMAE, loc. cit. 7 tys-två in AV. XIX. 346 is probably to be read triş tvà 'thrice thee'; see WHITNEY'S Translation. 8 See note on AV. VIII, 32 in WHITNEY'S Translation (RV, has vrk-tvá). VII. VERB. GERUNDS. 413 in opposition. From the Khilas: janay-i-tvá (1.4³); from the VS. i-tvá (xxxII. 12), vid-i-tvá (xxxı. 18) 'having known', spr-tvá (xxxi. 1) ‘pervading'. c. The rarest gerund in the RV. is that in -tváya, being formed from only seven roots. It appears to be a late formation, occurring only in the tenth Maṇḍala, excepting one example in the eighth (vIII. 100³) in a hymn which is marked by ARNOLD as belonging to the latest period of the RV. Two of these gerunds (gatvaya and hatváya) recur in the AV., which, how- ever, has no additional examples of this type. These forms have the appearance of being datives of stems in -tva, but the use of the dative in this sense is in itself unlikely, as that case is otherwise employed to express the final meaning of the infinitive. Hence BARTHOLOMAE 3 explains the forms as a metrical substitute for a fem. inst. in -tváya (from the stem -tva), or for a loc. of -tua with enclitic à added. There seems to be another possible explanation. Three of the seven forms occurring appear instead of the corresponding forms in tvä of the older Mandalas. Owing to this close connexion and the lateness as well as the rarity of these forms, we may here have a tenta- tive double formation, under the influence of compound gerunds formed with ya which end in -aya, such as ā-dáya 'taking'. I. The forms occurring are kr-tváya (VS. XI. 59; TS. IV. 1. 54) 'having made', ga-tváya 'having gone', jag-dhváya 'having devoured', ta-tváya (VS.xl. 1) 'having stretched', dat-tváya 'having given', dys-tváya 'having seen', bhak-tváya ‘having attained', yuk-tváya 'having yoked', vr-tvåya (TS. IV. 1. 2³; VS. XI. 19) ‘having covered', ha-tváya 'having slain', hi-tváya 'having abandoned'. 591. B. When the verb is compounded, the suffix is regularly either -ya or - tyă. In at least two-thirds of these forms the vowel is long in the RV.4 a. Nearly 40 roots in the RV. and about 30 more in the AV., when compounded with verbal prefixes, take the suffix -ya5. Four roots take it also when compounded with nouns or adverbs. The forms occurring in the RV. are in the alphabetical order of the radical initial: a-ác-ya 'bending', pra-árp-ya 'setting in motion', prati-iṣ-yā ‘having sought for', abhi-up-ya 'having enveloped' (√vap-), vi-kŕt-ya ‘having cut in pieces', abhi-krám-ya 'approaching', abhi-khya-ya 'having descried', abhi-gür-ya 'graciously accepting', sam-gŕbh-ya 'gathering', prati-gŕh-ya 'accepting', anu-ghús-ya 'proclaiming alouď, abhi-cákṣ-yā 'regarding', prati-cáks-ya ‘observing' and vi-cáks-ya 'seeing clearly', ni-cay-ya 'fearing', pari-táp-yā ‘stirring up' (heat), vi-tür-yā ‘driving forth', ā-dá-ya 'taking' and pari-dá-ya ‘handing over', ati-dív-ya 'playing higher', anu-drs-ya 'looking along', abhi-pád-ya 'acquiring', pra-prúth-ya 'puffing out', vi-bhid-ya 'shattering', abhi-bhú-ya 'overcoming', vi-má-ya 'disposing' and sam-má-ya 'measuring out', sam-mil-ya 'closing the eyes', vi-mic-ya unyoking', a-mús-ya 'appropriating', anu-mrs-ya 'grasping', a-yú-ya 'taking to oneself', a-rábh-ya 'grasping' and sam-rábh-ya 'surrounding oneself with', ni-rúdh-ya 'having restrained', abhi- vŕt-ya 'having overcome' and a-výt-ya 'causing to roll towards', abhi-vlág-yä 'pursuing', ni-sád-ya 'having sat down', vi-sáh-ya 'having conquered', ava-sa-ya 'having unyoked', sam-há-ya 'preparing oneself' (ha-'go'). Compounds formed with adverbs are: punar-da-ya 'giving back', mitha-sprdh-ya 'vying together'; and with nouns, karna-gyh-ya 'seizing by the ear', pada-gyh-ya 'grasping by the foot', hasta-grh-ya 'grasping by the hand'. 1 The MS. has also the form sam-iray-i- två: WHITNEY 990 a, 2 Vedic Metre p. 283. 3 BB. 15, p. 239, 12. + Cp. WHITNEY 993 a. 5 On the gerund in -ya cp. NEISSER, BB. 30, 308-311. 6-yu-ya is also compounded with ni- and vi-. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. The additional roots thus compounded in the AV. are: ud-uh-ya 'having carried up', a-krám-ya 'stepping into' and pari-krám-ya 'striding about', sam-gir-ya 'swallowing up', sam-gyh-ya¹ 'having grasped' 2, vi-cchíd-ya 'having cut asunder', upa-dad-ya 'putting in' (da- 'give') ³, abhi-dhá-ya 'encircling', vi-dhi-ya 'shaking off', para-ni-ya 'leading away', a-pád-ya ‘arriving at' and pra- pád-ya 'going forward', sam-pa-ya 'drinking up', vi-bháj-ya 'having apportioned', (caus. of bhaj-), sam-bhi-ya 'combining", ni-májj-ya 'having immerged' (V majj-), apa-má-ya 'having measured off'4, apa-mij-ya 'having wiped off', sam-rábh-ya 'taking hold together', a-rúh-ya 'ascending', sam-lip-ya 'having torn up'5, upa-vis-ya 'sitting down', pari-vis-ya 'attending upon', sam-sá-ya 'sharpening', a-sád-ya 'sitting upon' and ni-sád-ya 'sitting down', sam-sic-ya 'having poured together', apa-sidh-ya 'driving away', sam-sív-ya 'having sewed', nih-sýp-ya 'having crept out', ati-şthá-ya 'excelling', prati-sthá-ya ‘standing firm', ut-tha-ya 'arising'. From the VS.: ni-sir-ya (xVI. 13) 'having broken off', sam-sij-ya (XI. 53) 'having mingled', ati-há-ya (xxv. 43) 'having missed'. b. Roots which end in a short vowel, either originally or after losing a nasal, add -ṭyā (nearly always in RV.) or -tya instead of -yằ, when com- pounded. The following gerunds are thus formed in the RV.: -i-tya 'having gone' with api-, abhi- and a-, -í-tya with abhi- and prati-; ā-gá-tyā 'having come' (Vgam-), à-di-tya 'regarding', a-bhý-tya 'bringing', vi-há-tya 'having driven away' (han-); and with adverbial prefixes aram-ký-tya 'having made ready', akhkhali-ky-tya 'shouting'. From the Khilas: aty-á-hr-tya (IV. 529). 414 The AV. has the following gerunds from nine additional roots nir-f-tya 'separating' (?), abhi-ji-tya 'having conquered', and sam-ji-tya 'having wholly conquered', a-tá-tya7 'having expanded', apa-mi-tya 'having borrowed' (√ mā-), ud-ya-tya 'lifting up', pra-á-vr-tya 'having enveloped', upa-sri-tya 'having over- heard', ud-dhy-tya 'having taken up' (√/hr-); also in composition with a sub- stantive: namas-ký-tya. The VS. has upa-stu-tya (xxI. 46) 'having invoked' and pra-stu-tya (xXI. 46) 'having lauded'. VIII. INDECLINABLES. I. Prepositions. GAEDICKE, Der Akkusativ im Veda (Breslau 1880), p. 193-210. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 1077-1089, 1123-1130. DELBRÜCK, Altindische Syntax p. 440-471. Cp. BENFEY, Vollständige Grammatik 241 and 784. BRUGMANN, KG. p. 457-480. J. S. SPEIJER, Vedische und Sanskrit-Syntax, Grundriss 1. 6, 87. - L 592. Two classes of prepositions are to be distinguished. The first class embraces the genuine or adverbial prepositions. These are words with a local sense which, being primarily used to modify the meaning of verbs. came to be connected independently with the cases governed by the verbs thus modified. They show no signs of derivation from inflexional forms or (except tirás and purás) forms made with adverbial suffixes. The second class embraces what may be called adnominal prepositions. These are words which are not compounded with verbs, but govern cases only. As regards form, they almost invariably end in case terminations or adverbial suffixes. 2 The gerund ā-ghrá-ya (AV. xIx. 85), the reading of the text, is not found in the Mss. and is doubtless wrong; cp. WHITNEY'S Index Verborum. 3 From the present base of Vda-, cp. WHITNEY 992 a.. 4 apa-má-ya is a conjectural reading. but I -ghya also appears compounded with | 5 v. NEGELEIN 92 gives -vidh-ya (Vvyadh-) ni-, vi- and prati-, and -sus-ya as occurring in the AV. they are not to be found in WHITNEY'S Index verborum. 6 See note on AV. X. 22 in WHITNEY'S Translation. 7 Conjectural reading in AV. xx, 136³; see WHITNEY's Index Verborum VIII. INDECLINABLES. ADVERBIAL PREPOSITIONS. A. Adverbial Prepositions. 593. Of the twenty-two included in this class', eight are never used adnominally, viz. ápaª ‘away'; úd 'up', 'out'; ní ‘down', ‘into'; nís ‘out'; párā 'away'; prá 'forth'; vi 'asunder' (often 'dis-', 'away'); sám ³ 'together'4. Three others, for the most part employed adnominally, are restricted in their adverbial use to combination with particular verbs, viz. áccha ‘towards', tirás 'across', purás 'before'. The remaining eleven, being employed both adverbially and adnominally, are: áti 'beyond'; ádhi 'upon'; ánu 'after'; antár ‘within'; ápi ‘on'; abhí against'; áva 'down'; á 'near'; úpa 'up to'; pári ‘around; práti 'towards'. 415 a. When combined with verbs 5 these prepositions are not compounded in the principal sentence6. Generally speaking, they immediately precede the verb; but they are also often separated from it, e. g. á tvā višantu (1. 57) 'may they enter thee'. Occasionally the preposition follows the verb, e. g. indro gá avṛṇod ápa (vIII. 63³) Indra disclosed the cows'. Two prepositions are not infrequently combined with the verb 7; no certain instances of three being thus used can be quoted from the RV., though a few such instances occur in the AV. On the other hand, a preposition sometimes appears quite alone; the verb 'to 'be', or some other verb commonly connected with it, can then be supplied without difficulty; e. g. á tú na indra (1. 10¹¹) ‘hither, pray, (come) to us, Indra'. Or the preposition appears without the verb in one part of the sentence, but with it in another; e. g. pári mám, pári me prajām, pári naḥ pāhi yád dhánam (AV. II. 74) 'protect me, protect my pro- jeny, protect what wealth (is) ours'. As the verb normally stands at the end of the sentence, the preposition would naturally come after the object. Hence as a rule it follows the noun governed by the verb (though it is also often found preceding the noun). Primarily used to define the local direction ex- pressed by the verb which governs a case, prepositions gradually became connected with particular cases. In the RV. it is still often uncertain whether the adverbial or the adnominal sense is intended. Thus däśvámsam úpa gacchatam (1. 473) may mean either 'do ye two go-to the pious man' or 'do ye two go to-the pious man'. When used adnominally the preposition only 1 On the relative frequency of these pre-| that practically all verbs except denomina- positions in the RV. and AV. see WHITNEY, tives were capable of combining with pre- Sanskrit Grammar 1077 a. positions. On the other hand, some verbs occur only in combination with prepositions (DELBRÜCK, loc, cit.). 6 áccha, tirás, purás seem never to be compounded with the verb even in depen- dent clauses; see DELBRÜCK p. 469 (mid.). 7 When there are two, párā always im- mediately precedes the verb; á and áva nearly always; úd, ní, prá usually. On the other hand, abhí is all but invariably the first of the two; ádhi and ánu are nearly always so, úpa and práti usnally; cp. DEL- BRÜCK 234. 8 Cp. DELBRÜCK 235. Three prepositions combined with a verb are common in B.; the last is then almost invariably á or áva. 9 On the elliptical imperative use of pre- positions cp. PISCHEL, VS. 1. 13, 19f.; BRUG- MANN, IF. 18, 128; DELBRÜCK, Vergleichende Syntax 3, 122 f. 2 On the relation of ápa, ápi, úpa, ní, pári to corresponding Greek prepositions see J. SCHMIDT, KZ, 26, 21 ff. 3 sám seems in a few passages to have attained an independent prepositional use with the instrumental: sám usádbhiḥ (1. 6³), sám pátnībhiḥ (11, 168), sám kvabhiḥ (VIII. 97¹2), sám jyotiṣā jyótiḥ (VS.11.9), sám ấyuṣā (TS. 1, 1, 10²); but in all these examples the case perhaps depends on the compound sense of the verb. BR, do not recognize the prepositional use, cp. DELBRÜCK p. 459; on the other hand, see GRASSMANN s. v. sám and WHITNEY 1127. sám is used with the inst. in Kh. I, 47. 4 The adverbs āvis and prădúr 'in view' are used with Vas, Vbhu- and Vkr- only. 5 Though a certain number of verbs are never actually met with in the RV. and AV. in combination with prepositions (cp. DELBRÜCK p. 433), there can be litte doubt 416 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. defines the local meaning of the case. It cannot be said to 'govern' the case, except perhaps when á 'up to' or purás 'before' are connected with the ablative. 594. The fourteen genuine prepositions which are used adnominally are almost entirely restricted to employment with the accusative, loca- tive, and ablative. Six are used with the accusative only, viz. áccha, áti, ánu, abhí, práti and tirás; one (ápi) with the locative only; one (áva) with the ablative only (and that very rarely). I The remaining six take the accusative and one or both of the other two cases: pári takes the ablative also; úpa the locative also; ádhi, antár, á, purás take both the locative and the ablative also. The first two of these six belong primarily to the sphere of the accusative, the last four to that of the locative. Thus it appears that the genuine prepositions were at the outset practically associated with these two cases only. The ablative came to be used secondarily with pári in the sense of 'from (around)'; and similarly with locative prepositions, ádhi = 'from (upon)', antár 'from (within)', á = 'from (on)'. In all these, the sense of the ablative case com- bined with the original meaning of the preposition to form a new double notion. But in purás 'before' and in á, when it means 'up to', which are both used before the case, the ablative sense has completely disappeared. The following is a detailed account of the genuine prepositions in their alphabetical order. áccha 'towards'. 595- In combination with verbs of motion and of speaking, áccha ³ expresses direction in the sense of '(all the way) to'4. Used adnominally with the same meaning, it takes the accusative, which either precedes or follows. It is rare except in the RV.5 Examples of its use are: prá yātana sákhimr ácchā (1.165¹3) 'proceed hither to your friends'; úpa prágāt.. ácchā pitáram mātáram ca (1. 163¹³) 'he has come forward hither to his father and mother'; kám áccha yunjathe rátham (v. 74³) 'to (go to) whom do ye two yoke your car?'; ácchã ca tvă ená námasā vádāmasi (VIII. 216) 'and to thee we speak with this devotion'; préyám agad dhisáṇā barhír áccha (TS.1.1.2¹= MS. 1. 1² K. 1. 2) 'this bowl has come forward hither to the litter'. — áti 'beyond'. 596. Adverbially áti is frequently used in the sense of 'beyond', 'over', 'through', with verbs of motion. Whether it is used adnominally with these and cognate verbs is somewhat uncertain. There are, however, a few distinct instances of such use6 of úti in other connexions with the accu- sative; e. g. šatám dāsáṁ áti srájaḥ (vIII. 56³) ‘a hundred slaves (beyond -) in addition to garlands'; purvír áti kṣápaḥ (x. 772) 'through many nights'; kád asyacáti vratám cakṛmã (x. 125) ‘what have we done (beyond) contrary ¹ In regard to úpa the sense of 'motion | locative in the v. r. sádanesu áccha for to' seems to be the primary one; for it is sádanāni áccha (RV. IX, 91¹), used twice as often with the acc., and its position before the loc, is less primitive, 2 It is once (VIII. 33¹3) also used with śru- 'hear' in the sense of 'listen to'. 5 It is used with over twenty roots in the RV. and with only two in the AV. (WHITNEY 1078). In the TS. it occurs with i- 'go' (IV. 1.81; II.2. 123) and with vad- 'speak' VS. XVI. 4). 3 The final a is short only at the end of | (IV. 5. 1²: a Păda and in 1 3117 and IX. 106¹; other- wise always áccha. 4 In the SV, it is once used with the 6 The adnominal use survives through the Brāhmaṇas into the Mahābhārata. VIII. INDECLINABLES. ADVERBIAL PREPOSITIONS. 417 to his ordinance?"; yó devó mártyam áti (AV. xx. 1277) 'the god who (is) beyond mortals'. ádhi 'upon'. 597. The general meaning of ádhi in its adverbial use is upon', e. g. ádhi gam 'come upon', then 'find out', 'learn'. In adnominal use the proper sphere of ádhi is the locative, with which it is almost always connected. Here, however, there is sometimes an uncertainty whether the preposition belongs to the verb or the noun; e. g. nákasya prsthé ádhi tişthati (1. 1255) he stands upon the ridge of the firma- ment'. When referring to a person ádhi means beside', 'with' (from the notion of wielding sway over); e. g. yan, näsatyä, parāváti yád va sthó ádhi turváse (1. 477) 'when, O Nãsatyas, ye are at a distance or with Turvasa'. a. From the locative the use of ádhi extended to the ablative, with which it is less frequently connected. It then primarily has the compound sense 'from upon'; e. g. átah... á gahi divó va rocanád ádhi (1.69) 'thence come, or from the bright realm of heaven'. Often, however, the simple ablative meaning alone remains; e. g. hŕdayād ádhi (x. 163³) 'from the heart'; puruṣād ádhi (VS.XXXII. 2) 'from Puruşa'. A somewhat extended sense is occasionally found; e. g. yam ... kánva īdhá rtád ádhi (1. 36¹¹) ‘whom Kaņva kindled (proceeding from ) in accordance with sacred order'; má panír bhur asmád ádhi (1. 33³) ‘be not niggardly with regard to us'. = b. From the locative the use of ádhi further spread to the accusative, though in a very limited way, to express the sphere on or over which an action extends; e. g. prthú prátīkam ádhy edhe agnih (vII. 36¹) ‘Agni has been kindled over the broad surface. Otherwise, when taking the accusative in the sense of 'upon' with verbs of motion, ádhi nearly always belongs to the verb. a. In the RV. only, ádhi is used seven times with the (following) instrumental singular or plural of snú- 'height', to express motion along and over- across'; e. g. cakrám .. ádhi snúnû brhatá vártamānam (IV. 28²) 'the wheel rolling across the mighty height'. This is probably to be explained as the instrumental of the space (by =) through which motion takes place (e. g. vắto an!árikṣeṇa yāti 'the wind goes through the air', 1. 161¹4), the preposition that regularly means 'upon' being added to define the action as taking place ‘over' as well as 'along'. The VS. has the regular locative of snú- with ádhi: prthivyá ádhi snúşu (XVII. 14) ‘on the heights of the earth'. ánu 'after'. 598. In its adverbial use ánu primarily means ‘after', e. g. dnu i- ‘go after', 'follow'; from this fundamental sense are developed various modifications such as 'along', 'through'. In its adnominal use ánu takes the accusative only. When the influence of the verb is still felt, it means 'after', 'along', 'throughout'; e. g. párā me yanti dhītáyo gắvo ná gávyūtīr ánu (1.25¹) 'my prayers go abroad like kine (seeking) after pastures'; úpa prá yanti dhītáyaḥ rtásya pathyà ánu (III. 127) 'forth go my prayers along the paths of sacred order'; yát páñca mánuṣāṁ ánu nymnám (VIII. 9²) 'the might which (exists) throughout the five peoples'; similarly prthivim ánu (VS. XIII. 6) 'throughout the earth', vánaspátīmr ánu (VS. xIII. 7) 'in all trees', pradisó 'nu (VS. XXXII. 4) 'throughout the regions'. When used in closer connexion with nouns ánu expresses: a. sequence in time: 'after' or (with plurals) 'throughout'; e. g. púrvām ánu práyatim (1. 1265) ‘after the first presentment'; ánu dyún 'throughout the days' 'day after day'. b. conformity: 'after' = 'in accordance with'; e. g. svám ánu vratám (1 128) 'according to his own ordinance'; amŕtām ánu (VS. 1v. 28) 'after the Indo-arische Philologie. I. 4. 27 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. manner of immortals'; ánu jósam (TS. 1. 1. 13² VS. II. 17) for (= to suit) thy enjoyment. This is the commoner independent use. 418 antár 'between'. 599. In its adverbial use, which is not frequent, antár means 'between', 'within', 'into'; e. g. antáś car- 'move between or within'; antáh pás- 'look into'; antár ga- go between', 'separate'; antar-vidván 'knowing (the difference) between', 'distinguishing'. The fundamental and by for the most frequent adnominal use of antár is connected with the locative in the sense of 'within', ‘among'; e. g. antáḥ samudré 'within the ocean'; apsú antár 'within the waters'; antár devésu 'among the gods'; gárbhe antáḥ (VS.xxxII.4) ‘within the womb'; mātŕtamāsu antáh (TS. 1. 8. 12²= VS. x. 7) 'in the best of mothers'. a. From the locative its use extends in a few instances to the ablative in the sense of 'from within'; e. g. antár áśmanaḥ 'from within the rock'; eşá yayau paramád antáḥ ádreh (Ix. 878) it has come from the highest stone'. b. From the locative its use further extends, in several instances, to the accusative, in the sense of 'between' (expressing both motion and rest), generally in connexion with duals or two classes of objects; e. g. mahán sadhásthe dhruvá á nişatto 'ntár dyávā (1II. 64) 'the great one who has sat down in the firm seat between the two worlds'; indra it somapá ékaḥ. antár deván mártyāmś ca (VIII. 24) 'Indra is the one Soma-drinker (between =) among gods and mortals'. .. ápi 'upon'. 600. In its adverbial use with verbs of motion ápi generally means 'into', e. g. ápi gam- 'go into', 'enter'; but this sense assumes various modifications which may be expressed by 'on', 'over', 'up'; e. g. ápi dha- 'put upon', 'close up'; ápi nah- 'tie up'; ápi-ripta- 'smeared over' = 'blind'. In its adnominal use, which is rare, ápi is connected with the loca- tive only. It then has the sense of 'on'; e. g. ayám, agne, tvé ápi yám yajñám cakṛmá vayám (11.58) 'this (is), O Agni, the sacrifice which we have offered on thee¹2. abhi 'towards'. 601. In its adverbial use abhí means 'towards' with verbs of motion, e. g. abhí dru- 'run towards'; it further commonly makes verbs of action. transitive, e. g. krand- 'roar' : abhí krand- ‘roar at'; it also sometimes, especially with bhū- 'be', comes to have the sense of superiority: abhi bhū- 'overcome'. The adnominal use of abhí is fairly frequent, though in many individual instances difficult to distinguish from its adverbial use. It is connected with the accusative only, in the sense of 'to'; e. g. úd īrṣva nāri abhí jīvalokám (x. 188) 'Arise, O woman, to the world of the living'. The sense of 'over' (inplying dominion), abstracted from one of its secondary adverbial uses, is occasionally found; e. g. víśvā yáś carṣaṇír abhi (1. 865) ‘who (is) over all men'. In the later language antár is not in-| frequently used with the genitive (as well as the locative). An example of this occurs as early as VS. XL. 5 (— Ïśa Upanişad 5): tád antár asya sárvasya, tád u sárvasya asya bahyataḥ 'it is within this all and it is with- out this all'. 2 The adverb ápi begins to be employed secondarily in the RV. (though rarely) as a conjunctional particle meaning 'also'; cp. BRUGMANN, KĠ. 588, 5. VIII. INDECLINABLES. ADVERBIAL PREPOSITIONS. 419 áva 'down'. 602. In its adverbial use, áva generally means 'down'. e. g. áva gam- 'come down'; but is has also the extended sense of 'away', 'off', e. g. áva srj- 'discharge'. In its adnominal use, which is very rare and doubtful, it is connected with the ablative in the sense of 'down from'. In the following two examples, especially the second, the case seems to be directly dependent on the preposition: vrstim áva dívá invatam (VII. 64²) ‘send rain down from heaven'; yé te pánthāno áva diváḥ (AV. vII. 55') 'which (are) thy paths down from the sky'¹. a 'near'. 603. The adverbial use of á with verbs expressing either physical or mental motion is very common in the sense of 'near', 'hither', 'towards', 'to', 'upon'; e. g. á aj 'drive hither'; á krand- 'cry to'; á dhi- 'think upon', 'attend to'. Less commonly, when used with verbs expressing rest or occurrence, it means 'in' or 'at'; e. g. á kşi- 'dwell in', á jan- 'be born at' a place. When used adnominally, á regularly follows the case, excepting only one sense of the ablative. It is primarily and most commonly connected with the locative, when it has the sense of 'on', 'in', 'at', 'to'; e. g. upástha á 'on he lap'; dadhús ṭvā bhŕgavo mănușeșu á (1. 586) 'the Bhrgus brought thee to men'. a. From the locative its use extended to the ablative, with which it is used fairly often. It is generally used after this case, when it primarily has the compound sense of 'from on' (cp. ádhi); e. g. parvatád á 'from (on) the mountain'. It also means, secondarily, away from'; e. g. yáś cid dhí tvā bahúbhya á sutávām āvívāsati (1. 849) 'who entices thee away from many (others) with his Soma draught'. This secondary meaning is sometimes further extended to express preference; e. g. yás te sákhibhya á váram (1. 44) 'who is a boon to thee (in distinction) from friends', i. e. 'who is better to thee than friends'. a. In about a dozen instances in the RV., á is used before the ablative to express 'up to'; e. g. yatí giríbhya á samudrát (VII. 95²) 'going from the mountains up to the sea'; á nimrúcaḥ (1. 161¹0) 'till sunset' ³. This reversal of meaning is probably due to the reversal of the natural order of the words: samudrád á 'from the sea' thus becoming á samudrát 'to the sea'. b. The use of á is further extended to the accusative, with which it is least frequently connected, generally meaning 'to', 'upon', to express the goal with verbs of motion; e. g. antár iyase.. yuşmámś ca deván víśa á ca mártan (IV. 2³) 'thou goest mediating to you, the gods, and to the people, the mortals'; mātárā sídatām barhír á (1. 1427) 'may the two mothers seat themselves upon the litter'; éhy á nah (AV. I. 54) 'come hither to us'; devánām vaksi priyám á sadhástham (TS. v. 1. 11' =VS. XXIX. 1) bring (it) II¹ to the dear abode of the gods'. In closer connexion with nouns, á is used to express purpose in the phrases jóşam á 'for enjoyment', and váram á 'for pleasure'. úpa 'up to'. 604. In its adverbial use úpa is in sense akin to abhi and á, expressing 'near to'; e. g. úpa gam- 'go near to'. The fundamental meaning of close 1 Cp. DELBRÜCK p. 451. 2 With very few exceptions this is the only use of a to be found in B.; in C. also a is found only before the ablative, but with the old sense of 'from' as well as 'up to'. 3 It is occasionally found after the abla- tive in this sense; see GRASSMANN s. v. ắ. 27* 1. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. contiguity is often coupled with the idea of subordination or inferiority; e. g. úpa sad- 'sit down close to', 'approach reverentially'; upa ās- ‘sit under',' adore'. In its adnominal use úpa is most frequently connected with the accu- sative (which it more often precedes than follows) in the sense of 'to'; e. g. á yahi .. úpa bráhmāṇi vāghátaḥ (1. 35) 'come to the prayers of the wor- shipper'. 420 a. It is also used (about half as frequently in the RV.) before the locative in the sense of 'beside', 'upon', 'at': yá úpa súrye (1. 23¹7) 'who (are) beside the sun'; úpa dyávi (upon =) up to the sky' (from below); úpa jmánn úpa vetasé áva tara (VS. xvII. 6 MS. II. 10¹) 'descend upon the earth, upon the reed'. = a. Quite exceptionally (only three times) úpa occurs in the RV. with the (following) instrumental. In two passages it expresses sequence of time in the phrase úpa dyúbhis (v. 533; VIII. 408) 'day by day'. Once it expresses conformity: yásmai vişnus trini padá vicakramá úpa mitrásya dhármabhiḥ (Vāl. Iv³) for whom Vişnu strode forth his three steps in accordance with the ordinances of Mitra'. These abnormal senses of úpa are parallel to those of ánu (598 a, b), and the construction to that of ádhi (597 a). tirás 'across'. 605. Adverbially tirás is used in the sense of 'aside', but only with the two verbs dhā- 'put' and bhū- 'be', in the Samhitās'; thus tiró dhā- ‘put aside', 'conceal'; tiró bhu- 'disappear'; e. g. ajakāvám tiró dadhe (VII. 50¹) 'I put away the scorpion'; má tiró 'bhūt (AV. VIII. 17) 'may it not disappear. Adnominally tirás is used fairly often in the RV., and a few times in the AV., in the sense of 'across', 'over', 'through', 'past', with (nearly always before) the accusative²; e. g. á yé tanvánti raśmíbhis tiráḥ samudrám (1.198) 'who spread with their rays across the ocean'; náyanti duritá tiráḥ (1.41³) 'they lead him through (so as to escape) dangers'; tiró víśvam árcato yahy arváň (x. 89¹) 'come hither past (leaving behind) all singers'. a. Figuratively tirás occasionally means 'contrary to'; e. g. devánām cit tiró vásam (x. 1714) 'even against the will of the gods'; yó no .. tiráś cittáni jighamsati (vII. 598) who desires to slay us contrary to expectations' (- 'un- awares'), yó no.. tiráh satyáni.. jighamsat (TS. IV. 3. 133) 'who may desire to slay us contrary to oaths'. pári ‘around'. 606. In its adverbial use pári generally means 'around', e. g. pári i- 'go around'; figuratively it also means 'completely', e. g. pári vid- 'know fully' (сp. лépi оide). Its adnominal use starts from the accusative, with which case it is, however, not very commonly connected. Here, too, it is not always certain that the preposition does not belong to the verb. It nearly always immedia- tely precedes the accusative in the sense of 'around', 'about'; e. g. pári dyám anyád īyate (1.30¹9) 'the other (wheel) goes around the sky'. The following is one of the two instances in which pári comes after the accusative 3 : havāmahe śraddhám madhyámdinam pári (x.1515) we invoke Sraddhā (about =) at noon¹4. a. Its use then extends to the ablative, with which it is much more frequently connected. Here it has primarily the compound sense of 'from around'; e. g. divás pári (1. 47°) 'from the sky (which is) around'; támasas pári (1. 50¹0) 'from the surrounding darkness'. The original meaning (as in ¹ In the ŚB. and later tirás is used with ky- 'do' also. 2 It is found at least once in the AV. (XII. 339) and occasionally in the SB. in the sense of 'away from' without the know- ledge of'. 3 Cp. GRASSMANN, s. v. pári, 784 (bottom). 4 Like the German preposition ‘um'. VIII. INDECLINABLES. PREPOSITIONAL ADVERBS. ádhi) then disappears, leaving only the ablative sense 'from'; e. g. tvám adbhyás tvám áśmanas pári .. jayase (II. 1¹) 'thou art born from the waters, from the rock'. purás 'before'. 607. Adverbially purás is combined with kr- 'do', and dha 'put' only, in the sense of 'in front'; e. g. indraḥ kṛṇotu prasavé rathám puráḥ (1.102⁹) 'may Indra place (our) car in front in the enterprise'; indram vísve deváso dadhire puráḥ (1. 131¹) 'the all-gods placed Indra in the forefront'. Adnominally purás occurs about nine times in the RV., in the sense of 'before' and connected with the accusative, the ablative, and the locative; e. g. ásadan mātáram puráḥ (x. 189¹) he has sat down before his mother'; ná gardabhám puró áśvan nayanti (111.53²³) 'they do not place the ass before the horse' (áśvāt); yáḥ sýñjaye puró. . samidhyáte (IV. 154) 'who is kindled before Srnjaya'. 42 1 práti 'against'. 608. Used adverbially práti means 'towards', 'against', e. g. práti i go towards or against'; práti ma- 'counterfeit', 'imitate'. From this sense the notion of equality was developed, as in práti as- be a match för'; e. g. indra, nákis tvā práty asty esām, víśvā jātány abhy àsi táni (VI.255) 'O Indra, none of them is equal to thee; thou art superior to all these beings'. The verb as often being omitted, práti appears to be used like an adjective; e. g. indram ná mahná pṛthiví caná práti (1.55¹) 'not even the earth (is) equal to Indra in greatness'. The preposition further comes to express adverbially the sense of 'back'; e. g. práti uh- 'thrust back'; práti brū- 'reply'. 2 Adnominally práti is used with the accusative only, altogether about a dozen times in the RV. With verbs of motion ² or of calling it means 'towards', 'to' (though here there is sometimes a doubt whether it does not rather belong to the verb); e.g. práti tyám cárum adhvarám gopithaya prá hūyase (1. 19¹) 'thou art summoned to the beloved sacrifice to drink the milk'. With verbs of protecting it means 'against' 'from'; e. g. ágne rákṣā no ámhasah, práti sma, deva, risataḥ (vII. 15¹3) 'O Agni, protect us from distress, against injurers, O god'. Sometimes it means 'over against', 'opposite'; e. g. ábodhy agnih .. práti .. práti .. ayatím uşásam (v. 1¹) 'Agni has awakened in face of the coming Dawn'. It expresses conformity in the phrase práti váram 'according to desire' (cp. ánu b, úpa a, a). a. In the phrase práti vástoḥ at dawn', occurring three times in the RV., the pre- position seems to take the ablative, but vástoḥ may here be meant for an adverbial form ³. B. Adnominal Prepositions. = 609. This class of words which is never compounded with verbs, but only governs oblique cases (with the exception of the dative), cannot be clearly distinguished from adverbs such as urdhvám (which from B. onwards is also used as a preposition with the ablative in the sense of 'above' and 'after'). It is to be noted that several of them govern the genitive and the instrumental, cases practically never connected with the genuine prepositions in the Samhitas. The following is an account of these words arranged in their alphabetical order4. I Both abhi and práti primarily express | with verbs of motion: here it expresses ap- direction towards', but the former tends to proximate position 'about', 'at', 'on'; it imply superiority or attack (at), the latter also means in regard to', 'in equality with'. comparison and equality or repulsion ('back'). 3 Cp. BR., and DELBRÜCK p. 463. 4 Though several of these (avás, äré, 2 In B. práti is regularly used after the accusative, though apparently never connected parás, sácă, sanitúr, sanutár, samáyā, sumád, = 422 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. adhás 'below'. 610. With the accusative adhás occurs only once in the RV., in the sense of 'below': tisráḥ pṛthivír adhó astu (VII. 104") 'may he be below the three earths. It is also found once with the ablative (or genitive) in the same sense: adháh padiḥ (x.166²) 'below (my) feet'. The latter use also occurs once in the SV. and once in the AV.: yé te pántha adhó diváḥ (SV. 1. 2. 2. 38) 'thy paths which are below the sky'; adhás te áśmano manyúm upāsyāmasi yo gurúḥ (AV. vI. 42²) ‘we cast thy fury under a stone that (is) heavy'. antará 'between'. 611. This word occurs five times in the RV. with a following accu- sative in the sense of 'between', e. g. antará dámpati 'between husband and wife'. It also occurs a few times in the AV. and VS. before duals; e. g. antará dyávāpṛthiví 'between heaven and earth'. abhitas 'around'. 612. This adverb is employed in a few passages of the RV. and AV. in the sense of 'around' with the accusative; e. g. sáro ná pūrṇám abhíto vádantaḥ (VII. 1037) 'talking as round a brimful lake'; yé devá rāṣṭrabhŕto 'bhíto yánti súryam (AV. XIII. 135) 'the kingdom-bearing gods who go around the sun'. avás 'down from'. 613. In the RV. avás occurs four times with the ablative (cp. áva) in the sense of 'down from'; e. g. aváh súryasya byhatáḥ púrīṣāt (x. 27²¹) 'down from the vast misty region of the sun'. It is further employed four or five times with the instrumental; e. g. avó divá patảyantam patamgám (1. 1635) 'a bird flying down from heaven'. The latter use seems to be analogous to that of adhi with the instrumental (597 a). upári 'above'. 614. This adverb occurs three times in the RV. after the accusative in the sense of 'above', 'beyond'; e. g. tisráḥ prthivír upári (1. 34°) 'above the three earths'. It is also found once with the instrumental in the combi- nation bhúmyopári, i. e. bhúmya upári (x. 75³) 'beyond the earth'. It is, however, more likely that here we have an irregular euphonic combination for bhúmya[h] upári and that the case governed by the preposition is the genitive. This would account for the frequent use of upári with the genitive in the later language, while the instrumental would be unique. rté 'without'. 615. This word is used fairly often in the RV., and occasionally in the later Samhitas, before or after the ablative (sometimes separated from it) in the sense of 'without'; e. g. ná rté tvát kriyate kim caná (x. 1129) 'without thee nothing is done'; yébhyo ná 'rté pávate dhama kim caná (TS. iv. 6.14 VS. XVII. 14) 'without whom no dwelling is purified'. = 'smád) disappear in C., there is nevertheless * See GRASSMANN, s. v. upári; cp. above in the later language a large increase in p. 65 (top). their numbers, greatly supplemented by the 2 In origin an old locative. On some periphrastic use of nouns and by the pre- other words representing old case-forms, positional gerunds. Cp. SPEIJER, Vedische used prepositionally (arvák etc.), cp. WHIT- und Sanskrit-Syntax 89-93. ´NEY 1128. VIII. INDECLINABLES. PREPOSITIONAL ADVERBS. 423 parás 'beyond'. 616. In the RV. parás is used with the accusative, instrumental, ablative, and locative; but in the later Samhitās it seems to be found with the abla- tive only. a. It takes the accusative six or seven times in the sense of 'beyond', not only locally, but also to express superiority or excess; e. g. áti súryam paráḥ śakuná iva paptima (Ix. 107 20) 'we have flown away like birds beyond the sun'; nahi devó ná mártyo mahás táva krátum paráh (1.192) 'for neither god nor mortal (goes) beyond the might of thee, the great'. b. It is employed nearly three times as frequently with the instrumental, for the most part in the sense of 'beyond'; e. g. paró mátrayā (VII. 99¹) 'beyond measure'. In some passages this sense is somewhat modified. Thus the word twice means 'over' (as opposed to avás); e. g. yás te amśúr avás ca yáh paráḥ srucá (x. 17¹3) 'thy juice which (fell) down from and over the ladle'. Twice, moreover, it expresses 'without'; e. g. paró mayabhis (v. 44²) 'without wiles'. c. With the locative it occurs only once in the sense of 'beyond': yé trimśáti tráyas paró deváso barhír ásadan (vIII. 28¹) 'the gods who, three in excess of thirty, have seated themselves upon the litter'. d. It is found in three passages of the RV., as well as a few times in the AV. and the VS., with the ablative in the senses of 'beyond', far 'from', and 'away from'; e. g. paró diváḥ (AV. IX. 4²¹) 'beyond the sky'; asmāt. paráh (VIII. 27¹8) 'far from him'; tvát paráḥ (AV. XII. 3³⁹) ‘apart from thee'; paró mujavats 'tīhi (VS.111.61) 'go away beyond (Mount) Mujavat'. The last example may probably be an instance of the accusative with parás = 'beyond (the tribe of) the Mūjavants'¹. purástād 'in front of'. 617. This adverb is used two or three times in the Samhitãs with the genitive in the sense of 'before', 'in front of'; e. g. sámiddhasya purástāt (III. 82) in front of the kindled one'; vájaḥ purástād utá madhyató nah (TS. IV. 7. 12²= VS. XVIII. 34) 'strength be before us and in the midst of us'. purá 'before' (time). In the RV. purá is used some twenty times, and in the later Samhitās occasionally, before or after the ablative. It has primarily the sense of 'before' (of time); e. g. purá nú jarásaḥ (VIII. 67²⁰) 'before old age'; purá krūrásya visýpaḥ (TS. 1. 1. 93 VS. I. 28) 'before the departure of the cruel (foe)'. This sense is, however, often modified to express exclusion, sometimes equivalent to 'without', 'except', 'in preference to', e. g. purá sambadhád abhy á vavrtsva (II. 168) 'turn to us before (= so as to save us from) distress'; purá mát (AV.XII. 346) 'except me'. bahirdhá outside'. 618. This adverb 2 is once used in the VS. with the ablative in the sense of 'outside', 'from': idám ahám taptám vár bahirdha yajñán níssṛjāmi (VS. v. 11) 'this heated water I eject from the sacrifice'. sácă 'with'. 61g. The use of sácā is almost restricted to the RV., where it is common before and after the locative, meaning in association with', 'beside', 'at', The word mujavant- occurs in the plural | simple form bahis 'outside' (used also with as the name of a tribe in AV. v. 225 etc. abl.) is frequent in B. and later. 2 It is used fairly often in B. aud S. The 424 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 'in'; e. g. indra id dháryoḥ sáca (1.7²) 'Indra with his two bays'; mądáyasva sute sáca (1.81⁸) 'rejoice at the pressed libation'; námucav asuré sáca (VS.xx.68) 'along with the demoniac Namuci'^[53].

sanitúr ‘apart from'.

620. This adverb is used two or three times^[54] in the RV. after the accusative in the sense of 'beside', 'apart from'; e. g. pátim sanitúr (V.12³) 'without a lord'.

sanutár 'far from'.

621. Allied to the preceding word, sanutár appears once in the RV. with the ablative in the sense of 'far away from': ksétrad apasyam sanutáś cárantam (v. 2⁴) 'far from the field I saw him wandering'. sahá 'with'.

622. This adverb is common in the RV. as well as the later Samhitās, before and after the instrumental in the sense of 'with'; e. g. sahá fşibhiḥ (I. 23²⁴) 'together with the seers'; jaráyuna sahá (VS. VIII. 28) 'with the after- birth'; sahá pátyä (TS. I. 1. 10²) 'with (my) husband'; mánasa sahá (AV.1.1²) 'together with divine mind'.

sākám ‘with'.

623. In the same sense as, but less frequently than, sahá, the adverb sākám^[55] is used before and after the instrumental; e. g. sakám súryasya raśmibhiḥ (1. 47⁷) 'together with the rays of the sun'; sakám gan mánasa yajñám (VS. xxvII. 31) 'may he come with thought to the sacrifice'; sākám jarayuṇā pata (AV. 1. 11⁶) 'fly with the afterbirth'. sumád 'with'. 624. This word occurs four times as an adverb^[56] in the RV. with the sense of 'together'. It is found once governing the instrumental in the sense of 'with': jäyá pátim vahati vagnúna sumát (x. 32³) 'the wife weds the husband with a shout of joy'.

smád 'with'.

625. Besides being used adverbially some half dozen times in the RV. with the sense of 'together', 'at the same time', smád^[57] also occurs about as often with the instrumental, meaning 'with'; e. g. smát süribhiḥ (1. 51¹⁵) 'together with the princes'. 2. Adverbs. GRASSMANN, Wörterbuch 1737-1740. WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 1097-1117. 626. Adverbs are most conveniently grouped as those which are formed with adverbial suffixes and those which are formed with case-endings. The former class may be best described according to the suffixes alphabetically arranged, the latter according to the ordinary sequence of the cases. VIII. INDECLINABLES. ADVERBIAL SUFFIXES. 425 A. Adverbial suffixes. 627. -as forms adverbs chiefly of a local or temporal meaning; thus tir-ás 'across', par-ás beyond', pur-ás 'before', sa-div-as and sa-dy-ás 'to-day', ‘at once'; sv-ás 'to-morrow', hy-ás 'yesterday'; also mith-ás 'wrongly'. 628. -tas expresses the ablative sense of 'from'. It forms adverbs: a. from pronouns; e. g. á-tas hence', ami-tas 'from there', kú-tas 'whence?', tá-tas ‘thence', yá-tas 'whence', and, with accent on the suffix, i-tás 'from hence', mat-tás (AV.) 'from me'. b. from adjectives and substantives; e. g. anyá-tas 'from another place', dakṣiṇa-tás 'from the right', sarvá-tas 'from all sides'; agra-tás ‘in front', hrt-tás 'from the heart', etc.; the suffix is added to a locative case-form in patsu-tás ‘at the feet', beside pat-tás 'from the feet'. c. from prepositions: ánti-tas 'from near', abhi-tas ‘around', pari-tas (AV.) 'round about'. a. These adverbs in -tas are sometimes used as equivalents of ablatives; e. g. áto bhuyas more than that'; tátaḥ şaşthắt (AV.) ‘from that sixth'. On the other hand, the ablative sense is sometimes effaced, the locative meaning taking its place; e. g. agra- tás in front'. 629. -tāt (an old ablative of ta 'this')' has an ablative or a loca- tive meaning. It is attached to adverbial case-forms and adverbial or ad- nominal prepositions; thus údak-tat 'from above', prák-tat 'from the front'; arát-tat 'from afar', uttarát-tat 'from the north', parakát-tat 'from a distance'; paścá-tat 'from behind'; adhás-tāt 'below', avás-tat 'below', parás-tāt ‘beyond', purás-tät 'in or from the front, and with inserted s (probably due to the influence of the preceding forms) upári-ṣ-ṭāt ‘(from) above'. 630. -ti in án-ti 'near', i-ti 'thus'; probably also in á-ti 'beyond', prá-ti 'towards'. 631. -tra or trá has a local sense, and is mostly attached to pro- nominal stems or stems allied to pronouns in sense; thus á-tra 'here', amú- tra (AV.) 'there', kú-tra 'where?', tá-tra 'there', yá-tra ‘where'; anyá-tra 'else- where', ubhayá-tra 'in both places', visvá-tra 'everywhere'; asma-trắ ‘among us', sa-tră in one place', 'together'; daksina-trá 'on the right side', puru-trá 'in many places', bahu-trá ‘amongst many'; deva-trá 'among the gods', pāka-trá in simplicity', purușa-trắ ‘among men', martya-trá ‘among mortals', sayu-trá 'on a couch'. a. These adverbs in -trå are sometimes used as equivalents of locatives; e. g. yátrádhi ‘in which’, hásta á dakṣina-trá “in the right hand'. This locative sense also some- times expresses the goal; e. g. pathó devatrá..yanān (x. 737) 'roads that go to the gods'. 632. -tha forms adverbs of manner, especially from pronominal stems; thus á-thā (more usually with shortened vowel, átha) 'then', i-t-thá 'thus', imá-tha in this manner', ka-thắ 'how'; tá-thā 'thus', yá-tha 'in which manner'; anyá-tha 'otherwise', višvá-thā 'in every way'; ūrdhvá-thā ‘upwards', pūrvá-thā 'formerly', pratná-thā ‘as of old'; rtu-thá ‘regularly', nāmá-thā (AV.) ‘by name'; evá-tha 'just so'. a. -thám occurs beside -tha in it-thảm “thus, and ka-thám ‘how?. 633. -dā forms adverbs of time almost exclusively from pronominal roots; thus i-dá 'now', ka-dắ² when?', ta-dá ‘then', ya-då ‘at what time'; sá-da 'always'; sarva-dá (AV.) ‘always'. a. -dam occurs beside -da in så-dam 'always'; and -dá-nīm, an extended form of-da, appears in i-dá-nīm 'now', ta-dá-nīm 'then', viśva-dá-nīm 'always'. I In the RV. tắt itself is once used in- dependently in the sense of 'in this way'. 2 In the RV. nearly always accented kádā when followed by caná 'never'. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. b. di-, which occurs only in yá-di 'if', is perhaps related to dā. 634. -dhā forms adverbs from numerals or words of cognate meaning, with the sense of '(so many) times', 'in (so many) ways', '-fold'; thus eka- dhá (AV.) 'singly', dvi-dhã 'in two ways', tri-dhā and tre-dhá 'triply', catur-dhá 'fourfold', so-ḍhá ‘in six ways', dvādaśa-dhá (AV.) 'twelvefold'; kati-dhá 'how many times?', tati-dhá (AV.) 'in so many parts', puru-dhá 'variously', bahu- dhá ‘in many ways', viśvá-dhā² 'in every way', saśva-dhá 'again and again'; priya-dhá (TS.) 'kindly', pre-dhå (MS.) 'kindly', bahir-dhá (VS.) 'outward', mitra-dhá (AV.) in a friendly manner'; á-dha and (with shortened final) á-dha 'then', a-d-dhá ('thus' =) 'truly'; sáma-dhā ³ (Kh. 1. 114) 'in the same way'. a. sa-dha-, occurring as the first member of several compounds, in the sense of ('in one way' =) 'together', is probably formed with the same suffix, the final vowel being shortened+; in independent use it appears as sahá 'with's. With the same criginal suffix appear to be formed other adverbs in -ha; thus i-há 'here' (Prākrit idha), kú-ha 'where?", visvá-ha6 and višvá-hā? 'always', sama-ha 'in some way or other. 426 635. -va, expressing similarity of manner, forms two adverbs: i-va 'like', 'as'8; e-vá, often with lengthened final, e-vá 'thus'. -vám appears beside -va in evám 'thus', which occurs once in the RV. (x.151³) instead of evá, and a few times in the AV. with vid- 'know'; it is also found in the SV. (1.3.1.1⁰⁰): ná ki evám yátha tvám 'there is nothing such as thou'. 636. -vát forms adverbs meaning 'like' from substantives and adjectives; e. g. angiras-vát ‘like Angiras, manu-vát ‘as Manu (did); purāna-vét, purua- vát, pratna-vát ‘as of old'. In origin it is the accusative neuter (with adver- bial shift of accent) of the suffix -vant, which is used to form adjectives of a similar meaning (e. g. tvá-vant- ‘like thee'). 637. -sás is used to form adverbs of measure or manner with a distri- butive sense, often from numerals or words implying number; thus fata-sás (AV.) 'by hundreds', sahasra-śás 'by thousands'; śreni-śás 'in rows'; similarly rtu-śás 'season by season', deva-sás 'to each of the gods', parva-sás joint by joint', manma-śás 'each as he is minded'. 638. -s forms two or three multiplicative adverbs: dví-s 'twice', tri-s 'thrice', and probably catúr for *catúr-s (cp. Zend cathrus) 'four times'. The same suffix forms a few other adverbs: adhá-s 'below' (cp. ádha-ra 'in- ferior), avá-s 'downwards' (from áva 'down'), -dyú-s9 (from dyú- 'day') in anye-dyú-s (AV.) 'next day' and ubhaya-dyú-s (AV.) ‘on both days'; perhaps also in avi-s 'openly' and bahi-s 'outside' 10. 639. -hi forms a few adverbs of time from pronominal roots; thus kár-hi 'when?', tár-hi 'then?' The first part of these words seems already to contain an adverbial suffix 2 (thus ká-r Lat. cur) ¹3. 640. There are also some miscellaneous adverbs consisting of isolated - ¹ Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 585. 8 In the late parts of the RV. and in the 2 The final vowel of purudha and višvádhā | AV. iva has often to be read as va; cp. appears shortened before a double consonant | ARNOLD, Vedic Metre 129, but see OLDEN- in the RV. 3 Cp. sama-ha. 4 As in ádha, purudhá, višvádha. 5 See above 58, 2 a (p. 52). 6 Just as višvádha beside višvádha; but cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 582. 7 On the other hand viśváha 'always' is víšvā áhã 'all days' (alle Tage') with a single accent, like a compound; see GRASS- MANN, S. V. = BERG, ZDMG. 61, 830. 9 See MERINGER, IF. 18, 257; cp. RICHTER, IF. 9, 238; SCHULZE, KZ. 28, 546. 10 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 584. II amúr-hi, etár-hi, yár-hi also occur in B. 12 Cp. avá-r, which occurs once beside the usual avá-s. 13 Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 583. VIII. INDECLINABLES. ADVERBIAL CASE-FORMS. words or small groups, mostly of obscure origin, formed with other suffixes. The latter in alphabetical order are: 427 -a: kv-à (always kú-a) 'where?' and a-dy-á' 'to-day'. -ar pún-ar 'again' and sasv-ár 'secretly'. -ā: antar-á 'between', pur-á 'before'; perhaps also in nána 'variously', which may be ná-na 'so and so' from the pronominal root na-². -it: daksin-it 'with the right hand'; and -vit in cikit-vit 'with deliberation'. -u: ját-u 'ever', mith-u 'wrongly', múh-u 'suddenly'; anu-şth-i 'at once' ('standing after', from Vstha-, cp. su-sth-ú 'in good state'). -ur: muh-ur 'suddenly'. -k: jyó-k 'long'. In several other adverbs -k with more or less probability represents the final of a root; thus ninik 'secretly' (probably from *nini-ac- adj. 'secret'), madrik 'towards me' (contracted from madriak, neut. adv. of madríac- adj. ‘turned to me'); ānu-sák 'in succession' ('following after' : √/sac-); ayu-sák with the cooperation of men' (sac- 'follow'); usá-dhak 'with eager consumption' ('eagerly burning' : √ dah-). -tár : prà-tár 'early' and sanu-tár 'away' (621). -túr : sani-túr ‘away' (620). -nám : nữ-nám 'now' and nānā-nám ‘variously' (642 d). B. Adverbial Case-forms. 641. A large number of case-forms of nominal and pronominal stems, often not otherwise in use, are employed as adverbs. They become such when no longer felt to be case-forms 3. Forms of all the cases appear with adverbial function. Nominative. Examples of this case are prathamám 'firstly', dvitiyam 'secondly'; e. g. divás pári prathamám jajne agnir, asmád dvitiyam pári jātávedāḥ (x. 45¹) 'Agni was first born from heaven, secondly he, Jātavedas, (was born) from us'. Such adverbs are to be explained as originally used in apposition to the verbal action: 'as the first thing, Agni was born'. A masculine form has become stereotyped in kí-s as an interrogative adverb; its negative forms ná-kis and má-kis are often used in the sense of 'never' or simply 'not'. 642. Accusative. Adverbs of this form are to be explained from various meanings of the accusative. The following are examples of nominal forms representing: a. the cognate accusative: rcá kapótam nudata pranódam (x. 165³) 'by song expel the pigeon as expulsion'; citrám bhanty usásah (vI. 65²) 'the Dawns shine brightly' (= ‘a bright scil. shining'); marmṛjmá te tanvàm bhúri kŕtvaḥ (III. 184) 'we adorned thy form many times' (originally ‘makings'); similarly dhṛṣnú 'boldly', purú 'much', 'very', bhiyas 'more'; and the compara- tive in -taram added to verbal prefixes; e. g. vi-tarám ví kramasva (IV.18¹¹) 'stride out more widely'; sam-tarám sám siśadhi (AV. VII. 16¹) 'quicken still further'; prá tám naya pra-tarám (x. 45°) 'lead him forward still further'; úd enam ut-tarám naya (AV. VI. 5¹) 'lead him up still higher'; so also ava-tarám, paras-tarám, para-tarám 'further away', and the fem. accusatives sam-tarám and paras-tarám (AV.). 1 Cp. REICHELT, BB. 25, 244- 2 Cp. op. cit. 839; PERSSON, IF. 2, 200 ff., 'anf diese (oder) jene Weise'; BARTHOLOMAE, IF. 10, 10-12, originally 'separatim'. 3 On the distinction between case function and adverbial nse see BRUGMANN, KG. 571. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. b. the appositional accusative; thus osá-m 'quickly' (lit. 'burningly'), káma-m 'according to desire'; náma 'by name', rupá-m 'in form', satyá-m 'truly'. c. the accusative of direction; e. g. ágra-m (i-) '(go) to the front of', 'before'; ásta-m (gam-) '(go) home'. d. the accusative of distance and time; e. g. dūrá-m 'a long way off', 'far'; nákta-m 'by night', sayá-m ‘in the evening', cirá-m '(for a) long (time)', nitya-m 'constantly', púrva-m 'formerly'. 428 a. There are also some adverbs derived from obsolete nominal stems, which would seem for the most part to have belonged originally to the spbere of the cognate accusative; thus ára-m 'sufficiently' (from *ára- 'fitting'), ála-m (AV.) id.; tūşni-m 'in silence', nănāná-m (from nánā) 'variously', nüná-m (from nú) 'now'; säká-m 'together' (from *säká- 'accompaniment': sac- 'follow' 2. P. Finally a number of accusative adverbs are formed from pronominal stems; thus adás 'there', 'thither'; id 'just', 'even'; idám 'here', 'now'; im 'ever' (e. g. yá im 'whoever'); ká-d, an interrogative particle; ká-m, a particle emphasizing, a preceding dative or (unaccented) the particles nú, sú, hí; ki-m 'why?'; -kī-m ‘ever' (in ma-kīm 'never'); kuv-id 'whether?'; ci-d 'even'; tá-d 'then'; yá-d 'if', 'when', 'that'; si-m 'ever' (yát sīm 'whenever'); sumá-d and smá-d 'together'. 643. Instrumental. With the ending of this case (sometimes plural) are formed adverbs from substantives, adjectives, and pronouns, the latter two groups being at first probably used with the ellipse of a substantive. Various senses of the instrumental case are expressed by these adverbs. Usually they imply manner or accompanying circumstances; e. g. táras-ā 'with speed'; sáhas-à 'forcibly'; távisī-bhis 'with might'; návyas-ā 'anew'; ena 'in this (way)', 'thus'. Not infrequently they express extension of space or time; e. g. ágrena 'in front'; aktu-bhis 'by night'; div-a 'by day' (but div-á 'through the sky'); dosá 'in the evening'. a. The substantive instrumentals are chiefly formed from feminine stems in -ā not otherwise in use, but corresponding mostly to masculines or neuters in -a; thus a-datrayá 'without (receiving) a gift' (dátra- 'gift'); asaya 'before the face of', 'openly' (*ása-as- 'face'); rtayá 'in the right way' (*rtá- rtá-); naktayá by night' (*náktā- = nákta-); sumnaya 'piously' (*sumná = sumná-); svapnayá (AV.) 'in a dream' (*svápnā- svápna-). a. Several of these feminines are instrumentals from stems in -tā and identical in form with the stem; thus tiraścá-tā ‘through'; devá-tā ‘among the gods'; bāhu-tā ‘with the arms'; sasvár-tā 'in secret'; dvi-tá 'in two ways' may have a similar origin (dvi-ta- two') ³. We have perhaps also old instrumentals of feminine stems in - in tāditna 'then' that time'; and in vŕtha 'according to choice', 'at will' (*vý-thā- 'choice', from vy- 'choose'). = 'at = ß. In a few examples the instrumental seems more probably to be that of a radical stem with adverbial shift of accent rather than from a stem in -ã; thus guh-ā 'in secret', rather inst. of gúh- hiding', than of a stem *gúh-à-5; similarly mŕs-a in vain' (*mŕ's- 'neglect': inst. mrs-á); sác-a 'together' (*sác- accompaniment' : inst. sac-a). In a-sthá (RV¹.), perhaps meaning 'at once', we seem to have an instrumental adverb from a radical a- stem a-stha (no standing') 'without delay". = -C; b. The adjective instrumentals end either in -à (plural -ais) or -ya. The former are derived from a- stems and a few consonant stems in the latter are anomalous feminines from u- stems and one or two - stems: a. apāká ‘afar' (ápāka- ‘far'); īrmá 'quickly' (īrmá-); ucca and uccáis 'on high' (uccá-); dakṣiná to the right' (dáksina-); parācáis ‘for away' (*parācá-); paścá 'behind' (*paścá-); madhyá 'in the midst (mádhya-); śánais 'slowly' ¹ Cp. GRAY, IF. 11, 307 ff.; 172. 2 For some other adverbs origin, which were originally accusatives, see WHITNEY IIII f. FOY, IF. 12, | 4 The normal inst. of which would be |guh-á. of obscure 5 Cp. RV. 1. 676 guhá gúham gās and in the next stanza gúhā bhávantam. 3 Cp. BENFEY, SV. Glossary, and GRASS- MANN, Wörterbuch, s. v. VIII. INDECLINABLES. PARTICLES. 429 (*śána-) and śánakais id; sána¹ 'from of old' (sána-); samaná 'in the same way' (sámana-); tiraśc-á 'across'; nic-a 'downwards'; prac-á 'forwards'. B. anu-sthu-y-á² at once' (anu-sthú 'following', adv. from stha- 'stand'); asu-y-á 'swiftly' (āśú-); dhṛṣṇu-y-á ‘boldly' (dhṛṣnú-); mithu-y-á 'falsely' (míthu, adv. from mith- 'be hostile'); raghu-y-á 'rapidly' (raghú-); sadhu-y-á 'straight' (sadhú); also urviy-á (for urvy-á) 'far', from urvi f. of uri- 'wide'; and víśvy-a 'everywhere', from *visvi-, irregular f. of viśva- all', beside the regular inst. f. visvaya, which itself seems once (VIII. 68²) to be used adverbially. c. Pronominal instrumentals are formed from several stems in -a and one in -u. Some appear in the masculine (or neuter) form of -a or the feminine of -ya; so aná 'thus' (aná- 'that'); amá ‘at home' (áma- 'this'); a-yá 'thus' (a- 'this'); end 'thus' (ena- 'this'); ka-yá 'how?' (ká- 'who?'); ubhayá 'in both ways' (ubháya- 'both'). From amú- 'that' is formed the adverb amu-y-á 'in that way', with the anomalous interposition of y3. To the influence of the latter word is probably due the form kuhayá 'where?' (RV.) beside the usual kuha 'where?'. 644. a. Dative. The adverbial use of this case is rare. Examples are: aparáya 'for the future' (from ápara- 'later'); váraya ‘according to wish' (vára- 'choice'). b. Ablative. This case is on the whole used adverbially fairly often. It is, however, seldom formed from substantives, as ārất 'from a distance', āsát 'from near'; or from pronouns, as at 'then', tát 'thus', yát 'as far as'. It is most commonly formed from adjectives; thus dūrát 'from afar'; nīcát 'from below'; paścát 'from behind'; saksát 'visibly'; and with shifted accent: adharát 'below' (ádhara-); apakát 'from afar' (ápaka-); amát 'from near' (áma-); uttarát 'from the north' (úttara-); sanat and sanakát 'from of old' (sána-). c. Genitive. The adverbial use of this case is very rare. Examples are aktós by night' and vástos 'in the morning'. d. Locative. Several forms of this case have an adverbial meaning; thus ágre 'in front'; abhi-svaré 'behind' (lit. 'within call'); astam-iké 'at home'; aké 'near'; arés 'afar'; rté 'without'; duré 'afar'; and in the plural aparişu 'in future'. 3. Particles. DELBRÜCK, Altindische Syntax WHITNEY, Sanskrit Grammar 122, 132-133- p. 240-267. Cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 817-855. 645. Other adverbial words, the derivation of which is obscure and the meaning of which is abstract or general, may be classed as particles. They form three groups, the emphatic, the conjunctional, and the negative, the first being the most numerous. The emphatic particles, as throwing stress on a preceding word, are either enclitic or incapable of beginning a sentence; the conjunctional particles, except utá, are of a similar nature; but the nega- tives, having a strongly antithetical meaning, generally occupy an emphatic position in the sentence. - - 646. The emphatic particles may usually be translated by such words as 'just', 'indeed', or rendered merely by stress on the word they follow. In the last three adverbs the accent does not shift to the final syllable. 2 These anomalous forms are due per- haps to the influence of the pronominal amu-y-á. 3 The anomalous interposition of y is 140. perhaps due to the influence of the numerous adverbs in -ya from stems in -a, amu- being an isolated pronominal u- stem. 4 sanat occurs also AA. v. 2. 2¹5. 5 On āré, ärát, rte cp. NEISSER, BB. 19, 43⁰ I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. = They are angá; áha`, gha, ha (the last two less emphatic than áha); smă; svid (generally following an interrogative) 'pray'; vái, nearly always following the first word of a sentence. Three particles which emphasize the preceding word more strongly in the sense of 'certainly', 'in truth', are kila (+ AV.), khálu (RV¹, not in AV.), bhála (RV¹. AV¹.). In the RV. tú usually empha- sises exhortations = 'pray', but sometimes also statements = 'surely'; once (VI. 295) it seems to mean 'but', which is its sense in its single occurrence in the AV. The particle ná, when it means 'as it were', 'like', was in origin probably an emphatic particle 'truly' 2. 647. There are several conjunctional particles, some of which are com- pounded. ³ 'now', 'again', is commonly used deictically and anaphorically after pronouns and verbs. Both u-tá and ca mean 'and'. ca when compounded with the negative particle as caná originally meant 'not even', but the negative sense generally disappears and caná turns the interrogative pronoun into an indefinite, as káś caná 'some one'4. ca when compounded with id, that is céd, means 'if'. nu 'now' generally follows the first word of the sentence. The disjunctive particle is vā 'or'. hí (generally following the first word of a sentence) expresses the reason for an assertion = 'for', 'because'; it is also used with imperatives, when it means 'then'. It occurs once in the RV. (VI. 48) compounded with the negative ná, but without change of meaning: hind 'for'. — 648. The negative particle which denies assertions is ná 'not'. Its compound néd (= ná id) expresses an emphatic 'not'; it is, however, usually employed in the final sense of 'in order that not', 'lest'. Its compound ná-kis often means 'never', and ná-kīm, in the only two stanzas in which it occurs (VIII. 78 5), has the same sense. The negative also occurs twice (x. 54²; 84³) compounded with nú as nanú, which expresses a strong negative 'not at all', 'never'. When it is compounded with hí as nahi, the latter word retains the meaning of both particles: 'for not'. = má 'not' is the prohibitive particle regularly used with the injunctive 5. It is compounded with the petrified nom. -kis and acc. -kīm to má-kis and má-kīm. The former frequently and the latter in its only two occurrences mean 'never'. a. Adverbial words occurring in compounds only. 649. A limited number of words of an adverbial character have either entirely lost or, in a few instances, nearly lost their independent character, being found in combination with half a dozen particular verbs or as the first member of nominal compounds. In two or three examples the original independence of such words can still be traced. 650. A few mostly onomatopoetic reduplicative words appear only compounded with the roots kr- ‘do' and bhū- 'be', the prefixed form generally ending in -a, once in -ī: thus akhkhali-kŕtya6 (VII. 103³) ‘croaking', alala- Another frequent particle of the same | junctive, nor the imperative, nor the opta- meaning, íd, has already been mentioned tive except in the form bhujema; see among the pronominal accusative adverbs. DELBRÜCK p. 361 (top). In the Khilas it occurs two or three times with the 2. impv.; pasya (111. 1517), tistha (IV. 525), and once at least with the subj.: vadāti (1.95): MS. vádeti. = 2 Greek val, Lat. nae, cp. Lith. nei ‘as it were' (cp. BRUGMANN, KG. 839); this sense of ná is generally explained as derived from the negative ='not (precisely): see WHITNEY 1122 h; cp. BB. 22, 194 ff. 3 On the Sandhi of u, see above 71, Ib. 4 Cp. DELBRÜCK, op. cit. p. 544- 5 It is not used with the ordinary sub- 6 This is the only instance of the prefix ending in -ī instead of -ã in the RV. In the AV. - appears before forms of kr- in the nominal compounds väti-kyta- and vätī- kārá-, designations of a disease. VIII. INDECLINABLES. PARTICLES. bhávant- (IV. 186) 'sounding merrily'; janjana-bhávant- (vIII. 438) 'sparkling'; kikirá kṛṇu (VI. 537) 'tear to tatters'; maşmasá-karam (AV. v. 238) 'I have crushed', masmasá kuru (VS. xI. 80) and mrsmrsá kuru (MS. II. 77) 'crush', malmalā- bhávant- (MS. II. 139; TS. 1.4. 34¹) 'glittering', bharbhará-bhavat (MS. II. 2³: B.) 'became confounded'; bibiba-bhávant- (MS. 1. 65: B.) 'crackling'. 651. The adverb āvís ‘openly', 'in view', is found in combination with the verbs as-, bhu- and kr- only. With the latter it means 'make visible', e. g. āviş karta (1. 86⁹) make manifest'. With the two former, which are sometimes omitted, it means 'become visible', ‘appear'; e. g. āvís sảnti (VIII. 8²³) ‘being manifest'; ävir agnir abhavat (1. 143²) ‘Agni became manifest'. pra-dúr, lit. 'out of doors', begins to appear in the AV. in combination with √bhū-, meaning 'become manifest', 'appear'. 431 652. The word śrád, which originally probably meant heart, is often found in combination with dha- 'place', in the sense of 'put faith in', 'credit', nearly always, however, separated from the verb by other words, e. g. śrád asmai dhatta (II. 125) 'believe in him'; śrád asmai, naro, vácase dadhatana (VS. VIII. 5) 'give credence, O men, to this utterance'. It also appears in the substantive srad-dhá- 'faith'. The word is once also found with kr- in the sense of 'entrusť: śrád víšvā váryā kṛdhi (VIII. 75²) 'entrust all boons (to us)'. 653. The interjection hín is compounded with kr-'make' in the sense of 'utter the sound hint', 'murmur'; thus gáur . . hínn akṛṇot (1. 164²) ‘the cow lowed'; hin-kṛnvatí (1. 16427) lowing'; hin-kṛtāya sváhā (VS. XXII. 7) 'hail to the sound hin'; tásma usá hín-krnoti (AV. IX.645) 'for him the dawn utters hin'. 654. A few substantives, after assuming an adverbial character, are found compounded with participial forms. ásta-m 'home', which still appears as a noun in the RV., though commonly used adverbially in the accusative with verbs of motion, is combined like a verbal prefix with participles of i- 'go' in the AV.: astam-yánt- setting', astam-esyánt- 'about to set', ástam-ita- (AV.XVII. 1²3) ² 'set'. The noun námas- 'obeisance' is similarly compounded in the gerund with ky -'make' in the AV.: namas-kŕtya ³. In the RV. itself names of parts of the body, with no tendency otherwise to adverbial use, are thus compounded with the gerund of grah- 'seize': karna-gfhya 'seizing by the ear', pada-grhya 'seizing by the foot', hasta-gfhya 'grasping the hand'4. The transition to this use was probably supplied by nouns compounded with past participles, as sáhas-krta- 'produced by force'. 655. There are besides a few monosyllabic adverbial particles which occur as prefixes compounded with nominal forms only. By far the most frequent of these is the negative prefix, which appears in the form of an- before vowels and a- before consonants. It is compounded with in- numerable substantives and adjectives, but rarely with adverbs, as a-kútrā 'to the wrong place', a-punár ('not again' =) 'once for all'; án-eva (AV¹.) 'not so'. 656. sá-, as a prefix expressive of accompaniment, is employed as a reduced form of the verbal prefix sam 5, and interchanges with saha-; e. g. sá-cetas- 'accompanied by wisdom', 'wise', beside sahá-cchandas- 'accompanied with songs'. 1 See UHLENBECK, Kurzgefasstes Etymo-| language, but the independent form namas logisches Wörterbuch der altindischen kytvā is occasionally found; cp. Bṛhaddevatā, Sprache, Amsterdam 1888–89, s. v. śraddhá. 1. I, critical note in my edition. 2 For some other later nominal compounds of this kind see WHITNEY 1092 c. 3 This is the regular form in the later 4 Cp. WHITNEY 990 b and above 591 a (p. 413, bottom) and 591 b. 5 Cp. above 250. 432 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. VIII. INDECLINABLES. 657. dus- (appearing also, according to the euphonic combination, as dur-, dus-, dus-), means 'ill', 'hard to'; e. g. dur-gá- '(place) difficult of access', dur-yúj- 'ill-yoked', dur-mati- 'ill-will'; dus-cyavaná- 'hard to shake'; duş-krtá- 'ill-done'; dus-şáha- 'irresistible'. 658. su- 'well', 'easy to' is compounded with a much larger number of words than dus-*; e. g. su-kára- 'easy to accomplish'; su-kŕt- 'acting well', su-gá- 'easy of access', su-mati- 'good-will', su-yúj- 'well-yoked'. It is, however, still found in a state of transition in the RV., where it occurs independently more than 200 times 3, being then connected in sense with the verb only4; e. g. asmăn sú jigyúsah krtam (1. 177) 'make us well victorious'5. 4. Interjections. 659. A certain number of words having the nature of interjections occur in the Samhitās. They are of two kinds, being either exclamations or imitative sounds. a. The exclamations are bát (RV.) 'truly', bata (RV.) ‘alas!', hánta 'come' used exhortatively with the subjunctive, and hayé 'come', before voca- tives, hiruk 'away!', hurúk (RV.) ‘away!', hái (AV.) ‘ho!'. Perhaps uvé (x. 867) 6. b. Interjections of the onomatopoetic type are: kikirá (RV.) used with kr 'make the sound kikirá' = 'tear to tatters'; kikkitá (TS.) used in invoca- tions (TS. III. 4. 2¹); ciścá (RV.) 'whiz!' (of an arrow) used with kr- 'make a whizzing sound'; phát (AV. VS.) 'crash!', phál (AV. xx. 135³) 'splash!'; bá (TS. AV.) 'dash!'; bhúk (AV. xx. 135¹) ‘bang!', sál (AV. xx. 135²) ‘clap! — ¹ See GRASSMANN, Wörterbuch, columns |sz ápayati may he go well away' as a 614-619. compound: su-ápāyati; but this is doubt- less an error for sú | ápa | ayati. See WHIT- NEY's note on this passage in his Translation of the AV. 2 Op. cit., columns 1526-1560. 3 In the AV. it is still used independently, but only 14 times. 4 See GRASSMANN, op. cit., §. V. sú. 5 The Pada text of AV. XIX. 4910 treats 6 See NEISSER, BB. 30, 303; cp. above p. 337, note 7. ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA. It should be noted, in addition to what is said at the end of $ 1 (p. 2), that when the abbreviations 'VS.' etc. indicate the occurrence of a form in a later Veda, they only mean that the form in question is not found in the RV., while it may occur in parallel passages of one or more of the other Samhitās also. The symbols '+VS.' etc. are intended to draw attention to the fact that the form indicated occurs in a later Samhitä as well as in the RV. - In the enumeration of words, stems, inflected forms, and suffixes, initial alphabetical order is the principle followed. But it is occasionally varied for clearness of grouping. Thus the arrangement, in the case of compounds, is sometimes according to the final member (e. g. 308, 375 A, 591 a) or, in the case of roots, according to the medial or final vowel (e. g. 421, 483). The principle is also departed from when examples only of very frequent forms are given. Thus the nom. forms of present participles are arranged in the order of the conjugational classes (314); the nom. and other cases of the a-declension are given according to frequency of occurrence (372). Adverbs are classed according to the alphabetical order of the suffixes (626-640) or the sequence of the cases (641-644). — The principle of giving the meanings of words has been followed throughout the work. But this has been modified in two ways in the enumeration of inflected forms. In declension the meaning is given only with the first occurrence of a case-form of any word found in the same paragraph (e. g. 372). It seemed impossible to follow the same method in lists of inflected verbal forms. For, owing to the modifications of sense due to context and compounding with prepositions, the meaning could not be satisfactorily stated by giving it with the first occurrence of forms from the same root. The meaning has therefore been stated with the root only or when forms from different roots might be confused (e. g. 444, 445). But as the index gives the meaning of every root and enumerates all paragraphs containing forms from that root, the general sense of all such forms may easily be ascertained. - As regards references, figures without an added 'p.' always indicate paragraphs when books are divided into paragraphs; e. g. 'DELBRÜCK, Verbum 184 (p. 166-169)'; otherwise they refer to the page. When pages have to be referred to they are for the convenience of the reader often divided into quarters; thus LANMAN 3723 means the third quarter of p. 372 in LANMAN'S Noun-Inflection. P. 23, line 19 for orignal read original. P. 51, note 2, for *guzdhá read

gugdha-.- P. 56, 1. 27, for AV. read Av. and for 'weak read weak. - P. 58, 1. 4

from below, for cak[anlanta read cak[anlantu. -- P. 60, l. 2, for appears read appears as. - P. 61, 1.7, for become read becomes; 1. 34, for (a-yās read a-yas; 1. 36, for fall') read 'fall'. - P. 66, $72, 2 b: cp. OLDENBERG, ZDMG. 63, 298. ---- P. 67, 1. 30, for There seems to be no certain instance of this in the RV. read This is of regular and, as far as d is concerned, of very frequent occurrence in the RV., e. g. tán (for tád) mitrásya (1. 1155); 1. 31, after cakrán ná Indo-arische Philologie I. 4. 28 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. - 12 - (x.9512. 13) for however read too.-P. 70, l. 17, insert often also after But s.- P. 83, l. 27, for Reduplicated stems read Reduplicated present stems; 1. 28, after 'invoking' add but perfect siśriyaná- 'having resorted to'. - · P. 99, 1. 2 from below, insert (AV.) after ma-mád-a-t; note 3, for ri-haté read rih-até. - P. 100, last line: on dása-mana- cp. p. 373 note ¹². P. 109, 1. 3 from below, for vevij-á read vevij-á- and for cara-car-á read cara-car-á-. — P. 119, 1. 21, for jigis-ú read jigīs-ú-. - P. 141, 1. 2 from below, for medh-i-rá- read medh-i-rá-. - P. 146, 1. 6, for 204 read 244. P. 156, 1. 20, for várunas read várunas and 1. 22, for pitárā- read pitárā. P. 157, l. 26, for occurs read occur. - P. 169, l. 21, after puruṣa-vyaghrá add (VS.). - P. 192, 1. 9 from below, for mahintas read mahántas. P. 197, note 7, for 55 read 66 c ß. 434 P. 199, note 8, add Cp. OLDENBERG, ZDMG. 63, 300-302. P. 202, I. sing.: OLDENBERG, ZDMG. 63, 289, would place the form ránã (IX. 77) here. P. 209, l. 25, for 'width read width. P. 215, note 5, for Bahuvrihi read a Bahuvrīhi. - P. 238, note , add Cp. OLDENBERG, ZDMG. 63, 300-302. P. 255, l. 11, for āsas read -āsas; $ 371, l. 3, for ending read endings. P. 257, lines 9 and 12: on krāṇá, dāná, and sakhyá (as acc. pl.) cp. OLDENBERG, ZDMG. 63, 287-290. - P. 264, 1. 3 from below: according to OLDENBERG, ZDMG. 63, 293, also satruhátyai. P. 279, l. 10, for i-declension read i-declension. - P. 304, 1.9 from below, for atman- read atmán. P. 315 delete 1 after 414. - P. 317, l. 20, for -yat read -yắt. I P. 320, sing. 3.: yámati should perhaps be classed as a root aor. subj., though this form seems to have a distinctly indicative sense in the two passages in which it occurs; du. 2. for sadathas read sádathas, which form should per- haps rather be classed as a root aor. subj.; pl. 1., delete dáyāmasi (AV.). P. 321, l. 2, delete gámanti: see p. 369 top; l. 12: the shift of accent is in- sufficient (cp. hims-te) for the treatment of himsanti as a transfer form (cp. p. 100, l. 13): it should preferably be placed in 464 after vṛñjanti. — P. 321, Indicative Middle: Sing. 1., delete daye (AV. TS.). Sing. 3, delete bhojate, yojate, stárate (p. 369, top); read váhate before vasate, and sayate before siksate. - Du. 3., add sobhete. - Pl. 1, delete starümahe (p. 369, top).-P. 323, S 424, Sing. 1., delete bhojam, yojam (503). Sing. 2., delete yamas, váras (502). Sing. 3. delete yamat, rādhat, śakat (502), tamat, dásat, śramat, sadat (510), minat (477), śnáthat (452); for várat read varat ('cover'): Pl. 3., delete yaman (502), vaman, śásan (452), add śrósan. - Middie. Pl. 3., delete yavanta (502). P. 324, l. 4, for yoja read yója; last line, delete dayasva (AV.). P. 325, S 427 a, delete sásant- (455) and sánant- (512). P. 326, l. 1, for cáyamāna read cáyamāna-; $ 428, Sing. 3., delete asadat (508). — P. 328, 1. 3, - ‘crush'

Śṛṇa- read Four; 1. 4 add gṛ- ‘sing' : gṛṇá- (AV.) beside gṛṇá-, and

for Two (AV.) beside śrná-. S 430, Sing. 2., read ksipasi (AV.) before tirasi; Middle. Sing. 1., delete mrje and suse (451). — P. 329, $ 431, Sing. 3., delete prnát; S 432, delete guhas, rudhat, trpán (510) and add bhuját (bhuj- 'bend'). - P. 330, l. 11, add medátām; 1. 14, after TS. Iv. 6. 5¹ add AV. VS. MS.-S 435, delete ksiyánt-, mrjánt-(455), citánt- (506), guhánt-, sucánt- (512), śusánt-, śvasánt (455); insert bending' after bhujant-; Middle, delete guhámāna-, dhṛṣámāṇa-, nṛtámāna-, śucámāna- (512). S 436, Sing. 2., add adyas. P. 332, 1. 1, add dayāmasi (AV.); 1. 7, add daye (AV. TS.); S 441, add raya. - P. 333, l. 12, delete cáyamāna-. P. 337, lines 6 and 8, delete - bhuthás and bhutás (502), and (AV.) after psātás; Middle. Sing. 1., for mrje (AV.) read mrje; add śuse (√ śvas- ‘blow'). - P. 338, 1. 2., delete parcas, śúkas (502); 1. 5, add śnathat; l. 10, add váman, śásan; l. 12, delete várjate (502).-S 454, Act. Sing., add drāhi (AV.) and drātu (AV.) and after psahi delete (AV.); note 4, add Perhaps root aor. subj.; cp. 502 (p. 369). 1. - - — —— — - - —— - = - - — ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA. 435 P. 339, 1. 6, delete sotana (su- 'press'): cp. 505. - S455, Act., delete dhrşánt- (512), add mrjánt-, šuşánt-, śvasánt-; Middle., delete dhṛṣāṇá- (AV.), add tvakṣāṇá-. P. 340, l. 3, delete svaná- (su- 'press', SV.): cp. 506. 1. · P. 342, l. 11, delete piprati. P. 343, l. 12, for TS. Iv. 6.15 read TS. iv. 6. 14. P. 345, S 467, delete kyntatí- and sumbhāná-. — P. 350, l. 11, for pṛṇāt (AV.) read prnát; 1. 16, add minat (for minūt).- P. 359, L. 23, delete VS. XXXIII. 87; 1. 24, after śr- 'crush' add AV.; l. 26, after 'bring forth' add AV.; note ¹, for sasahe read sāsahé. - P. 361, 1. 10, add cakán before sasvár. - P. 362, 1. 6: - l. cakantu though sing. in form is pl. in meaning and stands by haplology for cākanantu: cp. p. 58, l. 4 from below. P. 364, l. 12, read -ran or -iran for iran; 1. 9 from below, delete ávavacit (549).-P. 366, 1. 5 from below, delete ákrān (V krand-): see 522 (s-aor.). — P. 367, l. 2, delete ákrān (√ krand-): see 522 (s-aor.); 1. 22, delete aprkta (Vprc-): see 522 (s-aor.). P. 368, $ 502, 1. 3, add śákas; 1. 6, for yamat read yámat; 1. 7, add śákat; 1.9, after pathás add 'drink'. - P. 369, 1.5 from below: on āpyāsam (AA. v. 3. 2) see KEITH, Aitareya Aranyaka, p. 157, note ", and Index IV, Vāp. P. 374, 1. 22, add bibhis-athas. 1. below, add 3. ayāsīt. P. 383, 1. 8, delete ayāsīt. P. 384, l. 4 from P. 397, l. 2 and 1. 24, add vilayāsi and viláyasva. — - 28* AA. AB. AJPh. Apr. ASL. AV. Av. B. BB. BEZZENBERGER's Beiträge. BI. BR. = C. = = = = - - - GGA. IE. S. ŚA. ŚB. = L - = = IF. IIr. IS. Indische Studien. — = = JAOS. K. KG. = Kh. Khila. - KUHN'S Zeitschrift. KZ. MS. Maitrāyaņī Samhitā. N. O. u. O. Pp. Pada-patha. - = - 1 Avesta. Brāhmana. Bibliotheca Indica. BÖHTLINGK and ROTH (St. Petersburg Dictionary). Classical Sanskrit. = = Aitareya-Araṇyaka. Aitareya-Brāhmana. American Journal of Philology. pw. Paipp. Paippalāda. RPr. Rigveda-Prātiśākhya. RV. Rigveda. Sūtra. Journal of the American Oriental Society. Kathaka. BRUGMANN'S Kurze Vergleichende Grammatik. - Atharva-Prātiśākhya. Ancient Sanskrit Literature. Atharva-Veda. = - Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen. Indo-European. Indogermanische Forschungen. Indo-Iranian. (Proper) Name. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS. = - = SBE. SV. TB. TPr. TS. = Up. = V. VPr. VS. Wb. WZKM. = YV. = ZDMG. = Petersburger Wörterbuch (BÖHTLINGK's Smaller Lexicon). Orient und Occident. Sankhayana-Aranyaka. Satapatha-Brahmaņa. Sacred Books of the East. Sama-Veda. Vedic. Taittiriya-Brahmaņa. Taittiriya-Prātiśākhya. Taittiriya-Samhitā. Upanishad. Vājasaneyi-Prātisakhya. (1) Vajasaneyi-Samhitā; (2) Vedische Studien. = Wörterbuch. Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes. Yajur-Veda. Zeitschrift der Deutscheu Morgenländischen Gesellschaft. I. SANSKRIT INDEX. The references in both Indexes are to paragraphs. a-, an-, negative particle com- | antár 'between', prep. with pounded with nouns 251, 655. loc. abl. acc. 599. antará 'between', prep. with acc. 611. anyá- 'other' 403, I. áp- ‘water’ 334. apád- 'footless' 319 a. Vams-'attain', pr. 470, sj. 471, impv. 472; pf. 482 c α, 485, sj. 487, opt. 489, pt. 493; root aor. 500, inj. 503; opt. 504, prec. 504; a-aor. opt. 511; s-aor. sj.523; inf.585, 4. Vamh- 'compress', pf. 482 c a; P. 358, n. 9. akramīm, I. s. aor. Vkram- 66 c ß 2. Vaks-'mutilate', pr. impv. 472; pr. pt. 473; is-aor. 529. ákşan, root aor. of ghas- 499. ankhaya- den., sj. 569 a. Vac- 'bend', pr. 422, impv. 426; ps. pr. 445, pt. 447, impf. 448; gd. 591 a. acchă 'towards', prep. with acc. 595. Vaj- 'drive', pr. 422, sj. 423, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; ps. 445, pt. 447; inf. 584 b. Vad 'eat', pr. 451, sj. 452, opt. 453, impv. 454, pt. 455, impf. 456; pp. 576 a; inf. 585, 4, 586 b. adánt- 'eating', inflected 295 c. adhás "below', prep. with acc. abl. 610. ádhi 'upon', prep. with loc. abl. acc. inst. 597. Van- 'breathe', pr. 422, 430, 451, impv. 454, pt. 455, impf. 456; pf. 482 c, 485; iș-aor. 529; cs. 556. anáks 'eyeless' 340. anadváh- 'ox' 351 a. anášamahai, pf. sj. Vams 482 c a. ánu'after', prep. with acc. 598. ápas- n. 'work' and apás-'ac-V2, tive', inflected 344- ápi 'upon', prep. with loc. 600. abhanas, 2. s. impf. Vbhanj- 66 c 2; p. 345, note 1⁰. abhí 'towards', prep. with acc. 601. abhitas 'around', prep. with acc. 612. Vam 'injure', pr. 422, 451, inj. 424, pt. 427; red. aor. 514; cs. 555. amba, f. voc. 374 (p. 265). ayám 'this', inflected 393. ayās 2.s. aor. Vyaj- 66 c 2, 522. arātiya- den., sj. 569 a. Vanj- 'anoint', pr. 464, sj. 465, impv. 466, pt. 467, impf. 468; pf. 482 c a, 485, sj. sj. 423, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; ps. 445, pt. 447; pf. 482 c α, 485; cs. 556; inf. 585, 1. 487, opt. 489, pt. 493; ps-artháya- den., sj. 569 a, impv. 445, pt. 447; PP- 574, 2. Vat-'wander', pr. 422, pt. 427. áti 'beyond', prep. with acc. 596. | ari- devout', inflected 380 b 3. Varc- 'shine', 'praise', pr. 422, 569 d. Varh- 'deserve', pr. 422, sj. 423, pt. 427; pf. 485; inf. 581, I. arhire, 3. pl. pf. 482 c u. Vav- 'favour', pr. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 482 c, 485; root aor. opt., prec. 504; s-aor. 529, sj. 530, inj. 531, impv. 533; ft. 537, pt. 538; PP-574, 1a; inf. 585, 4- avá-'this', pron., inflected 396. áva 'down', prep. with abl.602. avayás, nom. of avayáj- 66 cß 1; 302. avás down from', prep. with aor. 529, inj. 531; PP- 575 b. áśman- 'stone', inflected 329. VI. as- 'be', pr. 451, sj. 452, inj. 452, opt.453, impv.454, pt. 455, impf. 456; pf. 482 c, 485. abl. 613. ávi- 'sheep' p. 283 (top). Va 'eat', pr. 476, opt. 477, impv. 478, pt. 479, impf. 480; pf. 482 c, 485; is as- 'throw', pr. 439, impv. 441, pt. 442, impf. 443,456; pf. 485; ft. 537; ps. 445; pp. 572; inf. 585, 4. asáu 'that', inflected 394- askrta, root aor. of kr- 'make' 500. asmáka 'of us' 390, 1. asrat 3. s. aor. Vsras- 66 cß 2; 499. Vah- 'say', pf. 482 c, 485. ahám 'I', inflected 391, 1. á 'near', prep. with loc. abl. acc. 603. ád 'then', Sandhi of 67. an- pf. red. syllable 482 c a.. -aná pf. pt. suffix 491. Vāp- ‘obtain', pr. 470, impv. 472, impf. 474, pt. 479; pf. 482 c, 485, pt. 493; prec. 504; a-aor. 508, opt. 511; des. 542, sj. 544. abhu- 'present', inflected 383. Vär- 'praise'(?), pr. 439. avayās, nom. of avayāj- 302. āvis 'openly', adv. with Vas-, Vbhu-, Vkr- 651. Vās- 'sit', pr. 451, sj. 452, opt. 453, impv. 454, pt. 455, impf. 456. Vi- 'go', pr. 422, 439, 451, sj. 452, inj. 424, 452, opt. 453, impv.426, 454, pt. 427, 442, 455; impf. 428, 456; pf. 482 c, 485, pt. 492; plup. 495; ft. 537, 539, pt. 538; gdv. 578, 1; inf. 585, I, 4, 5, 6, 7, 587 b; gd. 590 b, 591 b. Ving- 'move' cs. 554 a. id- 'refreshment' 304. Vidh- 'kindle', pr. 464, sj. 465, impv. 466; pf. 485; root 438 aor. sj. 502, opt. 50.4, pt. 506; ps. 445, impv. 446, pt. 447, 455, 467, impf. 468; PP. 573; inf. 584 b, 586 a. Vinv- 'send', pr. 422, 470, sj. 423, impv. 426,472, pt. 427, impf. 474. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. uloká- p. 59, note ¹. Vus- 'burn', p. 422, inj. 424, iyatha, 2. s. pf. Vi. 485. Vil 'be quiet', cs.554, aor.560 a. VI. - 'desire', pr. 430, sj. 431, inj. 432, opt. 433, impv.434, pt. 435, impf. 436; gd. 591 a. V2. is 'send', pr. 430, 439, 476, inj. 432, impf. 436, impv. 441, pt. 442, 479; 485; PP. 575 b. isanaya- den., impf. 569f.; inf. 585, 1 a 3; 588 c α. işanya den., impv. 569 d. işaya den., opt. 569 c. Vï- Vi-, pr. 451. Viks see', pr. 422, pt. 427, impf. 428; iş-aor. 529; cs. 554; gdv. 580 a. inkh- 'swing', cs. 554 a, sj. 559 b, pp. 575 c. gdv. Vid praise', pr. 451, sj. 452, inj. 452, opt. 453, impv. 454, Pt. 455; pf. 482 c, 485; pp. 575 a 3; 578, 4, 580. Vir 'set in motion', pr. 451, sj. 452, impv. 454, impf. 428, 456, pt. 455; pf. 482 c, 485; cs. 554 a, sj. 559 b. Vis- 'be master', pr. 422, 451, iuj. 424, opt. 453, pt. 455, impf. 428; 'be able to with inf. 587 a a, b a. Vis 'move', pr. 422, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427; pp. 575 b. Vih- 'desire', pr. 422; pf. 485. - impv. 426, pt. 427, 479. uçás- f. 'dawn' 44 a 3; 344 (p. 233). úpa up to', prep. with acc. loc. inst. 604. upári 'above', prep. with acc. 614. Vubj- 'force', pr. impv. 434, pt. 435, impf.436; pp. 575 a 1. Vubh- 'confine', pr. impv. 434, impf. 468, 480. urusya- den., sj. 569 a, opt. 569 c, impv. 569 d, impf. 569 f; pp. 574, 2. ūti- ‘aid', d. s. — inf. 585,3 contracted dat. s. p. 282; inst. s. inst. pl. p. 287. unaya- den., aor. 570. VI. üh- 'remove'. pr. 422, impv. 426, impf. 428. V2. uh- 'consider', pr. 422, 451 (3. pl.), pt. 455; pf. 482 c, 485; s-aor. pt. 527; iş-aor. 529. 1 Vrd- 'stir', pr. 422, impv. 434, impf. 436; cs. 553 c, sj. 559 b. Vrdh- 'thrive', pr. 470, sj. 464, impv. 441, pt. 467, impf. 474; pf. 485; root aor. sj. 502, opt. 504, prec. 504, pt. 506; a-aor. opt. 511; des. 542, pt. 544; Ps. 445, impv. 446; gdv. 578, 4. Vrs- 'injure'(?), s-aor. pt. 527. iş-aor. 529; cs. 554 a; pp.| Vrs- 'rush', pr. 422, 430, sj. 575 a I. 423, inj. 424, impv. 426, Vuc- 'be pleased', pr. 437, pt. 427, 435. impv. 441; pf. 482 c, 485, pt. 492. 2 particle 647; Sandhi of 71 b. Vu- 'proclaim’ 45¹, 470. Vuks- 'sprinkle', pr. pt. 427; Vud- 'wet', pr. 464, impv. 466, pt. 427, 467, impf. 468; pf. 485; ps. 445- éka- 'one' 403, 2, 406 a 1. éka-pad- 'one-footed' 319 a. Vej- 'stir', pr. 422, sj. 423, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428. Vkās appear', intv. 545, I, 546, 547, pt. 548, impf. 549; cs. 556 a. kīrtaya- den., sj. 569 a. Vkup be angry', pr. pt. 442; cs. 553 b; pp. 575 b. Vkuj- 'hum', pr. pt. 427. Vr- 'go', pr. 430, 458, 470, sj. 431, 471, inj. 471, impv. 434, 460, 472, pt. 473, impf. | Vkud- 'burn', cs. 554 a, sj. 559 b. 474; pf. 482 c, 485, pt. 492, 493; root aor. 500, inj. 503, opt. 504, pt. 506; a-aor. 508, sj. 509, inj. 510, impv. 512; red. aor. 514; intv. 545, 2, 546; cs. 558 a, aor. 560, PP. 575 c, gd. 590 b, 591 a, b. rghayá- den., inj. 569 b. Vri- 'direct', pr. 430, 439, 464, impv. 434, pt. 442, 467, impf. 468. Vrnv- 'go', pr. 430. rtaya- den., inj. 569 b. rté 'without', prep. with abl. 615. VI. ky- 'make', pr. 451, 470 (inflected), sj. 471, inj. 471, opt. 471, impv. 472, pt. 473, impf. 474; pf. 482 a, 485 (inflected), opt. 489, pt. 492, 493; plup. 495; root aor. (inflected) 498, 499, 500, sj. 502, inj. 503, opt. 504, prec. 504, impv. 505, pt. 506; a-aor. 508, impv. 512; s-aor. 522; ft. 537, 539 (in- flected), sj. 538, pt. 538; des. 542 b; intv. 545, 3, pt. 548; ps. 445, pt. 447, aor. 501, PP. 573; gdv. 578, 1, 581; inf. 585,4, 586b, 587 b; gd. 590 a, b, c, 591 b. V2. kr- 'commemorate', ¿ș-aor. 529; intv. 545, 2, 546, 547, aor. 550 b, gdv. 578, 1. VI. krt- 'cut', pr. 430, inj. 432, impv. 434, pt. 435, impf. 436; pf. 485; a-aor. 508, pt. 512; ft. 537, 539; gd. 591 a, V2. krt- 'spin', pr. 464; ps. pr. pt. 447. Vkrp- 'lament', pr. 422, pt. 427, impf. 428; plup. 495; root aor. 500; is-aor. 529; cs. 554. krpána- den., sj. 569 a. Vkrs be lean', pr.impv. 434; pf. 485; cs. 553 c. Vkys 'plough', pr. 422, 430, inj.424, impv.426, pt. 435; pf. 485; red. aor. 514; intv. 545, 2, 547, impf. 549. Vky- 'scatter', pr. 430, sj. 431, impv. 434; iş-aor. sj. 530. Vklp be adapted', pr. 422, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 482, 485; sj. 487; red. aor. 514, sj. 515; cs. 553 d, 559 (inflected), sj. Vedh 'thrive', pr. 422, impv. 426; iş-aor. opt. 532. ena- 'he, she, it', inflected 395. okiváms- pf. pt. 492 a. 490; plup. pf. inj. 495; iş-aor. 529, sj. 530. kánīyāms- 'younger', inflected 346. ká 'who?', pron. 397. kanduya- den., ft. and pp. 570. Vkan- 'enjoy, pr. pt. 442; pf. 482, sj. 487, inj. 488, impv. | = Vkam- 'love', pf. pt. 493; cs. 555, sj. 559 b, pt. 559 e. kárman- 'act', inflected 329. kaş- 'scratch', impf. 428. Vkas- 'open', pr. impv. 426; PP. 573. Vka-Vkan- 'enjoy', pf. 485, pt. 493. 559b, impv.559 d(inflected); gd. 590 b. Vkraks 'crash', pr. pt. 427. kránta, root aor. Ykr-, p. 367, | n. 16. Vkrand- 'cry out', pr. 422, inj. 424, impv. 426. pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485, sj. 487; plup. 495; a-aor. inj. 510; red. aor. 514, inj. 516; s-aor. 522; intv. 545,3, 546, pt. 548; cs. 556 a. Vkram- 'stride', pr. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, opt. 425, impv. 426, 434, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485, inj. 488, pt. 493; root aor. 66, 4a, 499, inj. 503; a-aor. 508; s-aor. 522, sj. 523; ¿ș-aor. 529 (inflected), inj. 531, imp v. 533, ft. 537; intv. 547c; pp. 574, 2; inf. 584b; gd. 591 a. Vkri buy', pr. 476, sj. 477, impf. 480; gd. 590 b. Vkrid- 'play', pr. 422, sj. 423, pt. 427. Vkrudh- be angry', pr. 439; a-aor. inj. 510; red. aor. 512, sj. 515, inj. 516; cs. 553 b; pp. 573. Vkrus- 'cry out', pr. 422, impv. 426, pt. 427; sa-aor. 536. Vksad- 'divide', pr. 422; pf. 485, pt. 493; inf. 585, 1. Vksan- 'wound', is-aor. inj. 531; PP. 574, 2. Vkşam 'endure', pr. opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427; pf. opt. 489. Vksar-'flow', pr. 422, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; s-aor. 522; inf. 585, 7. Vksā burn', cs. 558. VI. ksi- 'possess', pr. 422, 430, 451, sj. 452, opt. 425, 433, pt. 427, 435, 455, impv. 434, s-aor. sj. 523; ft. 537, pt. 538; cs. 557 a, 558 a. V2. kşi- 'destroy', pr. 439,470, 476, inj. 477, impf. 480; s-aor. inj. 524; ps. 445, pt. 447. Yksip 'throw', pr. 430, inj. 432, impv. 434, pt. 435; red. aor. inj. 516. Vksi-ksi- 'destroy', pp. 576 d. Vksud- be agitated', 'crush', pr. 422, pt. 442; cs. 553 b. Vksudh 'be hungry', cs. aor. inj. 510. Vkşubh- 'quake', pf. 485. Vksnu- "whet', pr. 451, pt. 455. Vkhan- 'dig', pr. 422, sj. 423, I. SANSKRIT INDEX. opt. 425, pt. 427, impf. 428, pf. 485; ft. pt. 538; pp. 574,2; inf. 586b; gd.590a. Vkhā- khan, pf. pt. 492. Vkhad- 'chew', pr. 422, impv. 426, pt. 427; pf. 482b, 485. Vkhid-'tear', pr. 420, inj. 432, opt. 433, impv. 434, pt. 435, impf. 436; pf. pt.482 d, 492 b. Vkhud-'futuere', pr. impv. 434.Vgr- 'swallow', pr. 430, 479; Vkhya- 'see', pf. 485; a-aor. 508, inj. 510, impv. 512; gdv. 578, 3; inf. 584 a; gd. 591 a. grbhāya- den., impv. 569 d. root aor. sj. 502; red. aor. 514; s-aor. inj. 531; intv. 545, 1 b, 2 a, 547; PP. 576; gd. 591 a. gó- 'cow'. inflected 365. gopayá- den., impv. 569 d; P. 402, n. 2, gdha, 3. s. root aor. Vghas-, P. 367, note ¹3. gna- 'woman', 367 (bottom); p. 263, note 1. Vgrath- 'tie', pr. 464; pp. 575 a 2. Vgrabh- 'seize', pr. 476 (in- flected), sj. 477, inj. 477, impv. 478, impf. 480; pf. 485, opt. 489, pt. 492; plup. 495; root aor. 499, 500; a-aor. 508; iş-aor. 529; cs. 554; pp 575 b; inf. 584b; gd. 591 a Vgras- 'devour', pr. opt. 425; pf. opt. 489, pt. 493; PP. 575 b. Vgrah- 'seize', pr. 476, opt. 477, impv. 478, pt. 479, impf 480; pf. 485; a-aor. inj. 510; s-aor. 529; pp. 575 b; gd. 590 b, 591 a. grávan- 'pressing-stone', in- flected 331. Vgad 'say', pr. impv. 42 Vgam- 'go', pr. 422, 451, sj. 423, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485, opt. 489, pt. 492, 493; plup. 495; periphr.pf. 496, 560b; root aor. 499, 500, sj. 502, inj. 503, opt. 504, prec. 504, impv. 505, pt.506; a-aor.508, sj. 509,inj.510, opt. 511; red. aor. 514; s-aor. 522, iş-aor. opt. 532, impv. 533; ft. 537, 539, periph. ft. 540; des. 542; intv. 545, 1, 3, 546; cs. 555 a; ps. 445, aor. 501; PP. 572, 574, 2; inf. 585,4, 5, 7, 587 b; gd. 590 b, c. Vgarh- 'chide', pr. 422. V1.ga 'go', pr. 458, inj. 459, impv. 460, pt. 461, impf. 462; pf. 489; root aor. 499, sj. 502, inj. 503, impv. 505; s-aor. inj. 524; des. 542 c; inf. 585, 4. V2. gā- 'sing', pr. 439, inj. 440, impv. 441, pt. 442; s-aor. inj. 524; siș-aor. 534; pr. pt. 447; PP. 574, 3. gatuya- den., impv. 569 d. Vgah- 'plunge', pr. 422, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf.428; intv. 545,2%, 546. Vgu- 'sound', intv. 545, 1, 546. Vgup protect', pf. 485 (cp. p. 358, note 13); ft. 537, 539; pp. 575 b. Vgur- 'greet', pr. impv. 434; pf. sj. 487, opt. 489; root aor. 5c0; intv. 545, 2ª; pp. 573 a; gd. 591 a. Vguh 'hide', pr. 422, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; a-aor. 508, inj. 510, pt. 512 a; 536; des. 542; ps. pt. 447; pp. 573; gdv. 578,4; gd. 590 a. sa-aor. gürdhaya- den., impv. 569 d. VI. gr- 'sing', pr. 476, inj. 477, impv. 434, 478, pt. 439 479, impf. 436; inf. 585,7, 588 c. 2. gr- 'awake', pf. 482; red. aor. 512, impv. 518; intv. 545,1b, 546, 547, pt. 548, impf. 549, pf. 550. Vgrdh- be greedy', pr. pt. 442; pf. 482, 485; a-aor. 508, inj. 510. Vgla- 'be weary', pr. pt. 412; cs. 558. Vghas- 'eat', pr. sj. 452; pf. 485, opt. 489, pt. 492; root aor. 499, impv. 505; s-aor. 522; des. 542 (p. 389, top); PP. 574, 3 a. Vghus- 'sound', pr. sj. 423, pt. 427; cs. 553 b; ps. aor. 501; gd. 591 a. Vghr- 'drip', pr. 458; cs. 557 c, ps. pt. 561 a. Vghra smell', Ir. 458. CS. VYcaks- 'see', pr. 422, 451, impv. 454, impf. 428, 456; pf. 485; plup. 495; 556 a; gdv. 578, 4; inf. 584 b, 585, 1, 588 a; gd. 591 a, b. cákṣus- 'eye', inflected 342. Vcat- hide', pr. pt. 427; cs. 555, pt. 559 e. 440 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. Vjaks- 'eat', gd. 590 b, c. Vjajh-, pr. pt. 427. Vjanj- pr. pt. 427. Vjan- 'generate', pr. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, impv. 426, 454, pt. 427, impf. 428, 456; pf. 485, pt. 493; root aor. 500; red. aor. 514 (in- flected), inj. 516; s-aor. 529, opt. 532; ft. 537, 539; cs. 556, sj. 559b, opt. 559 c, pt. 559 e, impf. 559 f (in- flected); pp. 574, 2; gdv. 580, 581; inf. 587 b; gd. 590 a. cátuspad- 'four-footed' 319 a. Vcan be pleased', i-aor. impv. 533. canasyá- den., impv. 569 d. car- 'move', pr. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485; red. aor. 514; is- aor. 529, inj. 531; ft. 539; intv. 545, 2 b, 546, 551; pp. 575 a 3; gdv. 580; inf. 585, I, 4, 7. caranya den., sj. 569a, opt. c. carmamná- 'tanner' p. 38 n. ³; P. 249 note 4. jáni- 'wife' 380 b 2. janitár- begetter' 390. Vjambh- 'chew', red. aor. 514; iş-aor. 530; intv. 545, 2, pt. 548; cs. 556 a. Vjas- 'be exhausted', pr. impv. 440, opt. 440, impv. 441, Vcay- 'note', pr. pt. 427; is- aor. 529; gd. 590 b, 591 a. VI. ci- 'gather', pr. 422, 470, 441, pt. 427; pf.impv. 490. sj. 452, 471, opt. 425, 471, jahá, 3. s. pf.? p. 357 note 4. impv. 472, pt. 473, impf. jahi, 2. s. impv. Vhan 32 c; 474; pf. 485; root aor. 499; P. 50 note 9. is-aor. impv. 533; gd. 590b.já- ‘offspring', inflected 368. V2. ci- 'note', pr. 458, impv. Vjā- 'be born', pr. 439, inj. 460, pt. 461, 462; pf. 485; root aor. 500; des. 542. Vcit- 'perceive', pr. 422, 451, inj. 424, impv.426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485, sj. 487, impv. 490, pt. 492, 493; plup. 495; root aor. 499, pt. 506; s-aor. 522; des. 542, sj. 544; intv. 545, I, 546, 547, pt. 548; cs. 553, 554, sj. 559 b, opt. 559 c; ps. aor. 501; pp. 573; inf. 585, 2. Vcal 'stir', impf. 428; intv. 545, 2, 546. cūkán inj. pf. 488 (cp. p. 392 note 8). Vcud impel', pr. 422, inj. 424, impv. 426; cs. 553 b, sj. 559 b, ps.pt. 561 a, pp. 575 C. Vert bind', pr. 430, impv. 434; pf. 485; inf. 586 a. cetatur pf. Vcit-, p. 358 u. 1. Vcest 'stir', Fr. pt. 427. Vcyu- 'move', pr. 422, inj. 424, impv. 426; pf. 482 b 1, 485; plup. 495; red. aor. 514, inj. 516, opt. 517; s-aor. inj. 524; cs. 557b. Vchad- or chand- 'seem', pr. 451; pf. 485, opt. 489; s-aor. 522, sj. 523; cs. 556, 556 a, sj. 559 b. Vchad- 'cover', cs. 555. Vcha- 'cut up', pr. 430, impv. 434. Vchid-'cut off', pr. 464, impv. 466; root aor. inj. 503; a-aor. 508; s-aor. inj. 524; ps.445, aor. 501; pp. 576a; gd. 591 a. pt. 442, impf. 443. janiváms- pf. pt. 482 d. jāraya- den., ps. aor. 501. Vji- 'conquer', pr. 422, 451, sj. 423, inj. 424, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485, pt. 492; root aor. inj. 503, impv. 505, red. aor. 514; s-aor. 522, sj. 523, inj. 524; ft. 537, 539, pt. 538; des. 542, pt. 544; cs. 558 a; pp. 573; gdv. 581; inf. 585, 1a; gd. 591 b. Vji- or jinv- 'quicken', pr. 422, 470, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485. Vjiv- 'live', pr. 422, sj. 423, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427; prec. 504; s-aor. inj. 531; cs. 554a; pp.575 a 3; gdv. 581 b; inf. 585, 1,4,5. Vjus- 'enjoy', pr. 422, 430, 451, inj. 424, 432, sj. 431, opt. 433, impv. 426, 434, pt. 435, impf. 436;. pf. 485, sj. 487, impv. 490, pt. 492, 493; root aor. 500, sj. 502, pt. 506; isș-aor. sj. 530; cs. 553 b, sj. 559 b; pp. 573; gd. 590 a. Vju- 'be swift', pr. 422, 476, sj. 477; pf. 482, 485, sj. 487, pt. 492, 493; inf.585, 1. Vjūrv- 'consume', pr. 422, sj. 423, impv. 426, pt. 427; iş-aor. 529. Vir- 'sing', pr. 422 (p. 322), sj. 423, opt. 425, impv. 426 (top), pt. 427; inf. 585,7. Virmbh- 'gape', pr. 422. Vir 'waste away', pr. 422, 439, impv. 426, pt. 427, 435, impf. 443; pf. 485, pt. 492; s-aor. inj. 531; cs. 557 c; pp. 576 e. Vjeh- 'pant', pr. pt. 427. Viña- 'know', pr. 476, sj. 477, opt. 477, impv. 478, pt. 479, impf. 480; pf. pt. 492, 492 a; root aor. opt. 504; red. aor. 514; s-aor. 522; des. 542; cs. 558, aor. 560; gdv. 578, 3; ps. 445, aor. 501. Viya- 'overpower', pr. 439, 476, opt. 477, pt. 479; des. 542; Ps. 445; PP. 574, 2. Viyut- 'shine', cs. 553 b. Vjri- ‘go', pr. 422; s-aor. pt. 527. tá- that', inflected 392, 1. Vtams- 'shake', pf. 485; plup. 495; a-aor. 508; intv. 545, 2 b; sj. 547, gdv. 579; cs. 556 a; inf. 585,7. Vtak 'rush', pr. 451, impf. 456. Vtaks- 'fashion', pr. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, impv. 426, 454, pt. 427, impf. 428, 456; pf. 485; iş-aor. 529; PP. 575 a 1. VI. tan- 'stretch', pr. 470, sj. 471, inj. 471, impv. 472, pt. 473, impf. 474; pf. 485, sj. 487, inj. 488, opt. 489, pt. 492; root aor. 499, 500; a-aor. 508, inj. 510; s-aor. 522; cs. 555; PP. 574, 2; gd. 591 b. V2. tan- 'roar', pr. 439. tani- 'body', inflected 385; 'self' 400, 3. Vtand- 'be weary', pr. 422, inj.(?) 424. - Vtap- 'be hot', pr. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, impv. 426, Ft. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485, sj. 487, pt. 493; red. aor. 514, sj. 515; s-aor. 522, inj. 524; cs. 555; ps. 445, impv. 446, pt. 447, impf. 448; aor. 501; PP. 573; gd. 591 a. Vlam- 'faint', a-aor. inj. 510. taruşa- den., inj. 569 b, opt. 569 c. tát, abl. adv. in this way' 629. tij- 'be sharp', pr. 422, pt. 427; des. 542; intv. 545, 1, 546; pp. 573. tirás 'across', prep. with acc. 605. tilvilaya- den., impv. 569 d. Vtu- 'be strong', pr. 451; pf. 482, 485; red. aor. 514; intv. 545, 3. Vluj- 'urge', pr. 430, 464, pt. 427, 435, 467; pf. opt. 489, pt. 493; cs. 554; ps. 445, pt. 447; inf. 584 b, 585, 1, 2. Vtud- 'thrust', pr. 430, impv. 434, pt. 435, 467, impf. 436; pf. 485; pp. 576 a. Vtur- ty- 'pass', pr. 430, opt. 453; des. 542; cs. 554; gd. 591 a. turanya den., inj. 569b, impf. 569 f. - sj. 471, impv. 434, 441, 472, pt. 435; pf. 482, 485, pt. 493; a-aor. 508, inj. 510, pt. 512; red. aor. 514; des. 542, sj. 544; cs. 553C, sj. 559 b. Vtrs "be thirsty', pr. 439, pt. 442; pf. 482, 485, pt. 493; root aor. pt. 506; a-aor. 508, inj. 510; red. aor. 514, inj. 516. Vtrh- 'crush', pr. sj. 465, impf. 436; pf. 485; a-aor. 508; ps. 445, impv. 446, pt. 447; pp. 573; gd. 590 b, c. Vir 'pass', pr. 422, 430, 47º, sj. 423, 431, inj. 424, 432, opt. 425, 433, impv. 426, 434, pt. 427, 435, 461, impf. 428, 436; pf. 485, opt. 489, pt. 492; red. aor. 514; iş- aor. 529, sj. 530, inj. 531, opt. 532; intv. 545, 2, 3, 546, 551; ps. aor. 501; pp. 576e; inf. 584 a, 585, 7, 9, 586 a, 588 c; gd. 590 a. Vtyaj- 'forsake', pf. 482 b 1, 485. I. SANSKRIT INDEX. Vtras- 'be terrified', pr. 422, impv. 426, impf. 428; red. aor. 514; cs. 555- Vtrā 'rescue', pr. 439, impv. 441, 454, pt. 442; pf. 485; s-aor. sj. 523, opt. 525, cs. gdv. 561 b, 579; inf. 585, 8. tripád- 'three-footed' 319 a. trivýt-threefold', inflected 306. tva 'many a one', inflected 396. Vtvaks- 'fashion', pr. pt. 455. tvám 'thou', inflected 391, 2. Vtvar 'make haste', cs. 556. tvis- 'be stirred', impf. 436, 456; pf. 485, pt. 493; plup. 495; pp. 575 b; inf. 584 b. Vtsar- 'approach stealthily', pr. 422, impf. 428; pf. 485; s-aor. 522. Vtus- 'drip', pr. 422, pt. 427; cs. 553 b. Vtuş be content', cs. 554. Vtūrv- 'overcome', pr. 422, impv. 426, pt. 427. dán, g. of dám- 'house', p. 37 (bottom); 66, 4 α; 338. Vird 'split', pr. 464, impf. | Vdan- 'straighten'?, pr. sj. 468; pf. 485, pt. 493; root aor. sj. 502; des. 542, sj. 544; pp. 576 a; inf. 587 a. Virp 'be pleased', pr. 430, Vdams 'bite', pr. impv. 426, pt. 427; pf. pt. 492; intv. 545 2 b, pt. 548; pp. 574,2. Vdaks- be able', pr. 422, impv. 426, pt. 427; gdv. 579. Vdagh- 'reach to', root aor. inj. 503; prec. 504, impv. 505. 452, inj. 452. dánt 'tooth' 313. Vdabh- or dambh. harm', pr. 422, 470, sj. 423, inj. 424, impv. 472; pf. 485, inj. 488; root aor. 499, inj. 503; des. 542, sj. 544; cs. 556 a; ps. 445; gdv. 578,4; inf. 584 b. Vdam- 'control', cs. 556. damanya den., impf. 569 f. daśasyá- den., opt. 569 c, impv. 569 d. 441 root aor. impv. 505; s-aor. inj. 525; ps. 445, pt. 447; PP. 574, 3, 576 c. V3. dā- 'bind', impf. 443; ps. aor. 501; pp. 574, 3- Vdāś- 'make offering', pr. 422, 451, 470, sj. 423, opt. 425, pt. 455, impf. 428; pf. 485, sj. 487, pt. 492, 492 b. Vdis 'point', pr. 430, opt. 434, pt. 435; pf. 485, sj. 487, impv. 490; plup. 495; root aor. 500; s-aor. 522; intv. 545, 1, 546, impf. 549, 551; pp. 573; inf. 584 b. Vdih 'smear', pr. sj. 452, pt. 455, impf. 456; pp. 573. V1. di- 'fly', pr. 439, inj. 440, impv. 441, pt. 442, impf. 443- 2. di- 'shine', pr. 458, sj. 459, impv. 460, pt. 461, impf. 462; pf. 482, 485, sj. 487, pt. 492. V dip- 'shine', pr. 439, impv. 441; red. aor. inj. 516; cs. 554 a. Vdiv- 'play', pr. 439, inj. 440; pf. 485; pp. 573 a; gd. 591 a. Vdu- or dū- 'burn', pr. 470, pt. 473; iş-aor. sj. 530; pp. 576 d. Vdudh 'stir up', pp. 575 b. duraspá den., sj. 569 a. duvasyá- den., sj. 569 a, opt. 569 c, impv. 569 d. Vdus- 'spoil', pr. 439; red. aor. 514, inj. 516; ft. cs. 537, 560; cs. 554- dus- 'ill', adverbial particle as first member of compounds 251, 657. Vdas- or dās- ‘waste', pr. 422, 439, sj. 423, inj. 424, pt. 427, opt. 440; pf. pt. 492; a-aor. inj. 510, pt. 512; iş-aor. inj. 531; cs. 555- Vdah 'burn', pr. 422, 439, 451, sj. 423, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; s-aor. 522, inj. 524, pt. 527; ft. 537, pt. 538; pp. 573- VI. da- 'give', pr. 422, 458, sj. 459, inj. 424, 459, opt. 459, impv. 426, 460, pt. 461, impf. 428, 462; pf. 485, pt. 492; root aor. 499, 500, sj. 50z, inj. 503, opt. 504; impv. 505; a-aor. 508; s-aor. 522. sj. 523, inj. 524; ft. 537, pt. 538; des. 542; cs. 558; ps. 445, aor. 501; PP. 572, 573, 574, 3a; V2.dr- heed', gd. 591 b. gdv. 578, 3; inf. 584 a,Vdrp- ‘rave', a-aor. 508; pp. 585, 4, 5. 8, 9, 586b, 587b; 575 b. gd. 590 b, c, 591 a. V/2. dā- ‘divide', pr. 422, 430, 451, impv. 426, 434, inj. 440, impv. 441, pt. 442, impf. 436; pf. pt. 493; VI. dr- 'pierce', pr. 451; pf. 485, pt. 492; root aor. 499; s-aor. sj. 523, opt. 525; intv. 545, 1, 2, 546, 547, pt. 547, impf. 549; cs. 557 c. Vduh- 'milk', pr. 422, 451, sj. 452, opt. 453, impv. 454, pt. 455, impf. 436, 456; pf. 485, pt. 493; s-aor. 522, inj. 524, opt. 525; sa-aor. 536; des. 542, pt. 544; ps. 445, pt. 447; pp. 573; inf. 585, I, 7. dudábha, Sandhi of, p. 70 note 3; 81, 1 b. Vdrs 'see', pf. 485, pt. 492, 493; root aor. 499, 500, sj. 502, pt. 506; a-aor. 508, inj. 510, opt. 511; 522, sj. 523; des. 542, gdv. s-aor. 442 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 440; root aor. 499; CS. 558; pp. 574; inf. 585, 1, 4. VI. dhav- 'run', pr. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427; plup. 495. 12. dhav- wash', pr. 422, impv. 426; s-aor. 529. dhi- 'thought', inflected 376. Vdhi 'think', pr. sj. 459, pt. 461, impf. 462; 1f. 482; s-aor. pt. 527. dhunaya den., inj. 569 b, impv. 569 d. Vdhi- 'shake', pr. 430, 470, sj. 441, impv. 446, 472, pt. 473, impf. 474; pf. 485, inj. 488, opt. 489; root aor. pt. 506; red. aor. 514; s-aor. 522; intv. 545, 1, 3, 546, pf. 550; gd. 591 a. dhupaya- den., impf. 569 f. Vdhur v-'injure', pr. 422, impv. 544 i, 580; cs. 553 c; ps. 445, aor. 501; gdv. 580; inf. 584 b, 585, 2, 586 b, 588 a; gd. 590 b, c, 591 a. Varh- 'be firm', pr. 430, impv. 426, 441, pt. 435, impf. 428, 436; pf. pt. 493; plup. 495; s-aor. 529; cs. 554a; PP. 573. deví, inflected 378. dehi, pr. impv. Vda- 'give' 62, 4 b. dyáv- 'heaven', inflected 364. Vdyut-'shine', pr. 422, impv. 426, pt. 427; pf. 482 b 1, 485, pt. 493; root aor. pt. 506; red. aor. 514, inj. 516; intv. 545, 3, 546, pt. 547, impf. 549; cs. 553 b, 554. dyaus, accentuation of voc. II 85, 93, 364 note ¹1 (p. 247). VI. dra 'run', pr. impv. 454; pf. pt. 493; s-aor. sj. 523; intv. pt. 547. V2. dra- 'sleep', pp. 576 c. Vdru- 'run', pr. 422, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485; red. aor. 514, inj. 516; cs. 557 b. Vdruh be hostile', pf. 485; a-aor. 508, inj. 510; pp. 573. Vdru hurl'(?), pr. pt. 479. dvipád- 'two-footed' 319 a. dvis- 'hatred', inflected 340. Vdvis hate', pr. 451, sj. 452, impv. 454, Pt. 455; sa-aor. inj. 536; gdv. 578,4, 580. dvīpá- 'island' 255, 4. Vdhan- 'run', pf. sj. 487, opt. 489; cs. 556. Vdhanv- 'run', pr. 422, sj.423, impv. 426; pf. 485, pt. 492; iş-aor. 529. dhánvan 'bow', inflected 331. Vdham- or dhma- 'blow', pr. 422, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428: ps. 445; PP. 574, 2, 575 b. Vdhav- 'flow', impf. 428. VI. dha 'put', pr. 422, 458, sj. 459, opt. 459, impv. 460, pt. 461, impf. 462; pf. 485, impv. 490; root aor. 499, 500; a-aor. 508; s-aor. sj. 523, inj. 524; des. 542, sj. 544, gdv. 579; cs. 558, sj. 559 b; ps. 445, impv. 446, pt. 447, aor. 501, sj. 502, inj. 503, opt. 504, impv. 505; pp. 574, 3; inf. 584 a, 585, 4, 5, 7, 586 a, 587 b; gd. 591 a. V/2. dha- 'suck', pr. 439, opt. 1 537, 560; ps. 445, impv. 446; inf. 585, 1, 8, 588 b. Vahrs- 'dare', pr. impv. 472; pf. 485, sj. 487, inj. 488, pt. 492; plup. 495; a-aor. inj. 510, pt. 512; pp. 575b; gdv. 578, 4; inf. 584 b. Vahraj- 'sweep', pr. pt. 427, impf. 428. Vdhvams 'scatter, pf. 485; a-aor. 508;' cs. 556. Vdhvan- 'sound', cs. 555, aor. 560 %; pp. 574, 2 a. Vdhur 'injure', s-aor. 522; des. 542; inf. 585, 1. 426, pt. 427. V'dhr- 'hold', red. aor. 514, inj. 516, impv. 518; pf. 482, 485; root aor. inj. 503; ft. 537, 539; intv. 545, 1, 2, 546, impf. 549; cs. 557 c, sj. 559 b, opt. 559 c, ft.Vnij- 'wash', pr. impv. 460, Vniks- 'pierce', pr. 422, impv. 426; inf. 584 b. pt. 455; a-aor. 508; s-aor. 522, inj. 524; intv. 545, 1, 546 (inflected), 547. Vnind- 'revile', pr. 422, sj. 423, impv. 426; pf. 485; root aor. pt. 506; is-aor. 529, sj. 530; des. 542, sj. 544; ps. pt. 447; pp. 575 a 1. Vni 'lead', pr. 422, 451, 458, sj. 423, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485; sj. 487 (cp. p. 361 note ¹), opt. 489; s-aor. 522, sj. 523, inj. 524, impv. 526; iş-aor. 529; ft. 537, 539; des. 542; intv. 545, 1, 551; ps. 445, pt. 447, impf. 448; inf. 588 c; gd. 591 a. ilaya- den., sj. 569 a. Vi. nu- 'praise', pr. 422, ini. 424, pt. 427, impf. 423, 456, pt. 435; red. aor. 514, inj. 516; s-aor. 522, inj. 524; is-aor. 529; intv. 545, 1, 546, 547, impf. 549, pf. 550; gdv. 578, 2. 2. nu- 'move', pr. 422, impf. 428. ná 'like', Sandhi of 67, p. 63 note 9. nákis, indecl. pron., old nom. sing. 381b (p.279, bottom). nákta- n. ‘night', irreg. nom. du. 372. Vnaks- 'attain', pr. 422, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485. Vnad- 'sound', pr. t. 427, impf. 428; intv. 545,1 b, 546, pt. 548; cs. 556. nádbhyas, dat. of nápāt- 62, 3b; 527; intv. 545, 2, 546, pt. 548, impf. 549; cs. 556; PP. 574, 2; gdv. 581; inf. 584 b. 321 note ². Vnand- 'rejoice', pr. 422. Vnabh- 'burst', pr. impv. 426. Vnam- 'bend', pr. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 482, 485; plup. 495; red. aor. inj. 516; s aor. sj. 523; pt. VI. nas 'be lost', pr. 439, inj. 424, impv. 441; pf. 485; red. aor. 514, inj. 516; ft. 537, 539; cs. 555, inf. 585, 7; PP. 573- 2. nas- ‘obtain', pr. 451, sj. 423, inj. 424; root aor. 499, inj. 503, opt. 504, s-aor. sj. 523; des. 542 a, sj. 544; inf. 584 b. nas- 'unite', pr. 422, inj. 424; root aor. opt. 504. nah- ‘bind', pr. 439, impv. 441, pt. 442, impf. 443; pf. 485; ps. pt. 447; pp. 573- Vnāth- 'seek aid', pp. 575 a2. Vnadh- 'seek aid', pr. part. 427; PP. 575 b. nấv- ‘ship', inflected 365. Vnims- 'kiss', pr. 451, impf. 428. Vnud- 'push', pr. 430, sj. 431, inj. 432, impv. 434, pt. 435, impf. 436; pf. 485; root inj. 503; is-aor. inj. 531; pp. 576 a; inf. 584 b. Vnrt- 'dance', pr. 439, impv. aor. 441, pt. 442; root aor. 499; a-aor. pt. 512; iş-aor. 529; cs. 553 c. Vpac- 'cook', pr. 422, 439, sj. 1 423, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485; plup. 495; s-aor. si. 523; ps. 445, pt. 447, impf. 448; inf. 585,4; gd. 590 b. padbhis, inst. pl. 42 c, 43 b 1, 62, 4 b (p. 57) note 3, 350 (p. 238 note ¹). VI. pat 'fly', pr. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485, opt. 489, pt. 492; red. aor. 514, inj. 516, impv. 518; ft. 537, 539, pt. 538; des. 542; intv. 545, 1, 546, 547; cs. 555 a; pp. 572, 575b; inf. 585, 4. V2. pat- 'rule', pr. 439, pt. 442, 565 ß, impf. 443. páti-husband', inflected 380b; in compounds 280; accen- tuation p. 95 , p. 96, 3. Vpad 'go', p. 439, sj. 423, impv. 441, pt. 442, impf. 443; pf. 485; root aor. 500, sj. 502, prec. 504; red. aor. 514; s-aor. inj. 524; CS. 555, sj. 559b; ps. aor. 501; PP- 576 a; inf. 587 a; gd. 591 a. pád- 'foot', inflected 319. Vpan- 'admire', pf. 485; is- aor. inj. 531; intv. 545, 3, pt. 548; cs.556, gdv. 561b; ps. 445; PP. 575 b; gdv. 579- panaya- den., inj. 569 b. paprá, 3. s. pf. Vpra- 484. parás 'beyond', prep. with acc. inst. loc. abl. 616. pári 'around', prep. with acc. abl. 606. Vpas 'see', pr. 439, sj. 440, inj. 440, opt. 440, impv. 441, pt. 442, impf. 443. VI. pa 'drink', pres. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, 461, impf. 428; pf. 485, opt. 489, pt. 492, 493; root aor. 499, sj. 502, prec. 504, impv. 505, pt. 506; s-aor. inj. 524; des. 542, pt. 544; cs. 558 α; ps. 445, aor. 501; pp. 574, 3; inf. 585, 3, 4, 5, 7; gd. 590 a, b; 591 a. V2.pa- 'protect', pr. 451, sj. 452, impv. 454, pt. 455, impf. 456; s-aor. sj. 523. papaya- den., aor. inj. 570. Vpi- or pi- 'swell', pr. 422, 470, pt. 442, 461, 473; pf. 482; 485, pt. 492, 493; PP. 576 d. Vpinv 'fatten', pr. 422, inj. I. SANSKRIT INDEX. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485. Vpibd- 'stand firm', pr. pt. 427. Vis adorn', pr. 430, impv. 434, impf. 436; pf. 485; root aor. pt. 506; intv. 545, 1 a, pt. 548; ps. pt. 447; PP. 575 b. Vpis- 'crush', pr. 464, inj. 465, impv. 466, impf. 436, pt. 467, impf. 468; pf. 485; PP. 573- Vpid. press', pf. 485; cs. 554 it. púr-'stronghold', inflected 355. purás 'before', prep. with acc. abl. loc. 607. purástud in front of, prep. with gen. 617. purá 'before', prep. with abl. 617. purodas 42 c, 66 c ß 1 (p. 61, mid.), 349 b, 350. Vpus- 'thrive', pr. 439, si.440, opt. 440, impv. 441, pt. 442; pf. 485, opt. 489, pt. 492; a-aor. opt. 511; cs. 553 b, inf. 585, 1. Vpi- 'cleanse', pr. 422, 476, sj. 423, impv. 426, 478, pt. 427, 479, impf. 428, 480; red. aor. 514; iş-aor. 529, inj. 531; ps. 445, pt. 447; gd. 590 a, b. Vpr-'pass', pr. 451, 458, impv. 460; red. aor. 514, inj. 516; s-aor. sj. 523, impv. 526; iş-aor. sj. 530; cs. 557 C, sj. 559 b; inf. 588 b. Vprn- 'fill', pr. 430, sj. 431, impv. 434, impf. 436; inf. 585, 7- Vpre- 'mix', pr. 430, 464, inj. 465, opt. 465, impv. 434, 460, 466, pt. 467, impf. 468; pf. sj. 487, opt. 489; root aor. sj. 502, opt. 504, pt. 506; s-aor. 522, sj. 523; ps. 445, impv. 446, pt.447, impf. 448; pp. 576 b; inf. 584 b, 587 a. prtanya- den., sj. 569 a, impf. 569 f. Vrs- 'sprinkle', pr. pt. 427, adj. 'spotted' 313. Vpř- 'fill', pr. 458, 476, sj. 477, opt. 477, impv. 460, 478, pt. 442, 479, impf. 462, 480; pf. opt. 489, pt. 492; red. aor. inj. 516, impv. 518; cs. 557 c, sj. 559 b; pp. 576 e. Vpya- 'fill up', pr. 439, impv. 441, pt. 442; sis-aor. opt. 534; cs. 558 a. 443 Vprakṣ-—prach- ‘ask', pf. 485 (cp. p. 359 note 6); inf. 585, I a. Vprach- 'ask', pr. 430, sj. 43¹, opt. 433. impv. 434, part. 435, impf. 436; s-aor. 522; gdv. 544 i, 580; pp. 574, 1; inf. 584 b, 586 a, b. práti 'against', prep. with acc. 608. pratyánc-, inflected 299. Vprath-'spread', pr. 422, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485 (cp. p. 357 note 2), sj. 487, inj. 488, pt. 493; root aor. pt. 506; iş aor. 529; cs. 556. Vpra fill', pr. 451; pf. 485; root aor. 499, sj. 502; s-aor. 522; ps. aor. 501. prădur- 'out of doors', adv. compounded with V/bhū-651. priyá m., inflected 372. priya- f., inflected 374- priyāya- den., impf. 569 f. Vpri- 'please', pr. 476, pt. 479, impf. 480; pf. sj. 487, impv. 490, pt. 493; plup. 495; root aor. prec. 504; s-aor. sj. 523; des. 542; pp. 573. Vpru- 'flow', pr. inf. 424. Vpruth- snort', pr. inj. 421, impv.426, pt.427; pf. 485; intv. 545, 1; gd. 591 a. Vprus- 'sprinkle', pr. 470, sj. 471, impv. 434, pt. 435; PP. 575 b. Vplu- 'float', pr. 422, impv. 426. Vpsa- 'devour', pr. 451, impv. 454- Vphan- 'spring', intv. 545, 3, pt. 548; cs. 555. Vphar- 'scatter', intv. 545, 2, 547 a. Vbamh- 'make firm', pp.574, 2. V/bandh- ‘bind', pr. 476, impv. 478, impf. 480; pf. 485; ft. 537, 539; ps. 445, impv. 446, pt. 447; inf. 584 b, 590 b. bahirdha 'outside', prep. with abl. 618. Vbadh- 'oppress', pr. 422, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485; iş-aor. inj. 531; des. 542; intv. 545, 1 b, 2 a, 546, pt. 548; cs. 556 a; pp. 575 b. Vbudh- 'wake', pr. 422, 439, sj. 423, inj. 424, opt. 440, impv. 426, 441, pt. 442; pf. 482 b, sj. 487, pt. 493; root aor. 500, pt. 506; 444 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. a-aor. inj. 510; red. aor. 514; s-aor. 522; is-aor. sj. 530; ps. aor. 501; inf. 584 b, 588 a. Vbyh- 'make big', pr. impv. 434; pf. 485, pt. 493; is- aor. inj. 531; intv. 545, 2, 547 a. bodhi, impv. of Vbhu- and Vbudh- 32 c, 505 note 3. Vbru-say', pr. (inflected) 451, sj. (inflected) 452, opt. 453, impv.454, pt.455, impf.456. Vbli 'crush', pp. 576 d. 465, pt. 467; pf. 485; root | Vmad- or mand- exhilarate', aor. sj. 502, inj. 503; a-aor. opt. 511, impv. 512; inf. 584 b, 585, 1. pr. 422, 451, 458, sj. 423, inj.424, opt. 425, impv. 426, 460, pt. 427, impf. 428, 462; pf. 485, sj. 487, opt. 489, impv. 490, pt. 492; root aor.499, impv. 505, pt. 506; red. aor. 514; s-aor. 522, sj. 523, inj. 524, pt. 527; is-aor. 529, opt. 532; CS. 555 a, 556 a, sj. 559b; ps. pt. 447; PP. 573; gdv. 578, 4; inf. 585, 7. mádhu-'sweet', inflected 389. madhya- 'in the midst of' 587 b α. Vbhur 'quiver', pr. inj. 432, impv. 434, pt. 435; intv. 545, 2 a, 546, pt. 548. Vbhu- 'be', pr. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 482 b 1, 485, opt. 489, pt. 492; root aor. 499, sj. 502, inj. 503, opt. 504, prec. 504; a-aor. 508; red. aor. 514; ft. 537, 539, pt. 538; des. 542, pt. 544; intv. 545, 1, 546, pt. 548; cs. 557b; pp. 573; gdv. 578,2, 581; inf. 584 a, 588c; gd. 590 a, b, 591 a. V/bhaks- 'partake of', cs. 556 a. Vbhaj- 'divide', pr. 422, 451, sj. 423, inj. 424, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485, pt. 493; s-aor. 522, sj. 523, inj. 524, opt. bhi 'earth', inflected 383. 525; cs. 555, ps. pt. 447, | Ybhus- ‘adorn', pr. 422, sj. 561, gd. 591 a; ps. pr. pt. 447; gd. 590 b, c. Vbhanj- 'break', pr. 464, impv. 466, pt. 467, impf. 468; pf. 485; ps. impv. 446. Vbhan- 'speak', pr. 422, inj. Vbhi fear', pr. 422, 458, sj. 423, inj. opt. 459, impv. 426, 460, pt. 427, 461, impf. 428, 462; pf. 482 b, 485, pt. 492; plup. 495; root aor. inj. 503, pt. 506; red. aor. 514, inj. 516; s-aor. 522, pt. 527; cs. aor. 560; inf. 585, 1. Vbhuj 'enjoy', pr. 464, sj. | 423, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; gdv. 580. 424, impf. 428. Vbhand- 'be bright', pr. 422, pt. 427. Vbharv- 'devour', pr. 422. bhavant-being', inflected 314. Vbhas- 'devour, pr. 430, 458, sj. 459, inj. 424, pt. 461. Vbha shine', pr. 451, impv. 454, pt. 455- bhāmaya- 'be angry', den., pp. 575 c. bhr- 'bear', pr. 422, 451, 458 (inflected), sj. 423, 459, inj. 424, opt. 425, 459, impv. 426, 460, pt. 427, 461, impf. 428, 462; pf. 482 d, 485, sj. 487, pt. 493; plup. 495; root aor. prec. 504, impv. 505; s-aor. (in- flected) 522, sj. 523, inj. 524; s-aor. 529; cond. 538, ft. pt.538; intv. 545, 2, 546; ps. 445, sj. 446, aor. 501; PP-573; inf. 585, 585,4,5,7,8, 586 b; gd. 591 b. Vbhrij- 'roast', pr. sj. 431. bhyas- 'fear', impf. 428. İbhrams- 'fall', pr. inj. 424; a-aor. inj. 510; cs. 555; PP. 574. Vbhās- 'shine', pr. 422, sj. 423, pt. 427. | Vbhiks- ‘beg', pr. 422, inj.424, opt. 425, pt. 427. Vbhid 'split', pr. 422, 464, sj. 465, inj. 465, opt. 465, bhrāj- ‘shine', pr. 422, pt. impv. 466, pt. 467, impf. 427; root aor. 499, prec. 428, 468; pf. 485; root aor. 504; ps. aor. 501. 499, sj. 502, inj. 503, pt. Vbhri- 'consume', pr. 476. 506; a-aor. opt. 511; s-aor.Vbhreș- ‘totter', pr. 422. inj. 524; des. 542, impf. 544; ps. aor. 501; pp.576a; gd. 590 b, 591 a. bhisaj 'heal', den., pr. 568. bhişajya- den., impv. 569 d. bhisnaj-heal', den., impf. 568, 569 f. mamh- or mah- 'be great', pr.422, opt.425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 482, 485, sj. 487, inj. 488, impv. 490, pt. 493; cs. 556, 556a, pt. 559 e; inf. 584 b, 585, 2. Vmajj- 'sink', pr. 422; gd. 591 a. madgú- 38 c, 44 a 3 ¤ (p. 36), 62, 4 b note 3 (p. 57). Vmath- or manth- 'stir', pr. 422, 476, sj.423, impv.426, 478, pt. 479, impf. 428, 480; pf. 485; root aor. sj. 502; is-aor. 529, inj. 531; ps. 445, pt. 447; PP. 575 a 2. Vman- 'think', pr. 422, 439, 470, sj. 423, 440, 471, inj. 440, 471, opt. 440, 459, 471, impv. 441, 472, pt. 442, 473, impf. 443, 474; pf. 485; root aor. 500, sj. 502, pt. 506; s-aor. 522, sj. 523, inj. 524; ft. 537, 539; des. 542, ps. 544 h, pp. 544h; cs. 555, opt. 559c; PP. 574, 2; inf. 585, 4, 5. manasjá- den., pr. (inflected) 569, opt. 569 c. mantraniya- gdv. 581 b. VI. mā- 'measure', pr. 451, opt. 459, impv. 460, pt. 461, impf. 462; root aor. impv. 505, pt. 506; s-aor. 522; ps. aor. 501; PP. 574, 3; gdv. 578, 3; inf. 584 a; gd. 590 b, 591 a. V2. mā- 'exchange', pr. 439; gd. 591 b. V3. mā- 'bellow', pr. 422, 458; pf. 585; red. aor. 514, inj. 516; inf. 585, 5. má, prohibitive particle used with injunctive 648. matár- 'mother', inflected 360. más- 'month' 44, 3, 340 (in- flected). Vmi- 'fix', pr. 470, sj. 471, inj. 471, impv. 472, part. 473, impf. 474; pf. 485; ps.445, pt.447; gdv. 578,1. Vmiks- 'mix', pf. 485 (cp. p. 359 note 8), impv. 490. Vmigh- 'mingere', pr. pt. 427. mith- 'alternate', pr. 422, pt. 435; pf. 485. Vmis- mix', des. 542, impv.544. Vmis- 'wink', pr. 430, pt. 435; inf. 587 a a. Vmih 'mingere', pr. 422, impv. 426, pt. 427; ft. 537, 539; cs. 553 a; inf. 584 b. Vmi- 'damage', pr. 439, 476, subj. 477, inj. 477, opt. 440, pt. 479, impf. 480; pf. 485; s-aor. inj. 524; inf. intv. 545, I, pt. 548; 584 a, 586 a. midváms-, pf. pt. 492 b. Ymīl 'wink', gd. 591 a. Vmiv- 'push', pr. pt. 427; PP. 573 α. Ymuc- 'release', pr. 430, 439, sj. 431, 440, impv. 434, pt. 435, impf. 436; pf. 485, sj. 487, pt. 493; plup. 495; root aor. 499, 500, prec. 504; a-aor. 508, sj. 509, inj. 510, impv. 512; s-aor. 522, inj. 524, opt. 525, des. 542, pt. 544; ps. aor. 501; gd. 591 a. ymud 'be meny', pr. 422, impv. 426, pt. 427; pf. 485; root aor. opt. 504; is-aor. opt. 532; ps. aor. 501; inf. 584 b. Vmur my 'crush', pf. sj. 487. Vmuş 'steal', pr. 422, 476, pt. 479, impf. 480; s-aor. inj. 531; pp. 575 b; inf. 584 b; gd. 591 a. Vmuh- 'be dazed', pr. impv. 441; red. aor. 514; cs. 553b; pp. 573; inf. 584 b. Vmurch- 'thicken', impf. 428. VI. mr- 'die', pr. 422, sj. 423; pf. 485, pt. 492; root aor. 500, inj. 503, opt. 504; ft. 537, 539; cs. 557 c; ps. 445, impv. 446; pp. 576 e. V2. my- 'crush', pr. impv. 478, pt. 479; intv. 547 c. Vmrks- 'stroke', pr. sj. 431. \/mrc- ‘injure', s-aor. opt. 525; cs. 553c; sj. 559b; pp. 573. Vmrj- 'wipe', pr. 451, impv. | 454, pt.455, impf. 456; pf. 482, 485, opt. 489; sa-aor. 536; intv. 545, 2, 547, pt. 548, impf. 549, 551, gdv. 580; cs. 553 c, opt. 559 c; ps. 445, pt. 447; PP- 573; gdv. 578, 4; gd. 590 b. Vmrd 'be gracious', pr. sj. 431, impv. 434; cs. 554, sj. 559 b. myn-'crush', pr. 430, inj. 432, impv. 434, impf. 436; red. aor. 514. Vmrd 'crush', pf. opt. 489. Vmrdh- 'neglect', pr. 422, sj. 431; root aor. opt. 504; is-aor. sj. 530, iuj. 531. Vmrs- 'touch', pr. 430, sj. 431, impv. 434, pt. 435; impf. 436; pf. 482, 485; sa-aor. 536; intv. 545, 2, 547 a; gd. 591 a. Vmrs 'not heed', pr. 439; pf. 485; root aor. inj. 503; I. SANSKRIT INDEX. 445 a-aor. inj. 510; red. aor. inj. | V/2. yu- 'separate', pr. 422, 516; s-aor. inj. 531; inf. 458; sj. 459, inj. 459, opt. 584 b. 459, impv. 426, 460, pt. meghāya- den., ft. and pp. 570. 427; root aor. sj. 502, prec. Vmed- be fat', pr. impv. 441; 504; red. aor. inj. 516; s-aor. sj. 523, inj. 524; 25- aor.inj. 531; intv. 545, I, pt. 548, impf. 549; cs. 557 b, sj. 559b; ps. aor. 501; pp. 573; inf. 585, 4, 587 b. Vyuj- join', pr. 451, 464 (in- cs. 554 %. flected), sj. 465, inj. 465, impv. 426, 466, pt. 467, impf. 468; pf. 485, sj. 487, pt. 493; root aor. 500, sj. 502, inj. 503, opt. 504, impv. 505, pt. 506; s-aor. 522; ft. 537, 539; ps. 445, impv. 446, aor. 501; pp. 573; inf. 584 b; gd. 589 b, c. Vyudh- 'fight', pr. 422, 439, 451, sj. 440, impv. 441, pt. 442, 455, impf. 443; pf. 485; root aor. sj. 502, impv. 505; s-aor. inj. 524; iş-aor. 529, sj. 530, inj. 531, impv. 533; des. 542, pt. 544;_cs. 553b, sj. 559b; gdv. 578, 4, 580; inf. 584b, 585, 2, 586 a. Vyup obstruct', pf. 485; cs. 553,b; pp. 575 b. yuşmaka 'of you' 391, 2. yüyám 'you', pron. 49 a, 391, 2. Vyes- 'be heated', pr. pt. 427. Vmyaks-be situated', pr. impv. 426; pf. 485; root aor.499; ps. aor. 501. Ymruc- 'set', pr. pt. 427. ymla- 'relax', cs. 558; pp. 573. yá- who', rel. pron. 398. Vyaks- 'press on'(?), pr. inj. 424, pt. 427; inf. 584 b. Vyaj- 'sacrifice', pr. 451, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 482 b 1, 485, pt. 493; root aor. impv. 505; s-aor. 522, sj. 523, inj. 524; sa-aor. impv. 536; ft. 537; des. 542, sj. 544; pp. 574; inf. 585, 4, 7; gd. 590 b. yajñaśri-, inflected 376. Vyat- 'stretch', pr. 422, sj. 423, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427; pf. 485; root aor. pt. 506; cs. 555, sj. 559 b, pt. 559 e. Vyabh-futuere', pr. 422, impv. 426. Vyam- 'reach', pr. 422, 451, sj. 423, inj. 424, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 482 b 1, 485, pt. 493; root aor. 499, sj. 502, opt. 504, prec. 504, impv. 505; a-aor. opt. 511; s-aor. 522, sj. 523, inj. 524, pt. 527; is-aor. 529; intv. 545, 2, 546; cs. 555; ps. pt. 447, aor. 501; PP. 574, 2; aor. gdv. 580; inf. 585, 4, 56, 586 a; gd. 591 b. Vyas- 'be heated', pr. impv. 460, pt. 442. Vyā- 'go', pr. 451, opt. 453, impv. 454, pt. 455, impf. 456; pf. 485, pt. 492; s-aor. 522, sj. 523, inj. 524; sis- aor. 534, sj., opt., impv. 534; ft. 537, pt. 538; pp. 573; inf. 584 a, 585, 4. Vyāc- 'ask', pr. 422, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; iş-aor. sj. 530; 556 a; pp. 575 b; inf. 586 b. Vyād- 'unite'(?), pr. pt. 427. V1. yu- 'unite', pr. 430, 451, CS. sj. 431, 452, inj. 432, impv. 434, 454, pt. 435, 455, impf. 436; pf. 485; des. 542, pt. 544; intv. 545, I, 546, pt. 548; pp. 573; gd. 591 a. Vramh- 'hasten', pr. 422, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. pt. 493; cs. 556 a; gdv. 578, 4. Vraks- 'protect', pr. 422, sj. 423, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485, pt. 493; is-aor. 530; pp. 575 a 1. Vraj- or ranj- 'colour', impf. 443; intv. 545, 1 b, 546; cs. 556. rathi-m. f. 'charioteer', inflect- ed 376. Vrad- ‘dig', pr. 422, 451, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485; pp. 575 b. Vradh- or randh- 'make sub- ject', pr. impv. 441; pf. 482; root aor. impv. 505, a-aor. sj. 509, inj. 510; red. aor. sj. 515, inj. 516; iş-aor.inj. 531; intv. 545, 1b; cs. 556 a, sj. 559 b. Vran- 'rejoice', pr. 422, 439, inj. 424, impv.426; pf.482, 485, sj. 487, impv. 490; plup. 495; s-aor. 529, inj. 531; cs. 556. randhanaya- den., impf. 569f. Vrap 'chatter', pr. 422, inj. I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. 446 424, opt. 425, pt. 427, impf. | VI. r 'cry', pr. 430, inj. 428; intv. 545, I b, 546. 432, impv. 434, pt. 435; Vraps be full', pr. 422; pf. is-aor. 529; intv. 545, I a, 485. pt. 548, impf. 549. Vrabh- or rambh- 'grasp', pr. V2. ru- 'break', iş-aor. 529; 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 482, 485, pt. 493; s-aor. 522, pt. 527; inf. 584 b, 586 a; gd. 591 a. Vram- 'rejoice', pr. 422, inj. 424, impv. 426, impf. 428, 480; red. aor. 514, sj. 515, inj. 516; s-aor. 522, inj. 524; si-aor. inj. 534; cs. 555 a. intv. 545, 1, 546, pt. 548. Vruc- 'shine', pr. 422, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt.427, impf. 428; pf. 485, inj. 488, opt.489, pt. 492, 493; root aor. pt. 506; red. aor. 514; iş-aor. 529, opt. 532; intv. pt. 548; cs. 553 b, 554; inf. 584 b. rucaya- den., inj. 569 b. Vruj 'break', pr. 430, sj. 431, inj. 432, opt. 433, impv. 434, pt. 435, impf. 436; pf. 485; root. aor. inj. 503; red. aor. 514; pp. 576 b; inf. 584 b. Vramb- 'hang down', pr. 422, pt. 427. VI. ra- 'give', pr. 451, impv. 460, pt. 461, impf. 456; pf. 485. impv. 490, pt. 492, 493; root aor. impv. 505; s-aor. 522, sj. 523, opt. 525, impv. 526; pp. 573. V2. ra-'bark', pr. 439, pt. 442. Vrās- 'give', pr. pt. 427. Vraj- be kingly', pr. 422, 451, sj. 423, inj. 424, 452, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; s-aor. 529; cs. 556 a, sj. 559 b; inf. 585, 1. Vradh 'succeed' pr. 422, sj. 423, impv. 441, pt. 442; ruvaṇya. den., inj. 569 b. pf. 485; root aor. sj. 502, Vrus- 'be vexed', pr. 422. prec. 504; s-aor. 522; iş-Vruh- 'ascend', pr. 422, sj. aor. inj. 531; ft. 537, 539; cs. 556 a; ps. aor. 501; gdv. 578, 4; inf. 585, 7. Vri- or ri- 'flow', pr. 439, 476, PP. 575 b. inj. 477, pt. 479; impf.480. Vrikh- 'scratch', pr. impv. 434. Vric leave', pr. 464, sj. 455, inj. 465, impf. 468; pf. 485, opt. 489, pt. 492, 493; plup. 495; root aor. inj.503, impv. 505; s-aor. 522; ps. 445, impf. 448, aor. 501. Vrip 'smear', pf. 485; pp. 573- Vribh- 'sing', pr. 422, pt. 427, impf. 428; ps. 445; pf. 485. Vri- 'tear', pr. 430, impv. 434, pt. 435- Vriş be hurt', pr. 439, sj. 423, 440, inj. 424, opt. 440; a-aor. sj. 509, inj. 510, pt. 512; red. aor. inj. 516, opt. 517, prec. 517; des. 542, pt. 544; cs. 553, 554; inf. 585, 7. rişanya den., inj., impv. 569 b, d. Vrih lick', pr. 451, pt. 455; pf. pt. 492; intv. 545, 1 a, pt. 548, 551; pp. 573. Vrud- 'weep', pr. 451, sj. 452, pt. 455; a-aor. 508; cs. 553 b. VI. rudh- 'grow', pr. 422, inj. 424, pt. 435, impf. 428. 12. rudh 'obstruct', pr. 451, 464, sj. 465, impv. 466, pt. 467, impf. 468; pf. 485; root. aor. 499; a-aor. 508, inj. 510; s-aor. 522; ps. 445; gd. 591 a. Vrup- 'break', red-aor. 514; 423, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485; root aor. pt. 506; a- aor. 508, sj. 509, inj. 510, opt. 511; sa-aor. 536; des. 542, pt. 544; cs. 553 b; PP. 573; inf. 586 a; gd. 590 b, 591 a. Vrej- 'tremble', pr. 422, inj. 424, pt. 427, impf. 428; cs. 554 %. Vlap- 'prate', pr. impv. 426, pt. 427; intv. 545, ¹b, 546; cs. 555; pp. 575 b. Vlabh- 'take', pr. 422, opt. 425; pf. 485, pt. 493; des. 542, pt. 544; gd. 590 b. Vlikh- scratch', impf. 436; iş-aor. inj. 531; pp. 575 a 2. Vlip- 'smear', pr. 430; s-aor. 522. V- 'cling', pr. 422, impv. 426; pp. 576 d; gdv. 578, 2. Vlup- 'break', pr. opt. 433; ps. 445; gd. 591 a. Vlubh- desire', pr. pt. 442; cs. 533 b. Vuaks increase', pr. 430, impv. 434, pt. 435, impf. 436; pf. 485; cs. 556 a. vac- 'speak', pr. 458, impv. 460; pf. 482 b 1, 485, pt. 493; red. aor. 514, sj. 515, inj. 516, opt. 517, impv. 518; ft. 537, 539, pt. 538; intv. 545, 1 b, impf. 549; ps. 445, aor. 501; pp. 574, 1; gdv. 578, 4, 581; inf. 584 b, 585, 4. vanc- 'move crookedly', pr. 422; pf. 482, 485; ps. 445, impv. 446, pt. 447. Vvat- 'apprehend', pr. opt. 425, pt. 427; red. aor. 514; cs. 555- vad- 'speak', pr. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, opt. 425, 433, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485; is-aor. 529, sj. 530, inj. 531; ſt. 537, 539; intv. 545,1 b,546, 547 c, opt. 559 c; ps. pt. 447, PP. 575 b. Vvadh- slay', pr. opt. 425, impv. 426; root aor. prec. 504; s-aor. 529, sj. 530, inj. 531, impv. 533. V/van- 'win', pr. 422, 470: sj. 423, 431, 471, inj. 424, 471, opt. 425, 433, 471, impv. 426, 472, pt. 473, impf. 474; pf. 482, 485, sj. 487, pt. 492; root aor. impv. 505; s-aor. sj. 523, inj. 524, opt. 525; s-aor. sj. 530, opt. 532; siş-aor. opt. 534; des. 542, 543 (inflected), sj. 544; cs. 555; PP 574,2a; inf. 585,4. vanusa- den, inj. 569 b. vanuşyá- den., sj. 569 a. Vvand- 'greet', pr. 422, impv. 426, pt. 427; pf. 485; is- aor. opt. 532; ps. aor. 501; gdv. 578, 4; inf. 585, 7. VI. vap- 'strew', pr. 422, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 482 b 1, 485; ps. 445, pt. 447; PP. 574, I ; gd. 591 a. 12. vap- 'shear', pr. (2. s., 3 pl. act.) 422. vapusya den., impf. 569 f.' vam, 1. s. aor. of ur-'cover' 66 c ß 2, 499- Vvam- 'vomit', pr. sj. 452, impf. 456. varivasyá- den., sj. 569 a, impv. 569 d. vareyá-, den., sj. 569 a. Vval-, s-aor. sj. 523. valg- bound', pr. 422, impf. 428. vavydhánt, anom. pf. pt., p. 363 note 7. Vvas desire', pr. 422, 451, 458, sj. 423, inj. 424, opt. 425, impv. 426, 454, pt. 455, impf. 428, pt. 435; pf. 482, 485; intv. 545, 1. Vi. vas- 'shine', pr. 430, sj. 431, inj. 432, opt. 433, impv. 434, pt. 435, impf. 436; pf. 485, pt. 492, 493; plup. 495; root aor. 500; s-aor. 522; cs. 555; pp. 574; inf. 585, 4, 588 a. V2. vas- 'wear', pr. 451, inj. 452, opt. 453, pt. 435, impv.vid- 'finding', inflected, 319. 454, pt. 455, impf. 456; Voidh- 'worship', pr. sj. 431, pf. 482, 485, pt. 493; is- inj. 432, opt. 433, pt. 435, aor. 529; cs. 555, ft. 537, impf. 436. 560. V3. vas- 'dwell', pr. 422, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485, pt. 492, 493; root aor. pt. 506; s-aor. 522; cs. 555, sj. 559 b. Vuah- 'carry', pr. 422, 451, sj. 423, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 482 b 1, 485; root aor. opt. 504, impv. 505, pt. 506; s-aor. 522, sj. 523, inj. 524; ft. 537, 539; ps.445, sj.446, pt. 447; pp. 574; inf. 585, 4, 7, 586 b; gd. 591 a. VI. vă 'blow', pr. 439, 451, impv. 454, pt. 455, impf. 456; cs. 558. V2. vā- ‘weave, pr. 439, impv. 44¹, pt. 442, impf. 443; pf. 485; ft. 537, pt. 538; pp. 574, I a; inf. 585, 4, 5, 586 b. -vams, pf. pt. suffix, 181, 347, 491. vác-, inflected, p. 180. vijaya- den., impv. 569 d; inf. 585, 7- Vvanch- 'desire', pr. impv., 426. I. SANSKRIT INDEX. 492 b; cs. 553; pp. 575 b; inf. 585, 8; gd. 590 b. 12. vid- find', pr. 430, 451, inj. 432, opt. 433, impv. 434, 454, pt. 455, impf. 436; pf. 485, sj. 487, pt. 492; a-aor. (inflected) 508, sj. 509, inj. 510, opt. 511, prec. 511, impv. 512, pt. 512; s-aor. 522; intv. 547 a; ps. 445, aor. 501; pp. 576 a; gdv. 579; inf. 584 b, 585, 4; gd. 590 b. = vám 'we two' 391, 1. Vas- bellow', pt. 442; pf. 482, 485, pt. 493; plup. 495; red. aor. 514; intv. 545, 1b, pt. 548, impf. 549. Vvās 3. vas- (?) pr. 422. vi- 'bird' 381 a. Vvic- 'sift', pr. 464, impv. 466, pt. 467, impf. 468; pf. pt. 492; ps. impv. 446. Vvij- 'tremble', pr. 430, impv. 434, pt. 435, impf. 436; pf. 485; root aor. inj. 503; red. aor. inj. 516; intv. 545, 1 a, 551. Vvindh- 'lack', pr. 430. vasuya- den., sj. 569 a. Vvip- 'tremble', pr. 422, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485; root aor. pt. 506; red. aor. 514; cs. 553 a, 554- vibhi-, inflected, 383. vis-, inflected, 350. Vais- 'enter', pr. 430, sj. 431, inj. 432, opt. 433, impv. 434, pt. 435, impf. 436; pf. 483, 485,. opt. 489, pt. 492, 492 b; plup. 495; root aor. 500, impv. 505; s-aor. 522; s-aor. 531; cs. 553 a, opt. 559 c, pp. 561 a; inf. 586 a; gd. 591 a. visvátaspad- having feet on every side', 319 a. Vuis- ‘be active, pr. 458, sj. 459, impv. 460, pt. 427, impf. 428, 462; pf. 485; iş-aor. sj. 530; intv. 545, I a, 546, 547 b, pt. 548; inf. 584 b. Vvist- or vest- 'wrap', pr. impv. 426; cs. 553. vi ‘enjoy', pr. 451, sj.452, inj. 452, impv.454, pt. 455; impf. 456; pf. 485; s-aor. sj. 523; intv. 545, I a, 551; ps. 445, pt. 447, inf. 585, 3. Void- 'make strong', cs. 554a. viráya den., impv. 569 d, impf. 569 f. viláya-., sj. 559 b, impv. 559 d, pp. 575 c. VI. vy- 'Cover', pr. 422, 470, inj. 424, 471, impv. 472, pt. 473, impf. 474; pf. 485, pt. 492; plup. 495; root aor. 499, 500, inj. 503, impv. 505, pt. 506; red. aor. 514; s-aor. sj. 523; intv. 545, 3; cs. 557 c, sj. 559 b; ft. 537, 560; ps. aor. 501, pp. 573; inf. 585, 4; gl. 590 a, b, c, 591 b. Vi. vid- 'know', pr. 451, sj. 452, opt. 453, impv. 454, impf. 456; pf. 485, pt. 12. pt. 447 inj. 477, opt. 477, impv. 478, pt. 479, impf. 480; pf. 485; root aor. 500, sj. 502, inj. 503, opt. 504, pt. 506; s-aor. 522; PP. 573; gdv. 578, 2, 580. Vvrj- 'twist', pr. 422, 464, sj. 465, impv. 466, impf. 468; pf. 482, 485, opt. 489, impv. 490, pt. 492, 492 b; root aor. 499, 500, sj. 502, inj. 503, opt. 504, prec. 504, impv. 505; a-aor. 508; s-aor. 522, inj. 524; intv. 545, 3, cs. 550 c; cs. 553 c; inf. 584 b, 585, 1, 7; gd. 590 a. Vort- 'turn', pr. 422, 458, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 482, 485, sj. 487, opt. 489, impv. 490, pt. 492; plup. 495; root aor. 499, 500, sj. 502, impv. 505; a-aor. 508; red. aor. 514; s-aor. 522; ft. 537, 539; des. 542; intv. 545, 2, 3, 546; cs. 553 c, sj. 559b; PP. 573; inf. 584 b, cs. 585, 7; gd. 591 a. Verdh- 'grow', pr. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 482, 485, sj. 487, inj. 488, opt. 489, impv. 490, pt. 492, 493; a-aor. 508, pt. 512 a; red. aor. 514; s-aor. pt. 527; s-aor. opt. 532; cs. 553 c, sj. 559 b, pt. 559 e; intv. gdv. 580; inf. 584 b, 585, 1, 7. Vors- 'rain', pr. 422, impv. 426, 434, pt. 427; pf. 482, impv. 490, pt. 493; ¿ș-aor. 529; cs. 553 c; gd. 590 a. vṛṣāya- den., impv. 569 d, aor. 570. Vorh- 'tear', pr. 430, inj 432, opt. 433, impv. 434, impf. 436; pf. 485; sa-aor. 536; cs. 553 c; ps. aor. 501. védi-, loc. sing. p. 284 (mid.). Vven- 'long', pr. 422, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428. Vuyac- 'extend', pr. 458, inj. 459, impf. 462; pf. 482 b 1, 485, inj. 488. Voyath- 'waver', pr. 422, pt. 427; s-aor. sj. 530, inj. 531; cs. 556, aor. 560 a. Vayadh- 'pierce', pr. 439, inj. 440, impv. 441, pt. 442, impf. 443; pf. pt. 492; PP. 574, 1; inf. 584 b. Vuya 'envelope', pr. 439, ur- 'chcose', pr. 470, 476, 12. ur-'chcose', pr. 470, 476, opt. 440, impv. 441, pt. EXXX 448 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. inj. 510; ps. 445, sj. 446, aor. 501. VI. - 'lie', pr. 422, 451, opt. 453, impf. 428, 456, impv. 441, 454, pt. 455; pf. 482 b 1 a, pt. 493; s-aor. sj. 523; ş-aor. 529; inf. 585, 7. 1/2. - 'sharpen' - Vsa-, root aor. 500. 442, impf. 443; pf. 485, pt. 493; a-aor. 508; pp. 574, 3- Vuraj 'proceed', pr. impv. 426, pt. 427; pf. 485. Vurad weaken', impf. 428. Varasc 'cut up', pr. 430, sj. 431, inj. 432, impv. 434, pt. 435, impf. 436; ps. impv. 446; pp. 576 b; gd. 590 b. V/urādh- 'stir up', pr. inj. 424, pt. 427. Volag- pursue(?) gd. 591 a. Voli- 'crush'-Vbli-. Vsams- 'praise', 422, sj. 423, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; root aor. impv. 505; is-aor. 529, sj. 530, inj. 531; cs. 556 a; ps. 445, pt. 447, aor. 501; gdv. 578, 4; inf. 584 b. Vsak be able', pr. 470, sj. 471, impf. 474; pf. 485; root aor. sj. 502, opt. 504, impv. 505; a-aor. 508, inj. 510, opt. 511; des. 542, 2, pt. 544; inf. 585, 4. Vsat- 'cut in pieces', CS. 555- VI. sad- prevail', pf. 482, 485, pt. 493. V2. sad- ‘fall', ft. 537, 539. Vsap- 'curse', pr. 422, sj. 423, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 455; s-aor. inj. 524. VI. sam- 'labour', pr. 439, impv. 441, pt. 442; pf. 485, sj. 487, pt. 493; is-aor. 529. V2. fam be quiet', impf. 428; red. aor. 514; cs. 556; PP. 574, 2 a. Vsas- 'cut', pr. impv. 454- Vsa- 'sharpen', pr. 458, impv. 460, pt. 461, impf. 436, 462; pf. pt. 493; PP. 574, 3; gd. 591 a. Vsas 'order', pr. 422, 451, sj. 452, impv. 454, pt. 455, impf. 428, 456; pt. 485, inj. 488, impv. 490; root aor. sj. 502; a-aor. 508, sj. 509, inj. 510, pt. 512a; pp. 574,3 %. Sīkāya den., ft. and pp. 570. Vsuc- gleam', pr. 422, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485, pt. 492, 493, opt. 489, impv. 490; a-aor. 508, pt. 512 a; red. aor. 514, inj. 516; is-Vris- 'clasp', pr. sj. 423; aor. inj. 531; intv. 545, I a, 547a, pt. 548; cs. 553 b, 554; ps. aor. 501; inf. 585, 7. a-aor. inj 510; inf. 587 a. Všri- 'mix', pr. 476; pp. 573 a; inf. 585, 1. Viru hear', pr. 451, 470, sj. 471, opt. 471, impv. 472, pt. 473, impf. 474; pf. 485, sj. 487, opt. 489, pt. 492; plup. 495; root. aor. 499, sj. 502, prec. 504, impv. 505; a-aor. inj. 510, des. 542 b, pt. 544, gdv. 544 i, 580; cs. 557 b; ps. 445, aor. 501; pp. 573; gdv. 578, 1, 579; gd. 590 b, 591 b. šúci-, inflected, 381. Všuj- pf.pt. 493 (p. 364 note ²). sundh-'purify', pr. 422, impv. 426,434; cs.554a; pp-574,2. Vsubh- or sumbh- beautify', 422, 430, sj. 423, impv. Vśram- 'be weary', pr. 439; pf. 485, pt. 493; a-aor. 508, inj. 510; iş-aor. 529, inj. 531; pp. 574, 2 a. fravasyá- den., sj. 569 a. Vśrā- (śri-, s-) boil', pr. 476, pt. 479, impf. 480; cs. 558, sj. 559 b; pp. 574, 1 a. Viri- 'resort', pr. 422, sj. 423, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485, opt. 489, pt. 493; plup. 495; root aor. 499; red. aor. 514; s-aor. 522; ps. aor. 501; cs. 558 a; PP- 573- 26, pt. 427, 435; root aor. pt. 506; red. aor. 514; cs. 553 b, 554; PP. 575 a I ; inf. 584 b, 585, 1, 586 a. Vsus 'dry', pr. 439, impv. 441; cs. 553 b. Vsu- or svi- 'swell', pr. pt. 427; pf. 482, 485, sj. 487, opt. 489, pt. 492, 493 (p. 364 note 3); s-aor. pt. 527; inf. 588 c. Všṛṇ- VF- 'crush', pr. impv. 434. Virdh- 'be defiant', inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427; cs. 553 c. = V- 'crush', 476, impv. 478; pt. 479, impf. 480; pf. 485; is-aor. 529, inj. 531; ps. 445, aor. 501; PP- 573 %, 576 e; inf. 587 b; gd. 591 a. socis-, inflected, 342. Virus- 'hear', pr. inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428. Vivañc- 'spread', pr. impv. 426, pt. 427; pf. sj. 487 (cp. p. 361 note 3); cs. 556 a. sván-, accentuation, p. 80 (bottom). Vivas- 'blow', 451, impv. 454, pt. 455; intv. 545, 1 b; cs. 555; inf. 587 a. Vivit be bright', root aor. 499, pt. 506; red. aor. 514; s-aor. 522. sát ‘six 43 a 2. Vscand- or cand- intv. 545, 3.sāt 53 a 2. Vicam- labour'(?), pr. inj. 477. Vsthiv- 'spue', impf. 428. ścut- 'drip', pr. 422. Vinath- 'pierce', pr. sj. 452, sa, adv. particle in com- impv. 454; red. aor. 514, pounds, 250, 656. inj. 516; żs-aor. impv. 533;sákhi-, inflected, 380 a. cs. 556; cs. pp. 575 c; inf. 584 b. Vsya- 'coagulate', pp. 574, 3, 576 c. Všiks-des. of fak be able', pr. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428: tbese forms strictly speaking belong to 543, 544. Všinj- 'twang', pr. 451. Vrath- "slacken', pr. 476, pt. 479, impf. 480; pf. 485; red. aor. inj. 516, impv. 518; cs. 556. Srathar-ya- den. 567 d. sitipád- 'white-footed' 319 a. śrathaya- den. 564 a, 569 d. Všim- 'labour' VI. sam-.frád- 'heart', used adverbially Všis leave', a-aor. sj. 509, with Vky- and Vdhā-, 652. = Vsagh- 'be equal to', impf. 474; root aor. sj. 502. Vsac- 'accompany', pr. 422, 458, sj. 423, inj. 424, 459, opt. 425, impv. 426, 460, pt. 427 b, 461, impf. 428; pf. 485, pt. 492; root aor. impv. 505, pt. 506; s-aor. 522, sj. 523, inj. 524, opt. 525; inf. 585, 7, 588 c. saca 'with', prep. with loc., 619. Vsaj- and sanj-hang', pr. 422, impv. 426, impf. 428; s-aor. 522. Vsad- 'sit', pr. 422, 451, sj. 423, inj. 424, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485; opt. 487, pt. 492; a-aor. 508, inj. 510, opt. 511, impv. 512, pt. 512; red. aor. 514; s-aor. sj. 523; cs. sj. 559 b; ps. aor. 501; pp. 576 a; gdv. 578, 4; inf. 584 b, 586 a; gd. 591 d. sadha- 'together', adv. 634 a. sadhamás, nom. of sadhamád- 66 cß, 319 a. Vsan- 'gain', 470, sj. 471, opt. 471, impv. 472, impf. 474; pf. 485, pt. 492; a-aor. 508, inj. 510, opt. 511, pt. 512; is-aor. 529, sj. 530; ft. 537. 539, pt. 538; des. 542, sj. 544; intv. 545, 3; PP. 574, 2; gdv. 581; inf. 585, 2, 3. sanitur apart from', prep. with acc. 620. sanutár 'far from', prep. with abl. 621. Vsādh- ‘sncceed', pr. 422, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, red. aor. sj. 515, inj. 516. Vsi- 'bind', 476, impv. 478; pf. 485, sj. 487; root aor. impv. 505; inf. 585, 4. sic- 'pour', pr. 422, 430, sj. 431, inj. 432, opt. 433, impv. 434, pt. 435, impf. 436; pf. 485; a-aor. 508; ps. 445, pt. 447, impf. 448; PP- 573; gd. 591 a. VI. sidh- 'repel', pr. 422, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485; intv. 545, 1, pt. 548; gd. 591 a. 12. sidh 'succeed, pr. 439. sida-, present base of sad- 'sit', P 57 note 8. Vsiv- 'sew', pr. impv. 441, pt. 442; PP. 573 a; gd. 591 a. sú 'well', adv. particle, as first member of compounds, 251, 658. Vsap- 'serve', pr. 422, inj. Vsu- 'press', pr. 430, 470, sj. 471, impv. 472, pt. 473; pf. 485, pt. 492, 493; root aor. impv. 505, pt. 506; ps. 445, inj. 446, aor. 501; gdv. 581; inf. 585, 4, 587 b. sumád 'with', prep. with. inst., 624. sám 'with', prep. with. inst. 593 note 3; adv. 'together' | susváya- den., inj. 569 b. as first member of com-su- 'generate', pr. 430, 451, pounds 250. sama-'any', pron. 399. saranyá- den., sj. 569 a. sarvapád- 'all-footed' 319 a. Vsas 'sleep', pr. 458, impv. sj. 431, inj. 452, impv. 434, pt. 435, 455, impf. 436, 456; pf. 482 b 1, 485; red. aor. 514; s-aor. 529, sj. 530, inj. 531; ft. 537, pt. 538; intv. 545, 1, 546; inf. 585, 4, 5- sud- put in order', pf. 485, sj. 487; red. aor. 514, impv. 518; cs. 554 a, sj. 559 b. 424, opt. 425, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485; red. aor. inj. 516. saparyá- den., sj. 569 a, opt. 569 c, impv. 569 d, impf. 569 f; aor. 57º; gdv. 580. 454, pt. 455, impf. 456. sáh-, inflected, 352. Vsah prevail', pr. 422, 451, 2, sj. 423, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 482, 485, sj. 487, opt. 489, pt. 492, 492 b, 493; root aor. opt. 504, prec. 504; s-aor. 522, sj. 523, opt. 525, pt. 527; is-aor. 529, opt. 532; ft. 537, 539; des. 542, pt. 544; pp. 573; inf. 585, 1, 7; gd. 591 a. sahá 'with' prep. with inst. 622; in compounds 656. sahásrapad-'thousand-footed', I. SANSKRIT INDEX. 505; a-aor. opt. 511; cs. sj. 559 b; pp. 574, 3; inf. 584 a; gd. 591 a. sākám 'with', prep. with. inst. 623. 319 a. Vsa- 'bind', pr. 430, impv. 434, impf. 436; root aor. sj. 502, opt. 504, impv. Indo-arische Philologie. I. 4. Vsr- 'flow', pr. 458, impv. 426, 460, pt. 461; pf. 485, pt. 492, 493; a-aor. 508; s-aor. sj. 523; ft. 537, 539, pt. 538; intv. 545, 2, 546, pt. 548; cs. 557 c; inf. 585, 4, 5. Vorj- 'emit', pr. 422, 430, sj. 431, inj. 432, opt. 433, impv. 434, pt. 427, 435, impf. 436; pf. 485, opt. 489, pt. 493; plnp. 495; root aor. 500; s-aor, 522, sj. 523, inj. 524; Ps. 445, 449 pt. 447, aor. 501; pp. 573; gd. 591 a. Vsrp 'creep', pr. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; a-aor. 508, inj. 510; des. 542, pt. 544; gd. 591 a. senaní-, inflected, 376. sev- 'attend upon', pr. 422, impv. 426. yskand- leap', pr. 422, sj. 423, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485; root aor. 499, inj. 503; intv. 545, 3, 547, impf. 549; pp. 576 a; inf. 584 b, 587 skabh- or skambh- 'prop', pr. 476, pt. 479; pf. 482, 485, pt. 493; PP- 575 b; inf. 584 b; gd. 590 a. skabhaya- den., impf. 569 f. Vshu- "tear', pr. 470; intv. 545, 1, 551. Ysky kr 'make', p. 55 = note 1⁰. Vstan- 'thunder', pr. impv. 426, 454; root aor. inj. 503 (or. pr. inj. 452); is aor. 529; intv. 545, 2, 547 ; cs. 556. Vstabh- or stambh- 'prop', pr. 476, impv. 478, impf. 480; pf. 485, pt. 492, 493; plup. 495 ; pp. 575 b; gd. 590 b. Ystu- 'praise', pr. 422, 451, sj. 423, 452, nj. 424, 452, opt. 425, 453, impv. 454, pt. 427, 455; impf. 456; pf. 485, sj. 487, pt. 492, 493; plup. 495; s-aor. 522 (in- flected), sj. 523, inj. 524; ft. 537, 339; ps. 445, pt. 447, PP. 573; gdv. 579; inf. 585, 1 a, 4, 7; gd. 590 b, 591 b. Vstubh-'praise', pr. 422, impv. 426, pt. 427. Vsg- “strew, pr. 470, 476, sj. 471, inj. 477, impv. 478, pt. 479, impf. 480; pf. 485, pt. 493; root aor. 499, sj. 502, inj. 503; s-aor. opt. 525; is-aor. 529; ps. aor. 501; pp. 576 e; inf. 584 a, 585, 4, 588 c. Vstha- 'stand', pr. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, opt.425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485, pt. 492, 493; root aor. 498 (inflected), 499, 500, sj. 502, inj. 503, opt. 504, impv. 505, pt. 506; a-aor. 508; red. aor. 514, inj. 516; s-aor. inj. 524; ft. 539; cs. 558, aor. 560; pp. 574, 3; gd. 591 a. 29 450 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. I. SANSKRIT INDEX. 514, inj. 516; cs. 557 b; inf. 585, 4, 5. svá- 'own' 400, 1; 'his' etc. Vsna- bathe', pr. 451, impv. 454, pt. 455; cs. 558; gdv. 581; gd. 590 b. Vsnih 'be moist', cs. 553- Vsnu- 'distil', pr. impv. 454. Vspas 'see', pf. 485, pt. 493; root aor. 500; cs. 555. Vspr- 'win', pr. 470, sj. 471, impv. 472; root aor. 499, sj. 502, inj. 503, impv. 505; saor. 522; inf. 585, 1; gd. 590 b. Vsprdh- 'contend', pr. 422, pt. 427; pf. 485, pt. 493; plup. 495; root aor. 500, pt. 506; inf. 585, 1, 586 b; gd. 591 a. Vsprs- 'touch', pr. 430, sj. 431, inj. 432, impv. 434, impf. 436; pf. sj. 487; red. aor. sj. 515, inj. 516; sa-aor. 536; inf. 584 b. Vsprh- be eager', cs. 554, opt. 559 C, gdv. 561 b, 579. Vsphur- jerk', pr. 430, sj. 431, inj. 432, impv. 434, pt. 435, impf. 436. Vsphurj- 'rumble', pr. 422; cs. 554 a. Vsphy- jerk', is-aor. inj. 531. smád 'with', prep. with inst., 625. Vsmi 'smile', pr. 422, inj. 424, pt. 427; pf. pt. 493- Vsmy- 'remember', pr. sj. 423, impv. 426. Vsyand- 'move on', pr. 422, impv. 426, pt. 427; pf. 482 b 1, 485; red. aor. 514; s-aor. 522; intv. 545, 3; cs. 556 a; pp. 576 a; inf. 584 b, 585, 7. Vsras 'fall', root aor. 66 c 2, 499; a-aor. opt. 511; red. aor. 514; cs. 556 a; gd. 590 b. srās, 2. s. s-aor. Vsrj, 522. Vsridh- 'blunder', pr. 422, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; a-aor. inj. 510, pt. 512. Vsriv- 'fail', cs. 554 a a. ysru- 'flow', pr. 422, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485; red. aor. 401 c. Vsvaj- 'embrace', pr. 422, sj. 423, inj. 424, impv. 426; pf. 485, pt. 493; plup. 495; inf. 584 b. svátavas-, 44, 3, dat. pl. p. 226 note 2, and p. 233. Vsvad- and suād- 'sweeten', pr. 422, sj. 423, impv. 426; red. aor. inj. 516; cs. 556; PP. 573 a. Vsvan- 'sound', iş-aor. 529, inj. 531; intv. 545, 3, sj. 547; cs. 556; cs. pp. 575 c. Vsvap- 'sleep', pr. impv. 426, 454, pt. 455; pf. 482 b 1, 485, pt. 492, 493; red. aor. 514; ft. 537. 539; cs. 555; PP: 574; gd. 590 b. svayám 'self 400, 2. Vsvar- 'sound', pr. 422, sj. 423, impv. 426, impf. 428; pf. inj. 488; s-aor. 522; cs. 556. Vsvid 'sweat', pf. pt. 493; PP. 576 a. Vhan- 'strike', pr. 451, sj. 452, inj. 452, opt. 453, impv. 454, pt. 455; pf. 485, sj. 487, pt. 492; ft. 537, 539, pt. 538; des. 542, sj. 544; intv. 545, 3, 546, 547, pt. 548, 548 a; ps. 445, impv. 446, pt. 447, impf. 456; PP. 574,2; gdv. 581; inf. 585, 4, 5; gd. 590 b, c, 591 b. Vhar- ‘be gratified', pr. 439, sj. 440, impv. 441, pt. 442, impf. 443. hastín-, inflected 333. V1. kā- ‘leave', pr. 458, sj. 459, opt. 459, impv. 460, pt. 461, impf. 462; pf. 485; s-aor. 522, inj. 524; sis-aor. inj. 534; ft. 537, 539; cs. p. 396 note 2; ps. 445, impv. 446, aor. 501; pp. 575 ba, 576 c; gd. 590 a, b, c. 12. ha- go forth', pr. 458, inj. 459, impv. 460, pt. 461, impf. 462; red. aor. inj. 516; s-aor. 522, inj. 524; des. 542 c I; cs. aor. 560; gd. 591 a. Vhäs- go emulously', pr. pt. 427. Vhi- 'impel', pr. 470, inj. 471, impv. 472, pt. 427, 473; root aor. 499, impv. 505; pt. 506; a-aor. 508; s-aor. 522; gdv. 581; inf. 584 a. Whims 'injure', pr. 422, 464, impv.466, pt. 467; pf. 485; plup. 495; iş-aor. inj. 531; ps. pt. 447; pp. 575 a 1; gdv. 581 a; gd. 590 b. Vhinv-hi- 'impel', pr. impv. 426. vhid- be hostile', pf. 482, 485, pt. 493; red. aor. 514; cs. 554%; pp. 575 a 3. Vhu- 'sacrifice', pr. 45¹, 458, sj.459, opt.459, impv. 460, pt. 461, impf. 462; ft. 537; ps. aor. 501. Vhū- ‘call', pr. 422, 430, 451, 458, inj. 424, 432, opt. 433, pt. 427, 435, impf. 436; pl. 485; root aor. 500, inj. 503: a-aor. 508; s-aor. 522; intv. 545, 1, 546, 547, impf. 549; ps. 445, pt. 447; pp. 573; gdv. 578, 2; inf. 585, 4, 7- VI. hr- ‘take', 422, 451, sj. 423, opt. 425, impv. 426, pt. 427, impf. 428; pf. 485; s-aor. 522; des. 542; inf. 585, 1; gd. 591 b. 2. hr- be angry', pr. 476, inj. 477, impv. 478, pt. 479- Vhrs- 'be excited', pr. 422, 439, impv. 426, pt. 427; pf. pt. 493; intv. 545, 2, 547, pt. 548; cs. 553 c; pp. 575 b. Vhes 'whinney', pr. pt. 427. Vhnu- 'hide', pr. 451; gdv. 579- Vhri- 'be ashamed', root aor. pt. 506. Vhva- 'call', pr. 439, sj. 440, opt. 440, impv. 441, pt. 442, impf. 443. Vhvy be or make crooked', pr. 422, 476, sj. 459, inj. 459; pf. 485, pt. 493; red. aor. 514, inj. 516; s-aor. inj. 524; pp. 573 *. II. GENERAL INDEX the case-ending of the abl. 644 b, of the acc. 642, 642 a, 642 d f, of the dat. 644 a, of the gen. 644 c, of the instr. 372 (p. 257), 374 (p. 264), 374 (f. pl. p. 267), of the loc. 643, 644 d, of the nom. 641. Alternative nominal stems Ablative: sing. masc. formed in two, neuter in three ways from der.u-stems 389. Accusative: pl. masc. and fem. formed in two ways from der. 2-stems 389; appositional 642b; cognate 642 a; of direction 642 c; of distance and time 642 d. Accentuation 83-111; aorist 505 (root aor.), 507 (a-aor.), 535 (sa-aor.); augment 96; causative 552; denomina- tive 562; double 85 a, 91 (p. 96), 105 a; lack of 85 b; irregular monosyllabic 94, I a, 368 n. 14 (rad. ā-stems), 362 n. 7 (rây-), 364 c(dyiu-, dyú-), 376, p. 272 n. 10. 14 (stri-); normal nominal 384 b (der. 7-stems), 382 b (radical | Aoristic s: added to present stem 521 a 2; lost 520 a 529 a. Archaic Sandhi in compounds 81. 330 b, 334 a, 336 a, 338, 339 a, 341 a, 343 a, 344 (p. 230 note 6), 345, 347, 349 a, 351 a, 354 a, 356, 363, 380 a. Causative stem: nominal deri- vatives in -ana, -ty, -a, -ālu, -isnu, -itnu, -u 561 e; form- ed with suffix -paya 558, the of which sometimes retained in the reduplicated aorist 513 a 2. 253, 318 a 4, 328 c, 332 a. Amredita compounds 257, 6, 258, 319 (p. 198 note 5); accentuation of 88; Sandhi | Cerebralization: ofn,inverbal in 57 by, 78, I c. Anudatta accent 83, 84. Anunāsika for final n 77 1 b, 77, 2 d. Anusvāra for m 75, 2, 3, for n forms after the of pre- positions 47 A a; after ?, 7, s, in the second member of nominal compounds 47 A b, 81, 2 e; in a following word 77, 2 a b c; in the intensive 47 A c; of initial t 78,2 b. reduplicative syllable 60 b. | Cerebrals: their origin 42, unexplained 43 c, 47 B c; Prakritic 42 b, 47 B; re- presenting old palatals 43; for final ş 66 b 6 ß, ‡ and d for ş 42 d; for palatal 56. Compouuds: characteristic features 241, consisting of phrases 293, 3, gender 241 a, Sandhi 81, suffixes 256, tmesis p. 143 (bottom), 260; first member consisting of adverbs 247, 274 b, 278 c, 289 b, nouns with case- endings 242, 248, 275, 277, 278 a, 280, 287, 355 (p. 242 note 9), 368 (p. 252 notes 2, 3, 13, p. 253 note 6), par- ticles 251, 278 c, 284, 289 c, prepositions 249, 274a, 278d, 283, 298a, 292,1, alternative stems 244, 245, present stems 292, 2 a, b; last member consisting of alter- native stems 253, or present stems 272. -stems); shift of 22, 29 38 d, 58 d, 107 (case-forms as adverbs), 299, 319, and 389 (inst. as adv.), 311 (participles as substantives), Aspirates: two in the same 314 (nom. neut. of parti- syllable avoided 32, 40 a. ciples as adv.), 374 (inst. ad- | Assimilation: of s 53, 57, 78; of final consonants 74; of final tto / and palatals 76, I, 2; of final media to following nasal 74 a; final m to following mutes 75, 2, to y lv 75, 4. Attraction with the dative and verbs p. 264mid.), p. 273 n.¹ (fem. of a-stems), 94, 2-4 (oxytones), 377, 3 a and 378 (der. 7-stems), 380 (der. i- stems), 388c (der. z-stems), 94, 1 (monosyllabic stems), 334 b (áp), 364 c (div-), 93 aa (cardinals); systems of 84. Adjectives: fem. of 299 (añc- stems), 326 an. 13(an-stems), 330a (van-stems), 332 note9 (in-stems), 345 (yams-stems), 347 (vāms-stems), 375 a, p. 270 (ya-stems), 377, 1 (various stems), 388 a (u- stems). Adverbs: two classes 626; formed from nonns 442 a, 643a, 643 b, from pronouns 642 d ß, 643 c, from nume- rals 634; multiplicative 638; miscellaneous 640; of man- ner 632; of time 639; with M ablative infinitive 583, 587. Augment 413; lengthened 413; dropped 413 b; irre- gular Sandhi of 413 a. Breathing h: represents sonant aspirates, guttural, palatal, cerebral, dental, labial 58; when final becomes k or # 66 b 68, 351 b. Case-endings, normal 295 c. Case-forms: as adverbs (treat- ed in the order of the cases) 641-644; strong and weak 295 d, 297, 298, 301, 313, 315, 323, 325, 326b, 328b, Conjugation: irregularities of the a-class 421 a, of the á-class 429 a, of the ya- class 438, of the yá-class (passive) 444 a, of the root class 450 a, of the redu- 29* 45² I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. gen. -ās, dat. -ai 374, 385; in conjugation, -āna 2. sing. impv. 475, 3, -ām 3. sing. impv. mid. 454,- for -ta 3. sing. red. aor. p. 376 (top), -iran 494, 495, 529, -ur 3. pl. 456, 494, 499, 503, -au I. 3. sing. pf. 484, 485, -e 3. sing. mid. for -te 422, 430, 451, 458, 464, 476, 546, -tana 2. pl. impv. 426, 441, 454, 472, 478, 505, -tat impv. 418 b, 426, 434, 441, 454, 460, 472,478, 518, 547, 559 d, -tai 523, -dhi 2. sing.impv. 418a, 454, 58, 2d, -dhva 2. pl. mid. 426, -rata 3. pl. mid. 425, -ratām and ram 3. pl. impv. 454, 490,-rate 3. pl. pr. mid. 451, -ran 3. pl. impf. and plup. 456, 494, ranta 3. pl. plup. 495, -ram 3. pl. plup. 495, root aor. 500, -rire 3. pl. pf. mid. 484, 4%, 485, -re 3- pl. mid. pr. 451, 469 a 6, 470, pf. 484, 3, 4, -hi 2. sing. impv. 418 a, 454. Exclamations 659 a. plicated class 457 a, of the infixing nasal class 463, 1, of the nu-class 469 a, of the nã-class 475 a. Consonants lost: 81, 2 a, in final group 66 c, 521 a; mute between nasal and mute 62, 3 c; t between two consonants 62, 3 b, s between two mutes 355 note 9, 520 a 4, m or n in the inst. of -man stems 328 b. Contraction: in secondary Sandhi 70, 3; in the per- fect 483 a 2; in declension 344 (p. 229, 230, 232, 233), 374 (gen. pl. of kanya). Dative: sing. masc. formed in two, neut. in three ways, in der. - stems 389. Denominative: with causative accent 563; formed from stems in a 563, in-ā 564, in i 565, in u 566, in -o 566 a, in consonants 567; formed without a suffix 568; inflexion 569; parti- ciples 569 e. Dentals: cerebralized 42 a, c, 47 A; replace cerebral and labial 44 a 3 ; s cerebra-Foreign lized 57, palatalized 53 a 1, 3, 54, changed to 44 a, 522, unchanged before or ? 57, I α, 2 a a, un- changed in Amredita com- pounds 57, 2by; n replaces 77, 2 a, before / 77, 2 e. Dissimilation 43 b 1, b 2 p. 55 note 8, 351 notes 5 and 6, 469 a 1,545, 2a (p. 391 top). Dissyllabic pronunciation m 46 d ß, 66, 4 a; n before | Gerund: in -tvī 590 a; in -tvā 590 b; in tuaya 590 c; in -ya and -tya 591. Gerundive: in -ya 578; in -ayya 579; in-enya 580; in -tva 581, in -tavya 581 a; in aniya 581 b. Gradation of vowels 51; in compounds 243, 255; in dissyllabic bases 27 b; in suffixes 27 c. 363 a (gắm etc.), 364 a (dyam), 372 (gen. pl. of a-stems). Doubling of final n 77. Dravidian influence 42. Dvandvas: accentuation 262, 267 note 7; gender 264, 266; plural 265; singular 266. Elision of final a before e and o 70, 2 a, after e and 72, of a before ending of gen. loc. du. 372 (p. 260 top); of final m 70, 3 b, 75, followed by con- traction 372 notes ² and 4 (p. 256): ofy and v 72, 1 b, 73; of 2 79, 1 b; of s 78, 1 b. Enclitics 85 b 1. Endings: in declension 295c, abnormal fem. loc. am, words 42, 45 b; 47 B c; 52 b g; 57, 16, 7. Future participles 538. Genitive: sing. m. formed in two, n. in three ways, in derivative u-stems 389. Guņa 22; in i-stems 380; in a-stems 388; in the pr. stem. 421, 451, 457, 469; in the pf. 483; in the root aor. ps. 501; in the a-aor. 507 a; in the s-aor. 520, 523, 524; in the iş-aor. 528; in the cs. 553, 557; in the gdv. 578. Gutturals: interchange with palatals, labials, and ♬ 34;| with palatals 36a, 37, 38, 39, 41, b 2, 43 a4, 43 b 2. 70, 1 b, c (a + i orz), p. 2512 (N. sing. f. a-stems), 372 (N. A. n. du. and L. pl. a-stems), 374 a, b (N. sing. and L. pl. a-stems). Hybrid form 348 (N. pl. pf. pt.). Imperative: endings of the 2. 3. sing. 418. Infinitive: acc. from roots 586 a, from verbal nouns in tu 586 b; dat. 368, in -dhyai from causatives 561 c, from roots 584, from verbal nouns in as, -i, -i, -tu, -tavā, -tya, -dhya, -man, -van 585; abl. gen., from roots 587 a, from verbal nouns in tu 587 b; loc., from roots 588 a, from stem in -tar 588 b, from stems in -san 588 c. Insertion: of 7 in pr. 450 a 3, 451, 456, in plup. 495, in s-aor. 521 a I, 522, in intv. 546, in reduplicative syllable 545; of y between vowels 372; of sibilants 77, 2abc; of t 77, 2 f. Instrumental: sing. m. II. formed in two ways in der. a-stems 372 (also pl.), f. in der. ā-stems 374, m. n. in der. -stems 389, m. f. in der. i-stems 381. Interchange: of vowel and consonant 50 b, 81 e, 469 a 2, 542 b, 573 a; ofr and 7 52 a. Interjections 659; hin com- pounded with Wkr- 653. Jihvāmülīya for final s 78, 2c. Labials 45: 6 often in words of foreign origin 45 b, interchanges with v 45 a 3, in place of m 45 a 5. Lengthening of vowels 81, 1 d, 81, 2 f, 82 b, 224 d 255 b, 313, 315, 318 a 2, 319 a, 329 (N. A. sing. n.), 344 (N. sing.), 354 (N. sing.), 360 (L. sing.), 372 (I. sing.), 513 a (red. aor.), 520 a 2 (s-aor.), 554 and 555 (cs.), 563 a, 565 and 566 (den.). Locative: sing. m. formed in two ways, f. in four ways, in der. i-stems 381, m. in two ways, n. in three ways in der. a-stems 389; San- dhi of locatives in and - 71, 2 b. Haplology 64, 499 (p. 367 note 5). Hiatus 67, 69 a, b, c (duals), | Loss of nasal in pf. 483 a 4; in a-aor. 507; in s-aor. 520 a 3; in pp. 574, 2. Metathesis 50 b, 51 c, 63; in quantity (asthas, ādat etc.) 507 a 4. n- declension: influence on the der. i-declension 380d, on the der. a-declension 371. Nasalization; of vowels 66, 1, 70, 1 b, 70, 2 b, 372 note 5 (p. 256), p. 258 note 3 and note 5; of semivowels 75, of 777, 2 e. Nominal stems, obsolete, pre- served in adverbs 642 da. Nominative: pl. formed in two ways, in der. a-de- clension 372, in der. ā-de- clension, 374, in der. ¿-de- clension 381, in der. z-de- clension 389. Onomatopoetic words 52 f, 659 b; in compounds 251, 5, 650. Palatals: two series 35; new palatals 36, 37, 38; old palatals 40 (ch), 41 (1); new palatals revert to gutturals, in pf. 482 d 2, 492, 495, in root aor. 500 note 19 (p. 367), in des. 542 ca; c becomes & 66b 2; j becomes or # 66 b 2; replaces s 54 a, becomes k before s 54 b, 349 b, be- comes before t th 42 a, 56 a, becomes d before bh 349 b. Parallelism, form due to, 327 (p. 206 note 3), 354 c, náktā N. A. du. 372. Particles: three groups 645; a-, sa-, dus-, su- as first members of compounds 655-658. Participial forms compounded with substantives used ad- verbially 654. Passive: present system 444 -448; aorist 501; past participle formed with -ta 572-575, with -na 576. Perfect: irregularities in the root 483 a; subjunctive 487, injunctive 488, optative 489, imperative 490. Pragrhya vowels: i, u 69 c, 71, 2; e 72, 2, 374 (du. f. of a-stems), o 72, 3. Prakritic words 42 b, 47 B. Precative 417, 489, 504, 511, 517, 525. II. GENERAL INDEX. Prepositions: two classes 592; adverbial, not com- pounded with verbs 593; adnominal, used with cases, 594; accentuation 102, 103, 105, 110 (p. 107). Pronominal declension: in- fluence on nominal 371. Reduction of final a to i 26, a to i 507 a 1, 574, 3, 576 c. 483 b, 484 a I, of medial Reduplicated aorist connected with the causative 513. Reduplication 37 e; aorist 513; rhythmic rule 513 a; intensive 6ob, 545; perfect 62, 482, vowel lengthened 482, irregular 482 d, sylla- ble an- 482 ca, syllable lost 482 e, rhythmic rule 484 a 4 note ¹, note 2. Rhotacism 51 a, 52 a. forms cerebra- N Samprasāraṇa 22, 23, 24, 326 b, 482 b 1, 483 a 1, (cs.) 554 (pp.) 574. 575. Sandhi 31, 2, 38 c, 46 d a, 47 A; duplicate 67 b; initial lized 47 A c; 54 a (s for s), 57 (s for s), 58 and 80 b ( aspirated), 59 and 74 note 5 (7 for d), 62(av), 62, 1 (final group of con- sonants). Semivowels y and v pronoun- ced as iy and v 48 a, with a syllabic value 48 b, lost 62; y inserted be- tween vowels 49 d, inter- changes with v 49 c; interchanges with 6 and 50 a; final 66, 5, indi- cated in the Padapatha 66 b note 10, becomes or s 79, 2 b, c, lost 62, 4; 7 gradually increases at the cost of 7 52 a, in foreign words 52 g, for d in the later Samhitās 52 d, for d 52 e, final / 66 b 5 note 9. Shortening of vowels 81, 2 g (ā, i, 70, Ib and p. 259 note 7 (a before r), 327 (ā in an-stems), 352 (-säh-), 360 (du. of -tar stems), 362 b (ray), 369 (radical ā), 372 (dual ā), 378 (dual 7), p. 277 note 4 (nári-), 381 ( of n. pl.). 453 voiced dental 62, 4 b, ce- rebralized before loss 62, 4 c; palatal spirant (é) before d, dh 62, 4 d. Strong forms: in declension 295 d; in conjugation 449, 483, 494, 498, 501, 520, 528. Subjunctive 414. Suffixes: primary nominal 113 a (list); secondary no- minal 190 (list); adverbial 627-640. Supplementary stems in de- clension 315, 326c, 330 c, 339b, 343 b, 357, 362 a. Svarita accent 83, 84; in Sandhi 108. Syncope 25, 1—3, 324 (-han-), 325, 327, 328 b; 483 a 3 (pf.), 513 a 4 (red. aor.), 542 c 2 (des.), 548 a (intv.). Transfer forms: in declension 313 note 5, 315, 316 (p. 196 note 4), 317 note 7, note ¹¹, 318 a 5, 326 d, 330d, 334 c, 339 c, 341 b, 343 c, 349 c, 351c, 354b, 364b, 375 aa, 378 (p. 275 notes and 276 bottom), 380 c, 381 (f. D. Ab. G. L. sing.), 384 c, 388 d, 389 (G. sing. m., I. du.); in conjugation: 421 a 4, 429 a 3,4, 457 a 8, 463,2, 469a 7, 475 a4, 495, 499 note* (p. 367), 507 a4 (a-aor.). Transfer stems in compounds 254. Udātta accent 83, 84. Unreduplicated perfect forms 482 e, 492 b. Upadhmaniya for final s78, Ic Visarjanîya for final dental s 66, 6 α, 78, 1 c-e; for final ✓ 79, 2 a, d. Vocative: accentuation 93,109; formed with -mas and -vas from-mant, -māms and -vant stems 315, 316, 340, with -vas from van and -vāms stems 331, 348, with -yas from yāms stems 346; final vowel gunated in i stems 381, and z-stems 389. Vowels: e for original as 15 b 1, 62, 4 b; lost 25, 26 a, 563 c, 564 a. Vrddhi 22 a, 25 B, 483 (pf.), 501 (ps. aor.), 520 (s-aor.), 524, 528, 557 (cs.), 578, 2 (gdv.). Sibilant lost: initial and final s and s 62, 2, 78 e 2, 3, 81, 2 a -c; ş and s between mutes 62,3, 355 note 9; s before Weak forms for strong 348. INTRODUCTION General scope of this work I. Verbal Authenticity of the Texts 2. I. PHONOLÓGY — page 5-59 Ancient pronunciation 3. The sounds of the Vedic Language 4. 1. The simple Vowels 6-14. 2. The Diphthongs 15- 16. — Lengthening of Vowels 17.- Loss of Vowels 18. Contraction 19. Hiatus 20. Vowel Gradation 22-29. The Consonants 30-47: Doubling of Con- sonants 30. Modes of Articulation 31. Loss of Aspiration 32. Aspirates in con- tact with other Mutes 33. The five Classes of Mutes 34-45: 1. Gutturals 34. 2. Palatals 35-38.-Irregular Palatalization 39. Old Palatals 40-41. 3. Cerebrals 42-43. 4. Dentals 44. 5. Labials 45. Nasals 46. Cerebral n 47. Semivowels 48—52. Sibilants 53-57.— The Breathing h 58. Cerebral ? 59. Anusvāra and Anunāsika 60. Voiceless Spirants 61. -Loss of Consonants 62. Metathesis 63. Syllable 64. II. EUPHONIC COMBINATION (SANDHI) page 59-76. Nature of Vedic Sandhi 65. Finals in pausā 66. Rules of Sandhi 67. Lengthening of Final Vowels 68.-Con- traction of Similar Vowels 69. Con- traction of a with Dissimilar Vowels 70. Final 2 and ≈ before Dissimilar Vowels 71. Final e and o 72. The Diphthongs ai and au 73. Sandhi of Consonants 74. Sandhi of Final m 75; of Final t 76; of Final n 77; of Final s 78; of Final r 79. Initial Aspiration 80. Sandhi of Componnds 81. - Extension of External to Internal Sandhi 82. - - - - - - - • - 1 - - CONTENTS. page 1-5 IV. NOMINAL STEM FORMATION page 107-143. Primary and Secondary Suffixes 112. 1. Primary Nominal Derivation: Action Nouns and Agent Nouns 113. I. Pri- mary Nominal Suffixes 114-189. 2. Secondary Nominal Derivation: Form and Meaning 190.- Secondary Nominal Suffixes 191-240. - - · - III. ACCENT. page 76-107 General Character of the Vedic Accent 83. Methods of Marking the Accent 84. Normal Accent, Double Accent, Lack of Accent 85. I. Accentuation of Nominal Stems 86. 2. Accentuation of Compounds 87: of Iteratives 88; of Go- verning Compounds 89; of Possessives 90; of Determinatives 91 ; of Copulatives 92. — 3. Accent in Declension 93-94.-4. Verbal Accent 95-101. 5. Accent of Nominal Verb forms 102—107.—6. Accent in Sandhi 108. 7. Sentence Accent 109-11I. - -- V. COMPOUNDS page 143-178 A. First Mem- Form of Compounds 241. ber of Compounds 242-251. B. Last Member of Compounds 252-256.-Classi- fication of Compounds 257: 1. Iteratives 258. 2. Copulatives (Dvandvas) 259- 268. 3. Determinatives 269-284. 4. Possessives (Bahuvrihis) 285-291. 5. Governing Compounds 292. - 6. Syn- tactical Compounds 293. VI. DECLENSION. page 178-312. General Character 294. I. NOUNS 295. A. Consonant Stems 296—365. I. Pala- tal Stems 297-303. 2. Cerebral Stems 304. 3. Dental Stems 305-333: Stems in -t 306-308. — Derivate Stems in -vat, -tat, -it, -ut and secondary - 309-310. Participial Stems in-at and-ant 311-314.- Stems in -mant and -vant 315-316. Stems in Radical -th 317. Stems in -d 318-320. Stems in dh 321-322. Stems in Radical -n 323-324- vative Stems in -an, -man, -van 325-331. Stems in -in, -min, -vin 332-333- 4. Labial Stems 334-338. — 5. Stems in Sibilants 339-350: in Radical -s and -s 339-340, in Derivative -is and -us 341- 342, in Derivative -as 343-344, in-yāms 345 346, in -vāms 347-348, in Radical - 349-350. 6. Stems in Radical h 351 352. 7. Stems in Semivowels 353-365: in Radical - 354-355, in Deri- vative -ar and -tar 356—360, in -y (-āy) and -v (-av and-āv) 361-365.-B. Vowel Stems 366-389. I a. Stems in Radical -ā 367— 368.-1 b. Stems in Radical -a 369—370.- 2 a. Stems in Derivative -a 371-372. 2 b. Stems in Derivative -ā 373-374. 3 a. Stems in Radical - 375-376. 3 b. Stems in Derivative - 377—378. 4 a. Stems in Radical -i 379. — 4 b. Stems in Derivative -i 380-381. — 5 a. Radical - stems 382-383. 5 b. Derivative - . - - - - - — www.m - Deri456 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. CONTENTS. - - stems 384-385. 6 a. Radical -u stems 386 387. 6 b. Derivative -u stems 388 389. II. PRONOUNS 390-403: 1. Personal 391.. 2. Demonstrative 392-396. 3. Inter- rogative 397. 4. Relative 398. 5. In- definite 399. 6. Reflexive 400. 7. Possessive 401. 8. Pronominal Deri- vatives and Compounds 402. 9. Pro- nominal Adjectives 403. III. THE AORIST SYSTEM 497-536. Characteristics 497. 1. Simple Aorist: A. Root Aorist 498-506; B. a-Aorist 507- 512.2. Reduplicated Aorist 513-518.- 3. Sigmatic Aorist 519: A. 1. The s-Aorist 520-527. A. 2. The iş-Aorist 528- 533. A. 3. The sis-Aorist 534.- B. The sa-Aorist 535-536. IV. THE FUTURE SYSTEM 537-540. III. NUMERALS 404-409. A. Cardinals 405-407. · B. Ordinals 408. C. Nu- meral Derivatives 409. Formation of the Stem 537. Subjunctive, Conditional, Participles 538.- Indicative 539. Periphrastic Future 540. VII. THE VERB V. SECONDARY CONJUGATION 541-570.- 1. Desiderative 542-544. page 312-414 2. Intensive General Characteristics 410. A. THE 545-551. 3. Causative 552-561. FINITE VERB 411-570. Personal Endings 4. Denominative 562-570. 412. The Augment 413. Formation B. NOMINAL VERB FORMS 571-591. of the Moods: Subjunctive 414, Injunctive Characteristics 571. a. Past Passive 415, Optative 416, Precative 417, Impera- Participles 572-576. — b. Future Passive tive 418. Participles (Gerundives) 577-581.-c. In- finitive 582-588: 1. Dative Infinitive 583-585.-2. Accusative Infinitive 586.- 3. Ablative-Genitive Infinitive 587. 4. Locative Infinitive 588. d. Gerund 589-591. I. THE PRESENT SYSTEM 419-480. Characteristics 419. a. First or a-Con- jugation 420-448: Characteristics 420. 1. The Radically accented a-Class (bháva-) 421-428. 2. The Suffixally accented á-Class (tudá-) 429-436. 3. The ya- Class 437: A. The Radically accented ya- Class 438-443. B. The Suffixally accented yá-Class (Passive) 444—448. b. The Second or Graded Conjugation 449-480. a 1. The Root Class 450- a 2. The Reduplicating Class 457- 1. The Infixing Nasal Class 463- 2. The nu-Class 469-474- 83. The na-Class 475-480. 456. 462. 468. 11. THE PERFECT SYSTEM 481-496. Characteristics 481. 1. The Reduplica- tive Syllable 482. 2. The Root 483. 3. The Endings 484. Perfect Indicative 485. Moods of the Perfect 486-490. Perfect Participle 491—493. Pluperfect 494 495. Periphrastic Perfect 496. - - - - - - - - — - " - M - - - - - - - - The printing was commenced in May, 1907, and afterwards delayed by the death of the editor Prof. Kielhorn. ♥ - VIII. INDECLINABLES page 414-432. I. Prepositions 592-625: A. Adverbial Prepositions 593-608. B. Adnominal Prepositions 609-625. 2. Adverbs 626-644: A. Adverbial Suffixes (in alphabetical order) 627-640. — B. Ad- verbial Case-forms (in the order of the cases) 641-644- — · 3. Particles 645-658: emphatic 646, con- junctional 647, negative 648. — a. Ad- verbial Words in Compounds 649-658. 4. Interjections 659. ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS SANSKRIT INDEX GENERAL INDEX TABLE OF CONTENTS - U page 433 436 "" 437 451 455

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↑ 1
↑ 2
↑ 3
↑ 4
↑ 5
↑ 6
↑ Cp. Benfey, GGA. 1852, ii4f.; Weber, IS. 2, 28; Wacicernagel I, 188 (illegible text),.
↑ See Whitney on APr. 1. 26.
↑ See above 48 a..
↑ *4 Cp. Wackernagel I, 196; Brugmann, KG. I, 148 and 155.
↑ See 45 a, 3.
↑ 49 c.
↑ 46 c.
↑ This seems to point to fluctuation in the IE. pronunciation; cp. Wackernagel I, 201 b.
↑ See Wackernagel I, 210.
↑ Cp. above 54 a, and below 78, 2.
↑ See below 56.
↑ Cp. 40.
↑ Cp. Wackernagel I, 202 b; and below p. 48, note Ύ.
↑ Cp. op. cit. I, 116 b.
↑ Cp. Bartholomae, Studien zur indo-germanischen Sprachgeschichte 2, 103.
↑ The change does not take place in, some forms of the perfect of sic- 'pour' : sisice (III. 32^I5), sisicur (II. 24⁴), beside ''siṣicatur.
↑ iḥ and uḥ produce the same effect as simple i and u, as they were originally pronounced as iṣ and uṣ (cp. Sandhi, p. 71, e 2); e. g. agní(ṣ) ṣṭave; yáju(ṣ) ṣkannám.
↑ 2 Cp. Wackernagel I. 207 b.
↑ Cp. Whitney on APr. I. 13 and TPr. II. 47.
↑ See RPr. I. 12; XII. 2; APr. I. 13.
↑ See below I b.
↑ See below, Sandhi, 66.
↑ Ibid, b 6, S.
↑ The combination lh is rare; it is found in upa-valh- (VS.) 'test by riddles'; vihálha- (AV.), of unknown meaning; and in the Kānva recension of the VS. as representing ḍh.
↑ Cp. 36. This h being related to gh as j is to g, it must represent IE. gh. This survives, with loss of the aspiration, in jahí (= IIr. jha-dhi), 2. sing. impv. of han- 'strike'.
↑ Cp. 41.
↑ For further details see Haxjg 35 — 42.
↑ On a few doubtful instances see Wackernagel 2¹, p. 109 (bottom).
↑ For other names see WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 273 (107 a, note).
↑ For several other examples formed with visvá- see WHITNEY 1294 b.
↑ Cp. p. 145, note 3.
↑ Cp. WHITNEY 1298.
↑ The sense is thus identical with verbal determinatives or verbally governing compounds such as vājam-bhará- and bharád-vaja 'bearing booty'. In viti-hotra- 'having an invitation sacrifice' 'inviting to sacrifice', a stem in -ti is used almost like a past participle in -ta; cp. vitá-havya- as a name.
↑ Cp. WHITNEY 1299 a.
↑ Cp. WHITNEY 1299 b.
↑ Here a pronoun appears instead of a substantive in the first member.
↑ Here the first member retains the -s of the nom. surviving from the use of the two words in syntactical juxtaposition; the first member also is used substantively in this compound.
↑ On eka-pará- (said of dice) see now LÜDERS, Das Würfelspiel im alten Indien (Abh. d. K. Ges. der Wiss. zu Göttingen 9, 2) p. 64.
↑ According to WHITNEY on AV. v. 1¹; BR., pw. 'lacking speech'; LUDWIG 'of distinguished meditations'.
↑ ṛdhát- is an aorist participle of ṛdh- 'increase'.
↑ These compounds formed with the root añc- will, owing to the peculiar changes which the stem undergoes, be treated apart from other words ending in radical t.
↑ As a masculine.
↑ Cp. Brugmann, kg. 211.
↑ Several roots of this class show transfers to the a- conjugation: cp. Whitney 625a.
↑ The RV. has once 2. sing, sto-ṣi (X. 22⁴), a form which Avery 275 takes to be a 3. sing. aor. pass, injunctive.
↑ Vṛddhi on the other hand once appears even in the weak form 3. pi. impf. anāvan. On the Vṛddhi in these verbs, cp. v. Negelein 10 a.
↑ Though not found in the AV., sácă survives in the TB. (1. 2. 1p8).
↑ Cp. BR. and GRASSMANN, s. v.
↑ On other adverbs of similar meaning,with case-endings (samáyā, sarátham) used prepositionally, see WHITNEY 1127.
↑ sumád also appears as the first member of a componnd in sumád-amšu-, sumád-gaṇa-, sumád-ratha-.
↑ smád also appears as the first member of six or seven compounds.

[1] 1

[2] 2

[3] 3

[4] 4

[5] 5

[6] 6

[7] Cp. Benfey, GGA. 1852, ii4f.; Weber, IS. 2, 28; Wacicernagel I, 188 (illegible text),.

[8] See Whitney on APr. 1. 26.

[9] See above 48 a..

[10] *4 Cp. Wackernagel I, 196; Brugmann, KG. I, 148 and 155.

[11] See 45 a, 3.

[12] 49 c.

[13] 46 c.

[14] This seems to point to fluctuation in the IE. pronunciation; cp. Wackernagel I, 201 b.

[15] See Wackernagel I, 210.

[16] Cp. above 54 a, and below 78, 2.

[17] See below 56.

[18] Cp. 40.

[19] Cp. Wackernagel I, 202 b; and below p. 48, note Ύ.

[20] Cp. op. cit. I, 116 b.

[21] Cp. Bartholomae, Studien zur indo-germanischen Sprachgeschichte 2, 103.

[22] The change does not take place in, some forms of the perfect of sic- 'pour' : sisice (III. 32^I5), sisicur (II. 24⁴), beside ''siṣicatur.

[23] ḥ and uḥ produce the same effect as simple i and u, as they were originally pronounced as iṣ and uṣ (cp. Sandhi, p. 71, e 2); e. g. agní(ṣ) ṣṭave; yáju(ṣ) ṣkannám.

[24] 2 Cp. Wackernagel I. 207 b.

[25] Cp. Whitney on APr. I. 13 and TPr. II. 47.

[26] See RPr. I. 12; XII. 2; APr. I. 13.

[27] See below I b.

[28] See below, Sandhi, 66.

[29] Ibid, b 6, S.

[30] The combination lh is rare; it is found in upa-valh- (VS.) 'test by riddles'; vihálha- (AV.), of unknown meaning; and in the Kānva recension of the VS. as representing ḍh.

[31] Cp. 36. This h being related to gh as j is to g, it must represent IE. gh. This survives, with loss of the aspiration, in jahí (= IIr. jha-dhi), 2. sing. impv. of han- 'strike'.

[32] Cp. 41.

[33] For further details see Haxjg 35 — 42.

[34] On a few doubtful instances see Wackernagel 2¹, p. 109 (bottom).

[35] For other names see WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 273 (107 a, note).

[36] For several other examples formed with visvá- see WHITNEY 1294 b.

[37] Cp. p. 145, note 3.

[38] Cp. WHITNEY 1298.

[39] The sense is thus identical with verbal determinatives or verbally governing compounds such as vājam-bhará- and bharád-vaja 'bearing booty'. In viti-hotra- 'having an invitation sacrifice' 'inviting to sacrifice', a stem in -ti is used almost like a past participle in -ta; cp. vitá-havya- as a name.

[40] Cp. WHITNEY 1299 a.

[41] Cp. WHITNEY 1299 b.

[42] Here a pronoun appears instead of a substantive in the first member.

[43] Here the first member retains the -s of the nom. surviving from the use of the two words in syntactical juxtaposition; the first member also is used substantively in this compound.

[44] On eka-pará- (said of dice) see now LÜDERS, Das Würfelspiel im alten Indien (Abh. d. K. Ges. der Wiss. zu Göttingen 9, 2) p. 64.

[45] According to WHITNEY on AV. v. 1¹; BR., pw. 'lacking speech'; LUDWIG 'of distinguished meditations'.

[46] ṛdhát- is an aorist participle of ṛdh- 'increase'.

[47] These compounds formed with the root añc- will, owing to the peculiar changes which the stem undergoes, be treated apart from other words ending in radical t.

[48] As a masculine.

[49] Cp. Brugmann, kg. 211.

[50] Several roots of this class show transfers to the a- conjugation: cp. Whitney 625a.

[51] The RV. has once 2. sing, sto-ṣi (X. 22⁴), a form which Avery 275 takes to be a 3. sing. aor. pass, injunctive.

[52] Vṛddhi on the other hand once appears even in the weak form 3. pi. impf. anāvan. On the Vṛddhi in these verbs, cp. v. Negelein 10 a.

[53] Though not found in the AV., sácă survives in the TB. (1. 2. 1p8).

[54] Cp. BR. and GRASSMANN, s. v.

[55] On other adverbs of similar meaning,with case-endings (samáyā, sarátham) used prepositionally, see WHITNEY 1127.

[56] sumád also appears as the first member of a componnd in sumád-amšu-, sumád-gaṇa-, sumád-ratha-.

[57] smád also appears as the first member of six or seven compounds.

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